We have seen that in the art of primitive people two elements may be
distinguished; a purely formal one in which enjoyment is based on form
alone, and another one in which the form is filled with meaning. In
the latter case the significance creates an enhanced esthetic value,
on account of the associative connections of the art product or of
the artistic act. Since these forms are significant they must be
representative, not necessarily representative of tangible objects, but
sometimes of more or less abstract ideas.
In our previous discussion we have also shown that representative
art may be, and generally is, strongly influenced by technical form,
so much so, that in many cases the natural prototype is not readily
recognized.
It is remarkable that in the art of many tribes the world over,
ornament that appears to us as purely formal, is associated with
meanings, that it is interpreted. Karl von den Steinen found that the
geometrical patterns of the Brazilian Indians represented fish, bats,
bees, and other animals, although the triangles and diamonds of which
they consist bear no apparent relation to these animal forms. The
design on top in figure 79 represents bats, indicated by the black
triangles. The figure below it represents the uluri, a small object
of clay used by women in place of a breech clout. The third figure
represents a fish, the large scales of which are indicated by diamonds.
The fourth and fifth figures also represent fish, while the last one is
called young bees.
[Illustration: Fig. 79. Ornaments of the Auetö Brazil.]
[Illustration: Fig. 80. Ornaments of the Karayá.]
A number of clay dishes that were said to represent animals were in
part characterized by distinct heads, limbs, and tails, while others
bore no resemblance to the forms that they were claimed by the natives
to represent. A general similarity of form, however, exists between the
purely conventional and the realistic forms, which suggested to Von
den Steinen the conclusion that the former developed from the latter.
Later on Ehrenreich corroborated these observations both in South and
North America. A small number of designs with names are shown in fig.
80. The diamonds in the first figure on top, represents wasps nests and
may be compared to the young bees in fig. 79. The zig-zag band in the
second figure, which is symmetrically arranged and has rhythmically
repeated elements of unequal lengths, represents bats. In form these
are identical with the frigate bird of New Ireland (see fig. 101, p.
107). The third figure from the top represents the marking on the skin
of the rattlesnake, and the remaining figures also are marks on the
skin of various snakes.
[Illustration: Fig. 81. Basketry patterns from British Guyana; _a_,
snake pursuing frog; _b_, man; _c_, dog; _d-f_, wild nutmeg.]
W. E. Roth has recorded the significance of basketry designs of the
Indians of British Guiana.[43] Some of these designs contain realistic
figures, but many of them are geometrical derivatives of zig-zag bands
and meandric forms such as occur on coarse twined basketry in many
parts of the world. Most of these forms are explained as animals; some
identified by their form, others imitating the pattern of the skin
or being suggestive of parts of the body. There are also a number of
plant representations (figs. 81, 82). In some of these the meaning of
the form is readily recognized as in the snake pursuing a frog (fig.
81 _a_) or in the human form (fig. 81 _b_). The body of the snake is
represented by a broad meander, its head by a triangle. To the right
of the head is the frog. Less evident is the dog shown in fig. 81 _c_.
The interpretation of the designs in figs. 81 _d_, _e_ and _f_ and 82
seems quite arbitrary. The meanders fig. 81 _d-f_ represent the wild
nutmeg. In _e_ the vertical connecting bar of the double T represents
the main branches, the horizontal one the secondary branches. Fig. 82
_a_ is called the centipede, _b_ savanna grass, _c-f_ periwinkles, _g_
butterflies, and the three designs _h-j_ represent snakes. The square
in the pattern in the left hand lower corner of _j_ is the head of the
snake.
[43] W. E. Roth “Introductory Study of Arts, Crafts, and Customs of
the Guiana Indians” 38th Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology,
Washington 1924, pp. 354 et seq.
[Illustration: Fig. 82. Basketry patterns from British Guyana; _a_,
Centiped; _b_, Savannah grass; _c-f_, Periwinkles; _g_, Butterflies;
_h-j_, Snakes.]
