We have to take up now the problem of individual art styles. The
general formal elements of which we spoke before, namely symmetry,
rhythm, and emphasis or delimitation of form, do not describe
adequately a specific style, for they underlie all forms of ornamental
art. Representative art is more apt to develop differential features,
for in each area symbolic, perspective and wavering representations
have peculiar, pronounced characteristics. The principles of symbolic
selection and the method of composition help to individualize
representative art forms; but, besides these, many formal elements
are integral parts of every art style and these give it its most
specific character. The New Zealander, the Melanesian, the African,
the Northwest American, the Eskimo,—all are in the habit of carving
human figures in the round. They are all representative, and still the
provenience of each is easily determined on account of very definite
formal characteristics.
We shall direct our attention to an elucidation of the principles by
which art styles may be described. We shall also ask ourselves, in how
far the historical and psychological conditions under which art styles
grow up and flourish may be understood.
It will be well to begin with a simple problem. We have seen that we
may consider as works of art undecorated implements made by a perfectly
controlled technique,—in other words made by a virtuoso. Such are
polished stone axes, chipped arrow or lance heads, iron spear heads,
spoons, boxes; in short, any object of daily use, provided only the
form which we may recognize as conceived in crude specimens, is worked
out in a perfect technique. Objects of this kind, used for the same
purposes, have not by any means the same form everywhere. The specimens
accumulated in ethnological museums prove that, until very recent
times, before contamination by European wares, each locality, and
also each cultural period had developed fixed types that were rigidly
adhered to.
This observation is illustrated by the utensils of prehistoric times as
well as by those collected among the primitive tribes of our times. The
throwing sticks of the Eskimo may serve as an example. They are used to
give greater impetus to the hand-thrown weapon. The principle of their
use is the same among all the Eskimo tribes, but they present highly
specialized local forms, so distinct in appearance that each type may
with certainty be assigned to the region from which it comes (fig. 132).
[Illustration: Fig. 132. Throwing sticks of the Eskimo; _a_, Greenland;
_b_, Ungava Bay; _c_, Cumberland Sound; _d_, Point Barrow; _e_, Alaska
(exact location doubtful); _f_, Cape Nome.]
For the purpose of our inquiry it is important to understand the
reasons that bring about this fixity of type. In a tool like the
throwing stick it is obviously related to the manner of its use. The
clumsy board of Baffinland must feel unwieldy to the hand of a native
who has learned to handle the narrow, pegged stick from Bering Sea. The
adaptation of the hand to the handle does not permit the use of forms
that require unusual muscular movements which would lessen the accuracy
and ease of use. Therefore the variations of form are confined within
the limits established by the fixed motor habits of the people. Even if
a variation of form should appeal to the eye, it will not be adopted if
it should require a new adjustment of the hands. The more fundamental
the motor habits that determine the form of the implement, the less
likely will be a deviation from the customary type.
The motor habits which find expression in the forms of utensils are in
part highly specialized,—like those required for the effective use of
the throwing sticks just referred to,—but others are much more general
in character, and it would seem as though large divisions of mankind
were characterised by habits of this kind which influence the forms of
their implements and household goods. The restriction to the islands
of the Pacific Ocean of the process of producing fire by ploughing;
the areas of different types of arrow release described by Edward S.
Morse; the extended use of throwing clubs in Africa and their relative
insignificance in many parts of America are other examples of this kind.
A curious instance of the stability of motor habits is found among the
Eskimo; notwithstanding their great inventiveness the ancient Eskimo
does not seem to have used the saw for cutting large bones. The cutting
was always done by drilling holes close together along the line on
which the bone was to be divided. When enough holes had been drilled
the parts were separated by a blow of a hammer or by means of a wedge;
it seems that saws of flaked stone were entirely unknown to these
people.
Another instance may be cited; the Indians of the North Pacific Coast,
from southern Alaska to central Vancouver Island, do not practice
the art of stone chipping and flaking. All their stone work was made
either in tough stones that are handled by sawing, battering, pecking
and polishing, or in soft stones that can be cut with a knife and
rubbed down with polishing materials. The beautiful chipped blades,
characteristic of their Eskimo neighbors in the north and their Indian
neighbors on the interior plateaus and of the southern coast tribes,
are missing here entirely.
Similar observations may be made in regard to the handling of the
knife. The North American woodcarver of modern times uses principally
the crooked knife, the blade of which forms part of a spiral surface.
Archaeological specimens of this type are rare[86] so that it is
not certain whether this method of cutting was extensively used in
olden times. At present it is undoubtedly distributed over the whole
continent.[87] The knife is used like a spoke-shave, being drawn
towards the body. In Africa, on the other hand, carving is done with
a rasp and a straight[88] double-bladed knife. I find the use of a
crooked, sickle shaped knife mentioned only once, as being applied
to the shaving down of an arrow shaft and, presumably, to similar
purposes. Schweinfurth[89] mentions that the Mangbattu are the only
people in the regions he visited,—including even Egyptians—, who are
familiar with the use of the single-edged carving knife, while all the
others use the double-edged knife. Of the Ila speaking people it is
also said that they use a spear blade for carving[90].
[86] Harlan I. Smith, Archaeology of the Thompson River Region, Publ.
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, fig. 352 _d_, p. 418; James
Teit, The Thompson Indians, _ibid._ figs. 125, 126. p. 184; perhaps
also the beaver tooth knife, _ibid._ fig. 49, p. 144.
[87] Otis T. Mason, Report U. S. National Museum, 1897, pt. 1, pp. 725
et seq.
[88] M. Weiss, Die Völkerstämme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas, p. 421 et
seq.; also G. Tessmann, Die Pangwe, p. 222; Jan Czekanowski (Ruanda) l.
c. (see p. 111) p. 155.
[89] G. Schweinfurth, Im Herzen von Afrika, 3d ed. p. 349.
[90] E. W. Smith and A. M. Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern
Rhodesia, Vol. I, p. 199.
Another example illustrating our point is presented by the hammers
used by the Indians of the northwest coast of North America. The coast
tribes of Washington use a hand hammer made of a single bowlder with a
lateral striking head, the tribes of Vancouver Island, a hand hammer
also made of a single bowlder, with a cylindrical shaft and a flat
striking head at the lower end[91]; those of northern British Columbia
a heavy hammerstone lashed to a large wooden handle.
[91] Franz Boas, The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, Publications of the
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. 5, pp. 314 et seq.
In another way habits of movement or position find expression in
household furniture and dress. Tribes among which squatting on the
ground is habitual do not use stools or chairs. Those in the habit of
lying on their sides do not use neck rests which are found among people
with elaborate hair dress that lie on their backs.
The clothing of women is adapted to the manner in which they carry
their children. The hood of the Eskimo woman of Baffinland accommodates
the child that is carried on the back. The wide boot of the women of
Southampton Island and of the ancient styles of Hudson Strait served to
protect the child that was carried on the hip.
It is hardly likely that the habits of the people originated from forms
of the household goods they used. It is much more probable that the
inventions were determined by older habits. In later times the relation
may have been reversed, in so far as each generation stabilizes its
habits in accordance with the objects to which it is accustomed.
A similar permanence of form of utensils which are adjusted to definite
motor habits exists in modern times, as is illustrated by the rigidity
of form of many tradesmen’s tools or the permanence of the keyboard of
the piano.
The same conservatism, although based on the training of another sense
organ, is found in the stability of the forms of the letters of our
alphabet. In writing, both the firmly established motor habits and
the fixity of the associations between visual image and form, help to
stabilize old forms and to make difficult innovations.
The stability of language is another phenomenon of the same kind.
The fundamental phonetic characteristics of a language are based on
motor habits; the use of vocabulary and of grammatical forms partly on
auditory associations. In all these cases; in the use of tools, forms
and language the mind becomes so thoroughly adjusted to the use of
definite motor habits, and to certain types of association between
sense impressions and definite activities, that a resistance to change
appears as the most natural mental attitude; if for no other reason,
because it requires the effort of unlearning and relearning. It must be
understood that this does not imply an absolute stability, which does
not exist, but merely the individual resistance to sudden changes.
In another way this resistance is expressed through an emotional
attachment to customary forms. In the domain of tools it is perhaps
not so much the pleasure of play that induces man to bestow much labor
upon the manufacture of his utensils, as rather the love of the special
tool that he is using, a love that implies pleasure in the customary
movements as well as in the form of the implement. This mental attitude
is one of the most important sources of the conservatism in the form
of objects of use, and of the tendency to give to them the greatest
possible technical excellence. The intensity of the emotional relation
between a person and his tool is naturally greatest when maker and
user are the same person; it must decay with the ease with which
substitutes are obtained. Here is one of the causes of the rapid decay
in the beauty of form of native utensils as soon as European tools and
manufactures are introduced.
While the lack of variation in the forms of utensils, and their
regional characterisation are often expressions of definite motor
habits, or of other sensory reactions that are firmly associated
with useful activities which have become culturally fixed, there are
other cases in which conservative retention of form may not be thus
explained. This is true particularly when the use of an object does
not depend to any considerable extent upon its form. Whether a basket
is round or oblong, angular or without corners does not influence the
mode of its use, unless it serves as a carrying basket. Still, in many
cases the familiarity established through long use of the objects
may readily lead to an emotional attachment that finds expression
in permanence of form, and in the refusal to accept new, unfamiliar
shapes for every day use, an emotional resistance to change that may
be variously expressed,—as a feeling of impropriety of certain forms;
of a particular social or religious value, or of superstitious fear of
change. Permanence of form is also favored by the participation of many
individuals in the manufacture of objects. In most cases every person
supplies his own needs. The number of original minds is certainly no
larger in primitive society than in our own, although I do not believe
that it is any smaller. The bulk of the makers of objects of every day
use are, therefore, imitators, not originators, and the mass of uniform
material that is in use and constantly seen will restrict the free
play of imagination of the original minds. The desire for deliberate
attempts to create something novel, that characterises the industries
of our times, is not present, just as little as it is present among our
peasants, so far as they are uncontaminated by city influences. I do
not mean to imply that primitive forms are absolutely stable. Nothing
could be farther from the truth; but the conscious striving for change
that characterizes our fashions, is rare. We are also conservative in
forms, a modification of which would require fundamental changes of
habits.
The stability of the inner arrangements of houses, notwithstanding
all variations in detail; the adherence to types of windows used in
different countries; the forms of churches, our localized food habits
are all examples of a considerable degree of conservatism. This
prevails also at least in part, in the fundamental patterns of male and
female attire.
Conservatism of form makes itself felt in many cases in which an object
is made of new material. The relinquishment of the old material may
be due to lack of an adequate supply of the old material, or it may
be an innovation due to an inner creative impulse. It constitutes
a break with the past. The old forms, however, are often retained.
Such substitutions are the more liable to occur the more plastic the
new material. Pottery, to a lesser extent wood, and also stone are
the principal materials in which forms can be imitated in the round.
Particularly pottery lends itself readily to the manufacture of a great
variety of forms. When the necessary skill in tempering the clay, in
modeling and firing has been attained, the opportunity is presented
for copying a great variety of forms. Thus we find shell dishes and
spoons, gourd vessels and basket forms imitated in pottery. We still
continue doing so. We have in our China ware innumerable instances of
copies of even the finest fabrics. In Africa we find clay lamps which
are evidently derived from the forms of bronze lamps of antiquity
in which the complicated feet are imitations of wire work, and many
pottery vessels seem to be copies of baskets. For instance, the handled
ceremonial clay dishes of the Pueblo Indians look more like baskets
than like pottery forms.
On account of the great frequency of imitative forms in pottery the
theory has been advanced, that all pottery forms must have originated
from prototypes that were first made in some other technique. Professor
Schuchardt[92] assumes that the first neolithic forms which are
pointed at the base, must be copies of bottles made of hide. Cushing
and Holmes[93] have advocated the theory that pottery and pottery
designs developed from basketry, that pots were first of all modeled
over a basket and that the basket with its clay cover was then fired.
The basket was thus burnt and the clay vessel remained in the form of
the basket. In corroboration of this theory it has been pointed out
that actually clay covered baskets have been found, on the surface of
which the ornamental pattern that is usually found on the basket is
painted on the clay. These attempts do not seem to me convincing. The
oldest pottery that we know is very crude and does not recall any other
technical form. The Eskimo made clay lamps of unbaked clay that seems
to be merely squeezed into shape. It seems much more likely that the
firing of clay was discovered when foods were cooked on clayey soil or
in pits in clayey ground, than that baskets should be made watertight
by an application of clay and that the basket, the making of which is
a laborious process, should then have been intentionally destroyed.