Ehrenreich was the first to observe the highly developed symbolism of
the North American Indians and his observation gave the impetus to the
studies of North American art which were largely instituted by the
American Museum of Natural History in New York. His observations were
made among the Cheyenne, and on account of their importance, they may
be quoted here;[44] “Representations of heavenly phenomena are found
in their highest development among the agricultural Pueblo tribes,
whose whole cult consists essentially in magic performances intended
to secure rain. Besides this, geographical motives are used, such as
mountains, rivers, trails, camping sites, which are important to the
Indians who inhabit the endless prairies. A typical example is found on
the ornament taken from a moccasin (fig. 83 _a_) in which a dark blue
series of triangles represent mountains, a light blue stripe a river, a
red one a trail. A second ornament, also taken, from a moccasin (Fig.
83 _b_) shows a series of tents. Red dots in the triangular tents
represent fire.
[44] Ethnologisches Notizblatt, vol. II, 1, pp. 27 et seq. (1899).
[Illustration: Fig. 83. Designs of the Cheyenne Indians.]
“The hoods of cradle boards are generally richly ornamented. The
design of a specimen purchased by me is of peculiar interest on
account of the representation of abstract ideas (Fig. 83 _c_, _d_).
As usual, the upper surface of the hood is white, which color, in the
symbolism of the Indians designates the sky and life. The margin is
formed by a green line and the whole surface is divided into three
fields by two convergent blue lines. The large lateral fields are
strictly symmetrical. They contain three groups of stars represented by
rectangles. The lowest line,—four red rectangles with enclosed green
centers,—represent large, bright stars; and the top row, red without
centers, are the children of the stars. It is uncertain whether by this
term the smallest stars or falling stars are meant.
“The middle field, bounded by blue lines, represents the path of life
of the child. In this field are found peculiar green figures which
terminate above and below in T shaped ends. They are diamond-shaped
and enclose a red and yellow checkerwork. They designate the child’s
good luck or the success that he will have in life. In this case green
symbolizes growth and development; yellow, maturity and perfection;
red, blood, life and good-fortune; all of which are related to the
deities. The lower rim of the hood is interrupted on both sides by
small white and blue squares. These are said to represent the child’s
age. I did not learn what was meant by this expression. Probably the
change of seasons was meant, since the alternation of blue and white
signifies the change of winter and summer.
“The hood ends in a square flap which bears in its center a green
diamond terminating in cross bars, but smaller and simpler than the
corresponding figures of the central field. It represents the heart.
The blue lines and angles in the corners of the flap are continued in
the same way on the opposite side. They represent the unexpected events
of life. Attachments on each side are the child’s ears; the short lines
of beads embroidered on the back of the flap represents the hair of the
child.”
Based on these results a somewhat extended study of the symbolism
of American Indian art was undertaken, in the course of which A. L.
Kroeber investigated the art of the Arapaho; Roland B. Dixon, that
of the Californian tribes; Clark Wissler, that of the Sioux and
Blackfeet, and H. H. St. Clair that of the Shoshone. Later on the study
was extended over other adjacent areas.
[Illustration: Fig. 84. Moccasin, Arapaho.]
[Illustration: Fig. 85. Knife case, Arapaho.]
The results obtained by Kroeber indicate a close similarity between the
symbolism of the Arapaho and that of the Cheyenne. Here also abstract
ideas appear in considerable number. It will suffice here to give a
few examples. On a moccasin[45] (fig. 84) “the longitudinal stripe
signifies the path to destination. A small stripe at the heel of the
moccasin (not shown in the figure) signifies the opposite idea, the
place whence one has come. The variety of color in the larger stripe
represents a variety of things (which naturally are of many different
colors) that one desires to possess. The small dark blue rectangles
are symbols that are called ‘hiiteni’[46]. The white border of this
moccasin, on account of its color, represents snow. The figures in
it represent hills with upright trees. The stripe over the instep
signifies ‘up hill and down again’ (its middle portion being elevated
above the ends by the instep of the foot). The dots in this stripe
represent places left bare by the melting snow.” The knife scabbard[47]
represented in fig. 85 “has at the top a cross signifying a person. The
triangles above and below it are mountains. On the lower part, on the
middle line, are three green squares, symbols of life or abundance.
Red slanting lines pointing towards the squares are thoughts or wishes
directed towards the desired objects, represented by the life symbols.”
[45] A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin American Museum of Natural
History, Vol. XVIII, pp. 39, 40.
[46] _Hiiteni_ is explained as meaning life, abundance, food,
prosperity, temporal blessings, desire or hope for food, prayer for
abundance, or the things wished for (A. L. Kroeber, _ibid._, p. 40).