However, I do not wish to introduce a new unproven theory in place of
others. For our purpose it is sufficient to recognize the frequent
copies of natural and technical forms in pottery.
[92] Carl Schuchardt, Alteuropa, Berlin 1919, p. 44.
[93] W. H. Holmes, Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in
Ceramic Art, Frank Hamilton Cushing, A Study of Pueblo Pottery; Fourth
Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1886. There is, however,
evidence that pots were moulded on baskets, then removed and fired.
The same happens, although not quite so extensively in wood carving and
even in stone work, particularly in soft stones that may be worked with
a knife. Wooden copies of objects made of buffalo horn occur in Africa.
Many of the beautifully carved wooden goblets from the Congo region
look to me like pottery vessels, held in place by stone supports.
Carvings in wood imitate forms made by joining pieces together. In some
regions we find stone vessels of the same form that is usually used for
wooden ones. Best known among imitative stone forms are the prehistoric
European stone axes which are copies of the forms of bronze weapons
that were in use in more southern regions, or the stone settees of
ancient South America, copies of wooden seats.
We have spoken so far only of the general forms of the objects, not
of decoration or ornament. We have seen in our discussion of the
purely formal elements that the technique will sometimes bring about
patterns on the surfaces of the manufactured objects. We mentioned
the patterns produced by flaking of stone, by adzing and by weaving
with coarse material. The importance of these surface patterns for
the development or ornament can hardly be overstated. When a large
board is adzed, the workman must shift his position in order to cover
the whole board. According to the way he moves, different patterns of
adjoining surfaces may develop. Much more important are the patterns
that naturally develop when a weaver plays with his technique, that
is when he or she is no longer satisfied with the simple weaving up
and down, but begins to skip strands and thus introduces more complex
rhythms of movement. The solidity of the fabric requires alternations
of skipping and thus the twilling leads immediately to diagonal surface
patterns. The more complex the rhythmic movements, the more complex
will also be the patterns. The attempt has been made to trace the
origin of all important decorative patterns to this source. I presume
this is an exaggeration, because other conditions may as well lead to
the discovery of designs. I say advisedly discovery, not invention,
for I believe, with those investigators who would derive all patterns
from weaving, that intentional invention is less important than the
discovery of possibilities which come to be observed as an effect of
the play, particularly the rhythmic play with technical processes.
I presume that the occurrence of a number of simple ornamental elements
may be explained as technically determined. We have seen before that
the straight line and the regular curve such as circle and spiral
presuppose an accurate technique, that they are too rare in nature to
be considered as representative in character. The straight line may
be the result of cutting, folding or splitting some kinds of wood, of
the use of reeds or similar materials, of stretching fibres and of
many other processes. Circles may originate by the regular turning of
coiled basketry and of coiled pottery: spirals by the laying of coarse
coils. Weaving in coarse material leads to rectangular figures, to
checker patterns, steplike diagonals and to many other complicated
forms. Tying with cord produces straight lines intersecting at various
angles and also parallel, circular and spiral forms. We may confidently
claim independent origin in separate areas for the triangular design in
basketry (fig. 104 _a_, _b_, p. 109); for simple radial forms in coiled
basketry placques; for the swastika cross, the meander and for many
other simple forms, like the spirals of prehistoric Bohemia; of eastern
Siberia; of Melanesia and of ancient New Mexico; in the sameness of
design elements from Africa and America; in the occurrence of the
circle and central dot in prehistoric Europe and among the Eskimo.
The principle of symmetry, of balance, of rhythmic repetition and of
emphasis laid upon prominent points or lines apply to all kinds of
technique and many lead to parallel developments.
We have seen that in some cases, simple elements which develop
independently, possess stylistic peculiarities that differentiate
one locality from another. But even if the forms are identical, the
arrangement in the decorative field is liable to give a specific form
to the art of each locality.
The negroes of the Congo present an excellent example of the transfer
of design from one technique to another. Their woven patterns consist
largely of intersecting bands, imitating the interweaving of broad
bands. These motives appear in most of the decorative work of these
tribes. Their embroidered pile cloth (fig. 133) imitates the interwoven
patterns; they reappear on their wood carvings, particularly on their
goblets (see fig. 52, p. 59), and on carvings on buffalo horns.
[Illustration: Fig. 133. Pile cloth, Congo.]
Interwoven bands that look like imitations of coarse weaving are also
very common in American art. They are found in many parts of South
America and among the Pueblo Indians. Some of the wood carving of Tonga
is evidently influenced in style by the artistic methods of tying,
which are highly developed in the islands of the Pacific Ocean.
Granting all this, it still remains obscure why there should be that
degree of individualization of style that is actually observed even
where similar technical processes prevail. The Indians of Guiana and
the Indonesians use the same methods of weaving in rather broad, stiff
materials. The technical conditions controlling their basketry work are
practically the same. Nevertheless the styles of art they use are quite
distinctive.
We conclude from this that besides the influence of the technique
there must be some other causes that determine the individual style of
each area. I doubt very much that it will ever be possible to give a
satisfactory explanation of the origin of these styles, just as little
as we can discover all the psychological and historical conditions that
determine the development of language, social structure, mythology or
religion. All these are so exceedingly complex in their growth that
even at best we can do no more than hope to unravel some of the threads
that are woven into the present fabric and determine some of the lines
of behavior that may help us to realize what is happening in the minds
of the people.
We have to turn our attention first of all to the artist himself.
Heretofore we have considered only the work of art without any
reference to the maker. Only in the case of slovenly work have we
referred to the artisan. It has appeared that his behavior as revealed
in his work helped us to understand the fate of the designs. We may
hope, therefore, that in the broader question also knowledge of the
attitude and actions of the artist will contribute to a clearer
understanding of the history of art styles. Unfortunately, observations
on this subject are very rare and unsatisfactory, for it requires an
intimate knowledge of the people to understand the innermost thoughts
and feelings of the artist. Even with thorough knowledge the problem is
exceedingly difficult, for the mental processes of artistic production
do not take place in the full light of consciousness. The highest type
of artistic production is there, and its creator does not know whence
it comes. It would be an error to assume that this attitude is absent
among tribes whose artistic productions seem to us so much bound by
a hard and fast style that there is little room for the expression of
individual feeling and for the freedom of the creative genius. I recall
the instance of an Indian from Vancouver Island who was suffering of
a lingering malady that confined him to his bed. He had been a good
painter but his productions did not differ stylistically in any way
from those of his tribe. During his long illness he would sit on
his bed, holding his brush between his lips, silent and apparently
oblivious of his surroundings. He could hardly be induced to speak,
but when he spoke he dilated upon his visions of designs that he could
no longer execute. Undoubtedly his was the mind and the attitude of a
true, inspired artist.
The general character of the artistic productions of man, the world
over, shows that the style has the power of limiting the inventiveness
of the productive artist; for, if we grant that potential genius like
the one just described is born in all cultures, then the uniformity of
art forms in a given tribe can be understood only by these limitations.
The restriction of inventiveness is not due, as might perhaps be
supposed, to the habit of copying old designs and to a sluggishness
of the imagination of the artisan who finds it easier to copy than to
invent. On the contrary, primitive artists hardly ever copy. Only in
very exceptional cases are found working designs such as we employ in
embroidery, dressmaking, woodcarving and architecture. The work is
laid out in the mind of the maker before he begins and is a direct
realization of the mental image. In the process of carrying out such
a plan technical difficulties may arise that compel him to alter his
intentions. Such instances can easily be discovered in the finished
product and are highly instructive, because they throw a strong light
upon the mental processes of the workman. We may see particularly
in richly decorated basketry how such difficulties arise and what
influence they exert upon the development of the design.
Even in the making of mass products, like the pottery which we
described before, (pp. 132 et seq.) copying is evidently not
practised. The patterns are so simple and require only a small number
of standardized movements which are combined in a variety of ways.
The method of work corresponds strictly to our method of writing in
which also a number of standardized movements occur in a multitude of
combinations.
Although the artisan works without copying, his imagination never
rises beyond the level of the copyist, for he merely uses familiar
motives composed in customary ways. It does not require much practice
to learn how to carry out such simple work without patterns. The method
of procedure is the same as that followed in European folk art. The
embroidered or woven patterns, the wood carvings of European peasants
are not copies of patterns but the results of individual composition.
Pattern books appear only at a time when the folk art is decadent.
Therefore, notwithstanding the rigidity of style it would be difficult
to find two objects that have identical ornamentation.
When designs are very complex, and rigid symmetry or accurate rhythmic
repetitions are required, we find sometimes the use of stencils. It
does also happen, that one person plans a design and another executes
it. In these cases actual copying may occur; both of these instances
are rare in primitive culture and do not modify the general picture as
here outlined.
It is interesting to hear the opinions of individuals who create new
designs. We have already seen that the novelty consists generally in
the combination of old pattern elements in new ways. Nevertheless, the
authors of these designs are convinced that they have created something
new. I have information on the attitude of these artists only from the
North American Indians. They call designs of this kind “dream designs”,
and claim that the new pattern actually appeared to them in a dream.
This explanation of the origin of the new form is remarkably uniform
over the whole continent. It has been recorded on the Great Plains,
on the north western Plateaus and among the Pueblo Indians. There is
little doubt but that this is merely another term for invention. It
expresses a strong power of visualization which manifests itself when
the person is alone and at rest, when he can give free play to the
imagination. Perhaps the artists have greater eidetic power than most
adults among ourselves. The few individuals who create new forms in
this manner have probably a good control over the technique and wide
command over a multitude of current forms. In the one case which has
been investigated with some care by James Teit the woman who created
new basketry patterns was also one of the best technicians and had full
command over the greatest variety of forms.
When the patterns made by individual artists are compared, it is seen
that the number of designs made by different individuals differs very
considerably. Some have command of the full range of forms, while
others are satisfied with a small number which they repeat over and
over again.
The controlling power of a strong, traditional style is surprising.
The Northwest coast people have characteristic methods of representing
heads, eyes, eyebrows and joints; fig. 67 (p. 71) shows the attempt of
an excellent Haida artist who tried to illustrate the tale of an eagle
who carried away a woman.
The general form of the eagle is quite realistic, but the artist could
not avoid placing the characteristic eye design in the wing joint of
the eagle, and to render the head in the conventional style in which
the eagle is shown. The woman whom the eagle carries has the typical
eyebrow and cheek patterns. The style has penetrated the picture which
was planned as a realistic representation.
Similar observations may be made in regard to the Wasgo, the fabulous
sea-monster with a wolf’s body and large ears. In fig. 134 it is shown
carrying a whale between its ears, another one in its tail, and a
person in the mouth. It has the characteristic high nose of the wolf,
the ears turned back (here shown as transparent). The large shoulder
and hip joints and the hands and feet in form of eyes are features of
Northwest coast art. The whale with its round eyes, blow-hole, and
characteristic tail conforms also to the local art style. Still the
artist attempted to give a realistic painting.
[Illustration: Fig. 134. Haida painting representing a sea-monster in
the form of a wolf, carrying two whales.]
[Illustration: Fig. 135. Haida drawing representing the story of a
young man who caught a sea-monster.]
Quite analagous is another painting by the same Haida artist, Charles
Edensaw (fig. 135) who tried to illustrate for me a Haida story of
a man who caught the sea-monster Wasgo by placing a split cedar tree
under water. It was held open by means of a spreading-stick. A child
was placed in it as bait and when the monster appeared to devour the
child, the youth knocked out the spreading-stick; the tree closed and
caught the monster. In this sketch the tree is shown by the black,
sharp angle, set on the inside with teeth that killed the monster. The
spreading-stick, which holds the split tree apart is indicated by the
black crossbar. The Wasgo in the form of a wolf with large dorsal fin
is shown biting the head of the child, while the youth sits on the
tree. The story continues telling that the youth dons the Wasgo skin
and goes every night to hunt sea game which he deposits on the beach of
the village. His mother-in-law claims shamanistic power and pretends to
have obtained the game. When the youth makes known that he has killed
it, his mother-in-law falls down being shamed by the young man. She is
shown on the left in shamanistic dress with shell rattles, shamanistic
apron, neck ring of bone ornaments and the shamanistic crown. Her
position indicates that she is falling. It will be noticed that here
also every figure shows characteristic traits of the northwest coast
ornamental style.