[47] l. c. p. 88.
Observations among the Sioux Indians made by Clark Wissler have given
similar results. The design on a legging (fig. 86) may serve as an
example. It represents a battle.[48] The diamond-shaped center is here
the body of a man. The large triangles are the tents of the village in
which the battle took place. The pronged figures represent wounds and
blood; the straight lines supporting them, the flight of arrows. The
crossed lines are said to represent arrows and lances.
[48] Clark Wissler, Decorative art of the Sioux Indians, Bulletin
American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XVIII, p. 253.
[Illustration: Fig. 86. Legging, Sioux Indians.]
The Assiniboine, a closely related branch of the Sioux, did not yield
much information in regard to the meaning of designs, but the few
fragments collected by Robert H. Lowie[49] show that the principles
found among other tribes are or were not unknown to them. The designs
found on a drum illustrate this (fig. 87).
[49] Robert H. Lowie, The Assiniboine, Anthropological Papers American
Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV, p. 26.
“The gray central field is itself a drum; the concentric rings around
it are rainbow symbols, and the four sets of slanting lines (yellow,
black and whitish) represent the sunshine. The green color between
these lines denotes clouds; the four following rings the rainbow, and
the external ring has no ascertainable meaning. On the other side there
is a star in the center; the black circle stands for night, the blue
color at the circumference for twilight, and the oblique red, yellow
and white lines for the sunshine.”
[Illustration: Fig. 87. Drum of the Assiniboine.]
Some Arapaho designs are interpreted as representing geographical
features or a village in its geographical environment. In the specimen
shown in (fig. 88) “the two large triangles at the end represent tents;
the center diamond two tents; between them a white stripe with black
dots in it represents a buffalo path with buffalo tracks in it. The
four red obtuse triangles along the sides are mountains; small yellow
triangles enclosed by them are tents; the double blue lines surrounding
the entire pattern represent mountain ranges. Small rectangles in this
border, colored red and yellow, represent lakes.”
Geographical interpretations are quite common among most of the Indian
tribes of the Great Plains. Mountains, caves, trees, streams, lakes,
trails, and tents are commonly symbolized in the angular forms of
their paintings and embroideries. As compared to these the association
between abstract ideas and geometric form is rather rare.
A few examples may also illustrate the explanations given by Shoshone
Indians.[50] The interpretations are largely geographic. In fig. 89
the red central rectangle represents the ground, the green background
trees. On this green ground is a lake, indicated by the blue area in
the center, the yellow line dividing the central field, is an inlet
of the lake. The obtuse blue triangle on the sides of the central
rectangle represents mountains with timber. The triangles on the short
sides are also mountains. The yellow apex is the sun shining on the
mountains, the red middle part of the triangle the ground, the green
area at the base, grass at the foot of the mountains. In the corners
we find small triangles representing sand and over them the yellow sun
light.
[50] These are taken from observations by H. H. St. Clair at Wind River
Reservation. Lowie did not succeed in obtaining any explanations at the
Lemhi Agency, Idaho.
[Illustration: Fig. 88. Rawhide bag, Arapaho.]
[Illustration: Fig. 89. Design from parfleche, Shoshone.]
On a second Shoshone parfleche obtuse triangles in the central
rectangle and smaller triangles in the longitudinal borderstrips
represent mountains, a red line in the center stands for a river, and
right angle triangles are tipis.
Another Shoshone parfleche of similar pattern, was explained as
follows: a blue line enclosing an inner rectangle is a fort or
enclosure surrounded by the enemy, represented by red and green squares
of the border. A yellow and red line passing through the center is the
pass by which the people escape.
[Illustration: Fig. 90. Bamboo case, Melanesia.]
[Illustration: Fig. 91. Zuni bowl, broken and edges ground down.]
A consistent geographically explained ornament has also been described
by Stephan (fig. 90). The upper zig-zag line (_a_) represents a snake;
the rectangular fields under it (_b_), the sea moved by the wind. The
dark corners of the rectangle (_c_) indicate calm on deep water. The
central field with cross hachure (_d_), rain on the sea or ripples
on the water. The lowest bands (_e_, _f_) and the top band (_a_) do
not belong to the sea picture. (_e_) is explained as the veins of the
coconut leaf, (_f_) as a kind of grass.