[Illustration: Fig. 136. Haida drawing representing part of the raven
story.]
In fig. 136 part of the raven story is represented. The human figure
in the left hand upper corner presumably represents the owner of the
halibut hook. Under it is shown the raven flying and carrying on his
back the owner of the halibut hook. According to this story he throws
him into the sea, takes the halibut hook and begins to fish. This
incident is shown on the right hand side of the sketch. The meaning of
the seal in the upper right hand corner is not clear.
We have seen that in representative art the particular type of
perspective or symbolic form or the combination of the two determines
in part the local style. We have to turn now to a consideration of the
purely formal elements that characterize style. We may distinguish
here between the forms of ornamentation and their composition. A
general survey of the field of primitive art convinces us at once of
the great variety of elementary forms and of their sharp localization.
As an instance of the importance of fundamental forms I choose the
occurrence of the spiral. It is characteristic of the art of New
Zealand, of Melanesia, and of the Amur tribes,—to select only a few
typical examples. And still, how great are the differences, how sharply
specialized the spiral of each of these districts!
Practically all the spirals in primitive art are equidistant. It can
easily be shown that spirals develop in many different ways. As has
been pointed out by Semper, the coiling of wire or the making of coiled
basketry or pottery must lead to the discovery of the ornamental
spiral. Wrapping with twine may have a similar result. In other cases
the spiral develops without technical motives from natural forms. This
is exemplified, for instance, by the spirals used for expressing the
nostrils of the beaver, bear and dragon-fly in northwest coast art (see
figs. 157 p. 186, 175 p. 193). It is, however, doubtful whether the
spiral has ever become in this manner a dominant motive of local art.
[Illustration: Fig. 137. Types of New Zealand spirals.]
The New Zealand carved spiral (fig. 137) is generally double; one
arm running in, the other out, and the two clasping each other in the
center. The spirals are so placed that their general contours harmonize
with the decorative field, although their outer turns often cut into
its borders. The appearance of the spiral is strongly influenced by
the application of a common pattern of carving, which consists of a
long lineal field with crosshatching limited by two or more equidistant
lines. The two arms of the spiral are connected at regular intervals
by small bars having crossline decoration. In other cases the spirals
themselves are decorated with crosslines, while the surrounding
lines are smooth. Sometimes the spirals are given a notched outline.
Single spirals consisting of a number of equidistant lines, occur in
tattooing and in wood carving representing tattooed faces. Spirals are
often connected and form S shaped figures and when placed serially
in a narrow field, they are accompanied by a series of equidistant
lines,—fragments of the outer turns that would have shown if the spiral
had been able to develop freely.
The spiral of eastern New Guinea is in some ways similar to the one of
New Zealand. The double spiral appears commonly in both areas, also
the notches or scallops on the spiral and the filling in of the gore
with curved lines accompanying the outer turns of the spiral (fig.
138). The lack of connecting bars, of the crossline decoration and the
fundamentally different design arrangement, as well as the treatment in
black and white differentiate the New Guinea spiral from that of New
Zealand. The curves are fitted much more rigorously in the decorative
field. The great freedom of the New Zealand forms, the delicate
accuracy of all the constituent elements, and the multiplicity of forms
connected with the spiral, are absent.
The third area, the Amur region, in which the spiral is used
extensively, represents fundamentally different forms, (fig. 139).
While the spirals of New Zealand and those of New Guinea are equally
wide through the whole distance of their course, those of the Amur
region show peculiar lateral developments. The spirals of this area are
generally single, and broad; or double, but the spirals do not clasp
each other. The outlines of the spiral bands are varied by strictures.
Where the general course of these spirals leaves fields that would
remain undecorated, they are filled in by broad tendrils, leaf like
projections or by independent circular ornaments that help to keep the
background broken up in bands that retain throughout approximately the
same width. Often the variations in the lines of spirals form animal
figures, particularly birds and fishes; sometimes of fairly realistic
form.
[Illustration: Fig. 138. Types of spirals from eastern New Guinea.]
[Illustration: Fig. 139. Spirals from the Amur River.]
* * * * *
[Illustration: Fig. 140. Pictographs representing human beings: _a_,
Potawatomi; _b_, Wahpeton Sioux; _c_, Blackfoot; _d_, Dakota; _e_,
Alaskan Eskimo; _f_, Pencil sketches by Eskimo from the west coast of
Hudson Bay.]
Fixity of form occurs even in crude representative drawings made
without such technical skill as is developed in industrial occupations.
This is strikingly illustrated by certain forms used by the Algonquin
tribes of the woodlands around the western Great Lakes and also by the
neighboring Siouan tribes. In their pictographs the human figures
appear regularly with broad shoulders, tapering down in straight
lines to the waist. Sometimes the figure is cut off at this place;
sometimes it expands downward from the waist. Fig. 140 _a_ represents
a Potawatomi drawing; fig. 140 _b_ a Wahpeton Sioux drawing of the
same type. In the winter counts of the Sioux published by Mallory,
the human figure is represented in quite a different style, (fig.
140 _d_). This type occurs both in the La Flamme and Lone-Dog winter
counts. We may compare these forms with the typical symbol used by the
Blackfeet to represent a slain enemy, which, according to Wissler,
has always the form given in _c_. On the reproductions of pictographs
the same form appears, often with only one leg. Quite distinct from
these Plains Indians types are the forms used by the Alaskan Eskimos
in their etchings on bone, antler, and ivory (_e_). The forms are
always small silhouettes in lively motion and the realism of form and
movement of the Eskimo etchings forms a strong contrast when compared
to the conventional style of the Plains and Woodlands Indians. Even
the pictographic representations of men in motion, which do occur in
other types of Plains Indian drawings, differ entirely in style from
those of the Eskimo. The style of the eastern Eskimos representation of
the human form differs considerably from that of the Alaskan Eskimo.
They do not use silhouettes but draw their forms true to life with
particular attention to the details of the clothing (fig. 140 _f_).
[Illustration: Fig. 141. Pictographs; _a_, _b_, _c_, from the Cueva de
los Caballos; _d_, Bushman.]