In the opposite end (_a_) is not explained, (_b_) is a snake. The rest
of the design fits in with the geographical pattern, (_c_) being rocks
beaten by breakers.
I am indebted to Miss Ruth L. Bunzel for the following consistent
interpretation of a Zuni bowl,—part of a deep bowl the upper part of
which has been broken off. Her informant explained it as follows (fig.
91): “We call the whole design ‘cloud all alone’. When a person does
not go to the dances when they dance for rain, after her death she
goes to the Sacred Lake and when all the spirits of the other dead
people come back to Zuni to make rain, she cannot go, but must wait
there all alone, like a single little cloud left in the sky after the
storm clouds have blown over. She just sits and waits all alone, always
looking and looking in all directions, waiting for somebody to come.
That is why we put eyes looking out in all directions.”
Consistent symbolic interpretations have also been given for ceremonial
objects of the Huichol Indians.[51]
[51] Carl Lumholtz, Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs American
Museum of Natural History, Vol. III, page 125, fig. 133.
[Illustration: Fig. 92. Ceremonial object, Huichol Indians, Mexico.]
On a “front shield”, a sacred object (fig. 92) fertility symbols are
represented by geometrical figures: “The cross in the center represents
four clouds on the horizon, the colored segments completing the inner
circle represent red and blue birds (swifts) soaring above the clouds.
In the second circle are shown crosses representing red, yellow
and blue corn. In the outer zone is a zig-zag line in red and blue
representing Mother East-water, a Deity. Nine triangles between head
and tail of the serpent, crowded together, represent mescal (a narcotic
cactus) which is considered related to corn and is held as a prayer for
rain and for health.”
Another example is a sacrificial back shield (fig. 93),[52] in which
the symbol (_a_) represents a serpent, (_b_) white clouds, (_c_) black
clouds, (_d_) rain, (yellow and white stripes); (_e_) three flowers,
(_f_) a squash vine, these two representing vegetation, springing up
after rain; and (_g_) the earth with its hills.
[52] Page 146, fig. 173.
Similar representations are found in embroideries in woven garments,
thus a zig-zag line on a pouch[53] (fig. 94) represents lightning, the
crosses the Pleiades.
[53] Carl Lumholtz, Decorative Art of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs
American Museum of Natural History, Vol. III, p. 325, fig. 257.
Turning to Polynesia, von den Steinen[54] has given us a full
description of tattooing of the Marquesans, from which it appears that
in the minds of the natives the designs have definite significance.
I mention a series of black triangles on rectangular bases, called
the Fanaua, women who died in child birth (fig. 95 _a_); the cumulus
clouds of the northwind (fig. 95 _b_). In fig. 95 _c_ the upper row was
called by one informant, “the fellow with the step of the rooster”,
the lower one “the hero Pohu and his house”. Another informant
from another village, designated the figures with raised arms as
legendary miscarriages consisting of a chest, the low semicircular
and rectangular figures as others consisting of ribs only. Of the two
analogous figures, 95 _d_ and _e_, the former is called a crab, the
latter a turtle, while 95 _f_ is called the bath of the hero Kena.
[54] Karl von den Steinen, Die Marquesaner und ihre Kunst, Berlin 1925;
also W. C. Handy, Tattooing in the Marquesas, Bernice P. Bishop Museum,
Bulletin 7, Honolulu 1922.
[Illustration: Fig. 93. Woven ceremonial object, Huichol Indians,
Mexico.]
[Illustration: Fig. 94. Design from a pouch, Huichol Indians.]
[Illustration: Fig. 95. Tattooing designs, Marquesans.]
We find in our civilization cases in which form or color composition
possess symbolic significance entirely apart of their form values. The
most obvious case is that of the national flags. They are not only
ornamental, but possess a strong emotional appeal. They call forth the
feeling of national allegiance and their values cannot be understood
on a purely formal basis, but are founded upon the association of the
form with definite fields of our emotional life. The same is true of
certain symbols. In Germany, at the present time, the swastika as the
symbol of antisemitism, and the David’s star as the Jewish symbol have
very definite political significance and are apt to excite the most
violent passions when used for decorative purposes,—not on account of
their form, but because of the emotional reaction to the ideas they
represent. Military insignia, emblems of secret societies, students’
emblems and other regalia exert the same influence through their
associations. Owing to the strong emotional value of these patterns and
the specific character of the associations, the use of the ornament
may be restricted to special classes of objects, or reserved for
privileged classes or individuals. Thus, among ourselves, the cross,
or the flag, cannot appropriately be used at all places and at all
times, and insignia of rank are confined to those who have the right to
wear them. Just so, totemic devices may be used only by the privileged,
not by those who belong to another totem. Strong emotional values are
commonly associated with all forms that are used in important rituals.