Quite distinct from these forms are the representations of the human
form made by the Bushman and by paleolithic man. They are always
silhouettes of large size with strong exaggerations of characteristic
forms and movements of the body, (fig. 141). Obermaier has described
these in detail.[94] Some of the figures in lively motion are
represented with thread-like legs and body, while in other cases
the calves of the legs are shown in exaggerated sizes. The Bushman
paintings are somewhat similar in type to those of the paleolithic
period. We find the same exaggeration of the length of the limbs and
particularly in the representation of females, exaggeration of all the
characteristic features of the body.
[94] H. Obermaier, P. Wernert, Las Pinturas Rupestres del Barranco de
Valletorta. (Castellon) Comisión de investigaciones paleontológicas
y prehistóricas, Mem. No. 23. Museo Nacional de ciencias naturales,
Madrid 1919.
* * * * *
In almost every art definite stylistic forms may be recognized. I will
add a few additional examples based on certain classes of objects which
illustrate this.
Miss Ruth Bunzel has given to me a full description of the decoration
of the water jar of the Zuni. “It is characterized by great stability
in decorative style. The form of the jar itself shows very slight
variations. The outer surface is slipped with white clay which serves
as a background for painted decorations in black and red. The most
characteristic feature of the decorative scheme is the boxing off of
the field into clearly defined areas outlined by heavy black lines. The
ways in which the field is thus divided and the designs permissible in
each section are all definitely prescribed by prevailing standards of
taste.
“Essential on every jar is the division of the field into two zones
known as neck and body. Neck designs are always used in pairs, four
or six alternating units being used on each jar. At the present
time the choice of designs for the neck is limited to two sets of
designs, the way in which they are combined being absolutely fixed.
Alternating diamond and triangular patterns, both highly elaborated,
are used together, and, on the other hand a scroll and conventionalized
prayer-stick are used together on other jars.
“For the body there is a greater choice of design, but the choice is
between certain well known patterns, and the ways in which each may be
used are definitely fixed. The most characteristic and, at the present
time, the most popular type is the deer-sunflower pattern (fig. 142).
Two large medallions representing sunflowers are painted on opposite
sides of the jar. Three such medallions are sometimes used, but two
is the preferred number. The space between the medallions is divided
horizontally by a narrow band. The band may be filled with small
conventionalized birds or with an interlocking scroll figure. In each
of the spaces formed by this band are painted two deer, each surrounded
by graceful scroll work, called in Zuni terminology ‘the deer’s house’.
In all, eight deer are used, two in each of the four fields. The deer
are always painted in exactly the same way, in profile with the head
to the right, and with certain of the internal organs indicated.
There is no variation even in the ornamental scrolls surrounding the
representation. In small jars it is permitted to substitute for the
deer on the lower and smaller part of the jar one of several well
defined crook or scroll patterns, but any other departures from the
established scheme are severely criticised. The first of the two rim
designs referred to above is always used with the deer pattern. The
whole composition in precisely the combination described appears over
and over again in water jars now in use at Zuni as well as in older
specimens now in our museums, and the fixity of the type is clearly
recognized by native artists.
[Illustration: Fig. 142. Zuni pot.]
“This is only one of a number of equally fixed types of decoration at
present in favor at Zuni. There is, for instance, one very elaborate
terraced figure repeated in literally hundreds of specimens of water
jars, and always without the slightest variation either in the figure
itself or in its application to the jar. It is always used in threes
and with the second of the two rim designs. There are other types also,
any one of which is known to and can be described by any well informed
Zuni potter. Although the invention of new designs is considered
eminently desirable among them, the actual number of Zuni pots that do
not belong to one or the other of these recognized types is exceedingly
small.”
[Illustration: Fig. 143. Haussa embroideries.]
As another example I choose the style of embroidery on Haussa shirts
(fig. 143). Felix von Luschan has called attention to the rigidity of
the general pattern.[95] A narrow elongated field in the left hand
upper corner of the design surrounded on the left by a thin white line,
on the right by a white field with long pointed triangles, limits the
hole through which the head passes. The white disk to the left of it
rests, therefore on the right side of the chest, the upper disk on
the right shoulder blade. The line dividing the design into an upper
and lower part, beginning just at the lower end of the slit through
which the head passes, sets off the embroidery on the body of the shirt
from that on the large pocket below. The upper rim of the pocket is
always decorated with a central design, consisting of a square field
with checkered figures, to the left of which are two triangles, to
the right, three. In many specimens there is, on the right border of
the field, a looped band. The design on the lower part of the pocket
and the one on the body of the shirt are, in the main, symmetrical.
The three-barbed arrow pattern of the lower border reappears on top
followed inside by the same type of rosette. The two designs differ,
however, in so far as the three-pointed pattern with the connected loop
band is repeated to the right of the slit for the head, turned at right
angles to the corresponding portion on the pocket border. This pattern
disturbs the symmetry of the upper and lower designs and produces a
distortion of the upper one which, however, does not influence the
pattern elements. On the pocket below and to the left, is a rectangular
band with a leaf design forming an inner border.
[95] Felix von Luschan, Beiträge zur Völkerkunde, p. 50. Patterns of
the same kind have been figured by Leo Frobenius in “Das sterbende
Afrika,” Pls. 58-60.
Great fixity of design appears also in the rawhide boxes of the Sauk
and Fox Indians, to which I referred before (p. 25 et seq.). The
characteristic feature is the division of the rectangular hide that is
to form the box, into three fields lengthwise, five fields crosswise.
The five fields are determined by the way in which the box is folded;
four sides forming front, bottom, back and top, and the fifth a flap
covering the front. The lengthwise division is not so determined, for
the width of the box differs considerably from that of the central
field. The design elements are based on common patterns of the Indians
of the northern part of North America: rectangles divided by central
longitudinal lines and obtuse triangles on each side of it. It should
be noticed that the design unit is not the diamond but the rectangle
with two obtuse triangles that have the apex near the central dividing
line. This appears clearly in the specimen shown in fig. 144 _b_ in
which every design begins at the margin with a triangle pointing inward
towards the opposite triangle and also in the other figures in which,
in accordance with the art style of the eastern woodlands, a segment
is substituted for the acute triangle. A second element in these
designs is the acute triangle with lines, or a single line, extending
from the apex; a form which is also common to all the woodland and
plains Indians.
[Illustration: Fig. 144. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.]
[Illustration: Fig. 145. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.]
Two styles of these paintings may be distinguished; one in which the
five crosswise fields are so treated that the patterns on the three
central rectangular fields (2, 3, 4) are at right angles to those in
the two extreme fields (1, 5). In the central fields the long sides
of the rectangles run parallel to the narrow side of the hide and in
the outer ones, the rectangles are turned so that the long sides are
parallel to the long side of the hide. The central lengthwise field
extends only over the three middle fields and is very narrow (figs.
14, 144, _a_, _b_). The only ornament on fig. 144 _b_ is the rectangle
with two obtuse triangles facing at the apex. To the four rectangles
on 2, 3, 4 correspond four corresponding ones in the fields 1 and
5. In fig. 144 _a_ there is an alternation of two designs in these
fields. There are two triangles with protruding lines with complex
frames, and rectangles with the obtuse triangles transformed into
segments. The central dividing line in these rectangles is missing. It
will be noticed that here also the number of rectangles in the three
inner fields (2, 3, 4) corresponds to the number in the outer fields
(1 and 5), but their order is reversed. Left and right triangles in
the outer fields (1 and 5) are also in reverse positions. The narrow
central field is occupied by a single acute triangle. In fig. 145 _b_
we have a similar arrangement, but in place of the rectangle with
obtuse triangles, we find a new arrangement of acute triangles. Fig.
14 (p. 27) differs from those just described in that the central field
is divided into two divisions instead of four. The obtuse triangles
in the four corners are treated somewhat differently and the figure
between them in the middle of the short side is treated as though the
essential design were the diamond, not the obtuse triangle. The heart
shaped design and the star like figures give the impression of a new
development of older patterns.
[Illustration: Fig. 146. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.]
In figures 13, 15, 145 _a_ and 146 the rectangles are all placed in the
same direction; the long side parallel to the short side of the hide.
Fig. 145 _a_ consists throughout of curved segments corresponding to the
obtuse triangles. At the apices of these segments the rectangles are
divided by central lines. The fields separating the rectangles bear
each an acute triangle with prolonged apex. In the narrow central field
we find also the acute triangle with extending lines. Fig. 15 consists
of the acute triangle with the usual frame but with scolloped edges
instead of the angular figures of fig. 145 _b_. The central field is
treated in the same way as in fig. 145 _a_. Fig. 13 corresponds nearly
to fig. 145 _a_, except that the rectangular fields are not divided by
a central line, but have a central figure somewhat hour-glass shaped
enclosing an acute triangle at each end. The crosses in the middle
field are also derived from the acute triangles. The three central
fields of the long side of fig. 146 _b_ correspond to fig. 144 _a_.
Since the rectangles in the marginal field on the short side are not
turned, the acute triangle design did not fit and we find, therefore,
instead the cross design. The lack of symmetry between the extreme
upper and lower fields is quite unusual. In fig. 146 _a_ we find, as
in fig. 14, only four fields. The designs are similar in character
to those of fig. 146 _b_, except that the acute triangle design is
developed in a peculiar manner.
[Illustration: Fig. 147. Painted rawhide, Ioway.]
The Ojibwa and Ioway use another method of building up their boxes. The
short sides are made of separate flaps and there is no flap covering
the front. The bottom is not decorated and the hide is folded over
simply in box form and sewed together (fig. 147). The method used by
the Otoe and sometimes by the Ioway, is still different. There is
a short flap covering part of the front; the sides are folded in,
somewhat in the same manner as done by the Fox and there is also a
complete lack of coherence between the design as laid out on the hide
and as it appears in the completed box (fig. 148).
[Illustration: Fig. 148. Painted rawhides; _a_, Ioway; _b_, Otoe.]
Still another example of fixity of type is presented in the woven bags
of the Ojibwa and Potawatomi (figs. 149, 150). The two opposite sides
have always distinct patterns. The purely geometrical patterns are
always laid out symmetrically. There is a broad central figure bordered
by a number of narrow stripes. These are followed, above and below by
a wide stripe of a pattern different from the central one. Sometimes
the colors above and below are inverted. The dividing line runs all
around the bag, but the patterns in the broad bands change. On the one
side there are often representative figures above, and in this case
there is no correspondence between the upper and lower designs. Similar
bags are used by other neighboring tribes. The Potawatomi use the same
decorative arrangements, except that the central band often remains
undecorated.[96]
[96] See Alanson Skinner, The Mascontens or Prairie Potawatomi Indians,
Bull. Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, Vol. 6, No. 2, Plate 21.
[Illustration: Fig. 149. Design from pouch, Ojibwa.]
[Illustration: Fig. 150. Design from two sides of pouch, Potawatomi.]
[Illustration: Fig. 151 _a_. Type of parfleche and pouch painting,
Arapaho.]
For a clear understanding of the character of a local style a
comparison with related forms in contiguous areas is indispensable.
Historical conditions like those that may be traced in the development
of art forms in prehistoric and historic times in Europe and in Asia
have been determinants in forming the art of primitive people also.
There is probably not a single region in existence in which the art
style may be understood entirely as an inner growth and an expression
of cultural life of a single tribe. Wherever a sufficient amount of
material is available, we can trace the influence of neighboring
tribes upon one another, often extending over vast distances.
Dissemination of cultural traits that has made the social structures,
the ceremonials and the tales of tribes what they are today, has also
been a most important element in shaping the forms of their art. The
local distribution of technical processes, of form elements, and
of systems of arrangement contribute to the character of each art
style. In another place we have discussed the distribution of pottery
decorated by means of applied pellets and fillets (see p. 138), and
it appeared that the technical process covers a wide continuous area
and that it is applied in different ways by each cultural group.
We have also seen that the characteristic triangular design with
enclosed rectangle, often with spur lines along the base, is widely
disseminated over the North American continent. We found that this form
is common to the Pueblos, the Indians of the northwestern plateaus and
of the plains, and that the fundamental pattern may be recognized in
New England and Labrador. Patterns composed of lines, triangles and
rectangles are characteristic of the art of the North American Indian.