The simple ornaments of cedarbark dyed red which are used by the
Indians of British Columbia have such an appeal, because the ornamental
attachments symbolize the gifts that the wearer has received from his
supernatural protector.
It is readily recognized that these conditions can prevail only
when the interpretation of the ornament, and with it its emotional
significance are firmly established in the minds of the people; if all
react without fail, without hesitation to the same pattern. This is not
by any means the case everywhere. On the contrary, many cases are known
in which there is considerable wavering in regard to the meaning of the
symbol. One person may interpret it one way, another, another way. For
instance, in the designs of the Californian Indians, the same form will
be called by different people, or even by the same person at different
times, now a lizard’s foot, then a mountain covered with trees, then
again an owl’s claw. It is conceivable that an individual may feel
a strong emotional value of a design, but in a case of variable
associations the symbol has no binding emotional value for the whole
tribe. It will be the less relevant the more variable the individual
and tribal associations. I believe this is also the reason why among
ourselves an expressionistic art is impossible, or why at least it
cannot appeal to the people as a whole. It is possible for an artist
to train a group of followers and admirers in the symbolism that he
cultivates, but it is exceedingly unlikely that such symbolism should
develop in such a way that it would be felt automatically by all of us.
In music a few associations of this type exist. We feel, for instance,
the difference of mood in the major and minor keys; the former mood
joyful and energetic; the latter gentle, moody or even sad. It is well
to remember that these emotional tones are not by any means everywhere
connected with these two forms, but that in the music of other people
that have something comparable to our major or minor, the relations
may be quite different. We also feel a certain energy connected with
the major key of E flat, but undoubtedly this is due to very specific
associations that are not valid in other cultural areas.
Expressionistic art requires a very firm and uniform cultural
background, such as is possessed by many peoples of simple social
structure, but that cannot exist in our complex society with its
manifold, intercrossing interests and its great variety of situations
that create different emotional centers for each of its numerous strata.
It is, therefore, important to know whether there exist firm
associations between form and significance, and whether these
associations are accompanied by strong emotional reactions.
[Illustration: Fig. 96. Patterns representing the star, Arapaho.]
The former question may be investigated in two ways: By studying the
variety of forms which are used to represent the same objects, and
conversely by illustrating the variety of explanations given to the
same form. Arapaho designs collected by Kroeber offer a favourable
field for this study. The range of forms interpreted as the star
(fig. 96) is based on the tendency in the art of the Plains Indians
to use triangular and quadrangular figures and narrow lines, and on
the scarcity of polygons. We find, therefore, as representations of
stars, crosses, groups of squares, diamonds and a cross with triangular
wings. In the last quite exceptional figure of this series the star is
represented by a hexagon. In some cases the association between the
form and its meaning becomes more intelligible through the general
setting in which the design element is found, as for instance, through
the color contrast between design and background.[55]
[55] See A. L. Kroeber “The Arapaho”, Bulletin of the American Museum
of Natural History, Vol. 17.
The variety of forms which are used to represent a person may serve as
another example (fig. 97). Some of these are similar to the forms used
to represent the star.
Still another example is the representation of the butterfly (fig. 98).
In this series one of the designs representing the star will be found.
[Illustration: Fig. 97. Patterns representing persons, Arapaho.]
[Illustration: Fig. 98. Patterns representing butterfly, Arapaho.]
[Illustration: Fig. 99. Examples of chevrons from Neu-Mecklenburg; _a_,
Carved bamboo; _b_, Embroidered mat. The chevron to the left on the
bamboo represents a palm leaf, an armring or a worm; the same design on
the mat, tracks of a crustacean.]