Notwithstanding their simplicity, these forms are practically confined
to North America. Their strong individuality proves that their present
distribution must be due to mutual influence among various North
American cultures. We cannot determine where the pattern originated but
it is quite certain that its present distribution is due to cultural
contact; its occurrence is probably related to the use of stiff
rawhide for receptacles, to the method of painting used by the Indians,
and to the old method of decorating with porcupine quill weaving and
embroidery. I have called attention to the difference in arrangement
of these patterns among a number of tribes and A. L. Kroeber, R. H.
Lowie, and Leslie Spier[97] have discussed these questions in greater
detail (fig. 151). The parallel stripe arrangement is characteristic of
the Arapaho; a central field surrounded by a square, of the northern
Shoshone. Owing to the close contact in which these two tribes live at
the present time, which favors intertribal trade, the distribution is
not quite so clear as it has probably been in earlier times.
[97] Leslie Spier, An Analysis of Plains Indian Parfleche Decoration,
University of Washington Publications in Anthropology, Vol. I, pp. 89
et seq. where the earlier literature has been quoted.
[Illustration: Fig. 151 _b_, _c_. Types of parfleche and pouch
painting, Shoshone.]
[Illustration: Fig. 152. Arapaho designs.]
[Illustration: Fig. 153. Sioux designs.]
Certain differences may also be observed in the arrangement of bead
embroidery the forms of which are very uniform over an extended area of
the western prairies. A characteristic form of this design consists of
a central diamond or rectangle, from the corners of which emanate lines
that terminate in triangles facing the central field either with the
apex or with the base; sometimes a crossbar with prongs is found at the
end of these lines. Among the Arapaho (fig. 152) these patterns appear
singly on a plain background; among the Sioux (fig. 153) the central
square is seldom used. While among the Arapaho the lines are usually
attached to only two opposite ends, the Sioux almost always attach them
to the four corners of the central diamond. Furthermore, the Sioux like
to vary the background by inserting stars or crosses and the design
seems to occur more frequently symmetrically doubled than among the
Arapaho.
Another good example of differentiation in arrangement and identity
of pattern elements is presented by the basketry of the Indians of
British Columbia. Among the Thompson Indians the design elements
are distributed evenly over the whole side of the basket; among the
Lillooet they are confined to the upper part of the side while the
lower part remains undecorated; among the Chicotin there are three
bands of decoration along the upper part of the basket (see p. 297).
As another case of the wide distribution of a design element, evidently
due to diffusion, we may mention the so-called quail tip ornament of
California which consists of a right angle with a thin upright stem and
a short heavy horizontal arm. This pattern is found commonly throughout
California and extends northward as far as the Sahaptin tribes of
Columbia River. It is particularly important to note that technically
the basket of the Sahaptin tribes belongs to the coiled and imbricated
type used by the Thompson Indians farther to the north; while in the
southern regions a multiplicity of methods of basket weaving are used.
In all of these the same quail tip occurs (see p. 109).
We have spoken so far of local styles as though in every case only a
single style occurred in a tribal unit. This might seem plausible on
account of the comparative uniformity of tribal life. Still there are
many cases in which fundamentally different styles may be observed in
the same community. I have referred several times to the realistic
carving and drawing of the Eskimos, which is often combined with very
characteristic but subordinate geometrical patterns, particularly
with the double line with alternating spurs, a series of “Y” shaped
figures, arranged on a continuous line; and circles and dots (see fig.
78, p. 86). In certain cases realistic forms are used for the purpose
of ornamentation. On some modern specimens from the west coast of
Hudson Bay, the representations of human beings or animals are found
(see fig. 51 _b_, p. 58). In Greenland wooden vessels are ornamented
by attached ivory carvings representing seals, which are nailed on to
the surface (fig. 121, p. 127). Pieces of skin in which needles are
kept, are ornamented with appliqué figures.[98] On the east coast of
Greenland similar decorative motives are in use.
[98] Kaj Birket-Smith, Ethnography of the Egedesminde District,
Meddelelser om Grønland, Vol. 66, (1924), pp. 522, 550.
The style of ornamenting cloth is quite different. There is no realism
and the formal patterns which are used are broad bands, accompanying
the borders of the garments and long lines of fringes. The basis of
this ornamentation is a feeling for color contrast and a tendency to
emphasize outlines. The representative tendency is entirely absent. In
a single specimen in which it appears as a representation of a human
hand, it looks strangely out of place.[99] This decorative type is
fully developed in Greenland where checker work is applied to garments,
buckets, and also to wooden goggles.
[99] Franz Boas, The Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson Bay, Bulletin
American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 15, (1907), Plate 9.
I presume the principal cause for the difference of these styles is
found in the difference of the technical processes, but perhaps even
more in the circumstance that the realistic work is made by the men,
the clothing and sewed leather work by the women.
Two fundamentally distinct styles occur also among the Indians of
the North Pacific coast. I have referred a number of times to their
symbolic representations of animals with the curious disregard of
natural relations between the parts of the body. This style of art
is confined primarily to woodwork and to other industries allied to
woodwork. It occurs also in appliqué and in embroidery in porcupine
quill,—probably copied from painted designs,—so that it is practiced by
both men and women. It is, however, entirely absent in modern basketry
made for home use, and in matting. The decorative patterns in these
types of technique are always geometrical and bear no relation to the
art of carving. Only in the woven blankets of the Tlingit which are
copied by the women from pattern boards made by the men do we find the
typical symbolic style.
I might also refer to the contrast between the pictographic
representations of the Indians of the Plains and their ornamental art,
if it were not for the fact that their pictography never rises to the
dignity of an art.
The cases might be considerably increased in which a difference of
style is found in different types of technique, or in different parts
of the population. Birchbark baskets of the interior of British
Columbia have their own style of border decoration and their sides
are often covered with pictographic designs. Coiled baskets from the
same district have geometrical surface patterns. Central American
painted pottery differs in style from other types in which painting is
not used, but in which plastic ornamentation is applied. New Zealand
borders of woven mattings have geometric style and lack patterns that
might be considered derived from the elaborate spiral decoration that
characterizes Maori carving (Plate VIII).
Such differences in style are, however, not by any means the rule. As
has been stated before, we find much more commonly (p. 154) that the
most highly developed art is liable to impose its style upon other
industries and that mat weaving and basketry have been particularly
influential in developing new forms and powerful in imposing them upon
other fields.
[Illustration: PLATE VIII.