Conversely a diamond is explained as a person, a turtle, the navel, a
mountain, a lake, a star, an eye. The setting of the design does not by
any means explain sufficiently why these varying interpretations should
be used.
A rectangle represents a camp circle, brush hut, a mountain, the
earth, a buffalo or life; a triangle with an enclosed rectangular or
pentagonal figure (see fig. 117, p. 120) is explained as a mountain
with trees, a cave in the mountain, a brush hut or a tent.
The second form in fig. 98 is explained as a butterfly or the
morning-star.
In bead embroidery we find frequently a central design in the form of
a diamond, from the acute angles of which, extend straight lines. To
the ends of these triangular designs or other small forms are attached.
In fig. 152 (p. 178) some of these designs are shown. The first one
is taken from a pouch (_j_); the central diamond represents a person,
the triangular designs at the ends of the lines, buffalo hoofs. A
similar design (_k_) from a moccasin represents the navel and arrows;
the background is snow. In a third example (_q_) the central diamond
represents a turtle, the lines its claws and the small patterns at the
ends of these lines, eggs.
Another example of the variation of explanation of the same design is
found in designs from New Ireland[56] (fig. 99). The chevron represents
the leaf of a palm, an armring, a worm, the foot of a bird, tracks of a
crustacean, or fish bones.
[56] Stephan, Neu-Mecklenburg, p. 114, fig. 120. The same figure is
found in the same author’s “Südseekunst”, p. 15, fig. 19, with somewhat
different explanations, presumably due to an oversight.
The great variety of these interpretations of the same figure and of
the many forms by means of which the same ideas find expression, show
clearly that the terms by which designs are described must not be
conceived simply as names, but that rather a certain association exists
between the general artistic pattern and a number of ideas which are
selected according to tribal usage, and also in accordance with the
momentary interest of the person who gives the explanation.
Often the range of ideas associated with forms follows a fairly
definite pattern in each tribe. We may compare this condition with
attitudes which we assume in regard to forms that may have varying
types of symbolic connotation. To a Canadian, a British flag surmounted
by maple leaves would be closely associated with patriotic feeling, and
in this connection the maple leaf has a definite significance; in other
combinations it may appear with quite a different meaning. A red maple
leaf may be symbolic of the fall of the year.
During the World War the bloody hand was used on posters to excite the
populace to hatred, because it was symbolic of the imaginary cruelty of
the German soldier and this association was assiduously cultivated by
word and letter. In another setting a bloody hand may be a symbol of
suffering or of sacrifice, as the red hand impressed on church walls or
sanctuaries.
A white rose may be a symbol of death or innocence. A crescent may
bring up a thought of Turkey, a beautiful summer night, or it may be
conceived purely as form.
Not only is the significance of designs variable, the explanations of
forms found on the same object seem often quite incoherent. The cases
are not very numerous in which we find a clearly defined, consistent
symbolism extending over the whole pattern.
Judging from information given by Stephan in regard to paintings and
carvings from Melanesia,[57] the explanations, varied and incoherent as
they may be, are given without hesitation and although the same pattern
elements are not given every time the same interpretation, the whole
grouping, expressed at any given time, seems to be clear in the mind of
the person who gives the explanation.
[57] Emil Stephan, Südseekunst, p. 86.
In by far the majority of cases the interpretation appears to us as
entirely incoherent. The terms by which the same forms are designated
by different individuals and at different times are so varied that it
is difficult to assume that we are merely dealing with names of design
elements.
As a typical example of lack of relation between the symbols composing
the ornament may be mentioned an Arapaho knife scabbard[58] (fig. 100).
“The green lines forming a square at the top represent rivers. The
figure within is an eagle. The two larger dark portions of this figure
are also cattle-tracks. The two rows of triangles on the body of the
scabbard represent arrow-points. The squares in the middle are boxes,
and the lines between them are the conventional morning-star cross. The
small squares on the pendant attached to the point of the scabbard are
cattle-tracks.”
[58] Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. 18, p. 87.
[Illustration: Fig. 100. Embroidered knife sheath, Arapaho.]
[Illustration: Fig. 101. Painted board, Neu-Mecklenburg.]
[Illustration: Fig. 102. Decorated paddle, Neu-Mecklenburg.]
As another example I select a decorated object from New Ireland
described by Stephan. In fig. 101 (_a_) represents a frigate bird,
(_b_) fish bones, (_c_) buttons for strings of shell money, (_d_)
men’s arms, and (_e_) a fish head. On a paddle (fig. 102) the spirals
represent the opercula of a snail; the connected triangles, the wings
of the frigate bird. On other specimens the spirals represent young
fern fronds.
[Illustration: Fig. 103. Blanket of mountain-goat wool, Tlingit.
Alaska.]
In the art of the North Pacific coast a definite totemic meaning is
given to conventional figures. There is no general agreement as to
their significance, but to many forms is assigned a meaning according
to the totemic affiliation of the owner for whom it thus attains a
value based on its meaning. Explanations of a blanket design (fig.
103) obtained by G. T. Emmons and John R. Swanton, may serve as an
example. According to Emmons the design represents a whale diving, in
the lateral fields are ravens sitting. The head with nostrils and mouth
is shown below. The central face represents the body, the inverted
eyes along the upper border, the tail. According to Swanton the design
represents a wolf with young. The head is shown below. The hind legs
and hip joints are represented by the two large inverted eyes and the
adjoining ornament along the upper border. The two dark segments just
above the eyes are explained as the feet. The face in the middle of
the design represents, as usual, the body of the animal. The small eye
designs, with adjoining ear and wing feathers, in the middle on each
side of the body, are interpreted as forelegs and feet. The designs in
the lateral panels are explained as young wolves sitting.
It seems likely that wherever varied interpretations of the same
form, or of closely allied forms occur within the same social unit,
conditions of this kind prevail.
We have no information whatever that would enable us to decide whether
the ideas expressed are entirely incoherent. It is conceivable that
there may be associations that are unknown to us and that create a
greater unity than appears on the surface. I am under the impression
that connected with the interpretation there exists a certain emotional
tone that may be weak, but that is, nevertheless, not negligible in the
esthetic effect of the whole object.
[Illustration: Fig. 104. Basketry patterns of the Pomo Indians,
California.]
It would seem that in a considerable number of cases ornamental
patterns have definite names that are always applied, no matter in what
combination the design may occur. Many Californian basketry patterns
are of this kind. Barrett[59] gives the names of decorative patterns
used by the Pomo Indians, from which I select a few as an illustration
(fig. 104). The northern and eastern Pomo call fig. 104 _a_, _b_
butterflies; the central Pomo call them arrow-heads; the designation
for _c_ is sharp arrow-heads. The northern Pomo call _d_, pointed broad
band, deer back, or darts for a game; the central Pomo call them
crow-foot or crow-track; the eastern Pomo, zig-zag or marks of the east.
The design _e_ is called quail plumes; _f_ and _h_, by the northern
Pomo, “sharp points and in the middle striped water snake”; the central
Pomo call them “similar to slender arrow-heads”, and the single
triangles, turtle-neck. The eastern Pomo call the designs butterfly and
“in the middle (gaya) striped water snake”. The design _g_ is called by
the northern Pomo, empty spaces and quail tip patterns; by the eastern
Pomo, butterfly and quail plumes; _i_ by the central Pomo quail plumes
arrowhead.
[59] S. A. Barrett, Pomo Indian Basketry, Univ. of California
Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Vol. VII, No. 3.
[Illustration: Fig. 105. Drawn work, Mexico.]
This usage corresponds to our terms when we speak, for instance, of
the “egg and dart” design. Among the Shetland Islanders patterns on
knit stockings are called “flowers”, flowers serving as a synonym for
pattern. The drawn work of Mexico bears also names.[60] Here we find
names as for instance, “Little Jesus”, “Beehive” (_a_) (fig. 105),
“Partridge’s Eye” (_b_), “Tomato Seed and Peel” (_c_), liana (_d_),
“Spider Net” (_e_). The same is true of the embroidery of Paraguay.[61]
[60] Journal American Folk-Lore Vol. 33, 1920, pp. 73 et seq.
[61] E. Roquette-Pinto, On the Ñanduti of Paraguay. Proceedings of the
Congress of Americanists, Gotenburg, 1925, pp. 103 et seq.
Named designs among more primitive people are particularly common in
Africa, where, according to all investigators, the complex designs are
conceived as compounds of single elements which bear names.
[Illustration: Fig. 106. Designs of the Ruanda.]
Czekanowski[62] says in discussing the ornaments found in Ruanda
(fig. 106): “On account of the simplicity of the Ruanda ornament its
elements are easily determined. We shall enumerate them here according
to their names: quiver (_a_); shield (_b_); millet (_c_); knife (_d_);
arrowhead (_e_); kindly person (_f_); ferrule of a spear (_g_); wings
of a swallow (_h_); large tail (_i_, _j_); arrows (_k_). The three last
patterns may be considered as compound forms. The pentagon occupies an
exceptional position. All these elements consist of straight lines.
Curves occur as segments, crescents, spirals and circles. Wide-lined
circles are called arm rings (_m_); narrow ones, bracelets (_n_).” The
general ornamentation consists of horizontal rows of black triangles
or diamonds on a plain background or a white triangle on a black
background. The arrowhead design (_e_) appears in long rows, the
point of one head touching the notch of the other. Zig-zag bands in
diagonal or vertical rows of the pattern _i_ and _j_ occur also. The
characteristic point seems to be that only the elements of the whole
pattern bear names.
[62] Jan Czekanowski, Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Deutschen
Zentral-Afrika Expedition, 1907-1908, Vol. VI, Part 1. pp. 329 et seq.
I infer from Tessmann’s[63] description that among the Pangwe of
West Africa also the single pattern elements bear names while the
multifarious combinations lack explanations such as we find in America
or in Melanesia. In fig. 107 patterns in woodcarving are represented
which are named as follows: (_a_) file; (_b_) string of cowrie shells;
(_c_, _d_) triangular leaf used for feathering arrows for the cross bow
(triangle with wide base); point of iron money, spear point (triangle
with narrow base); (_e_) tail of armadillo; (_f_) kerf; (_g_) rainbow;
(_h_) fish bone; (_i_) triangular spear; (_k_) spider net.
[63] Günter Tessmann, Die Pangwe, Berlin 1913, Vol. 1, p. 243 et seq.
[Illustration: Fig. 107. Designs of the Pangwe.]
Of the Bushongo Torday[64] says that the nomenclature is not certain
(p. 216). “The Bushongo do not consider the design as a whole, but
they divide it into various elementary patterns. They take one of
these elements as characteristic of the whole figure and call the
whole design by this term. The motives obtained by interrupting woven
patterns[65] at regular intervals are built up of small details which
are found variously combined in other motives. Therefore, owing to the
analytical mind of the natives, the curious phenomenon results that the
same name may be given to two designs, apparently quite dissimilar,
at least so far as the general impression is concerned, and that the
natives of opposite sex will give to the same design different names
because either considers a particular element as the principal part.”
The closely related patterns fig. 108 _b_ and _d_ are derived from
interwoven strands (fig. 108 _a_). The form _b_ is called imbolo
(interwoven?); _c_ is called the xylophone and _d_ the foot of Matarma.
The Bangayo call the same pattern in carving (_e_, _f_) back and head
of the python. The patterns 108 _g_, _h_ are called the knee and _i_
the knot.
[64] E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, Notes ethnographiques sur les
peuples communément appelés Bakuba, etc. Les Bushongo, Documents
ethnographiques concernant les populations du Congo Belge, Vol. II,
number 1, Brussels, 1910, pp. 217, 219.
[65] i. e. the element consisting of a single warp strand showing
between two woof strands and the adjoining similar elements, formed in
simple up and down weaving.
[Illustration: Fig. 108. Designs of the Bushongo.]
* * * * *
[Illustration: Fig. 109. Feet of pottery dishes, Chiriqui, Costa Rica.]
[Illustration: Fig. 110. Polynesian ornaments.]
[Illustration: Fig. 111. Crocodile arrows, New Guinea.]
The significance of primitive ornament has also been studied in another
way. In a number of cases it has been shown that series can be arranged
in which we may place at one end a realistic representation of an
object. By degrees we may pass to more and more conventional forms
that show each a distinct similarity to the preceding one, but end in
a purely conventional, geometric design in which the initial stage can
hardly, if at all, be recognized. I believe the first to discover this
phenomenon was Frederic Ward Putnam, who described the development,
as he called it, of the hollow, slit feet of Chiriquian (Costa Rican)
pottery from a fish form to a purely conventional design (fig. 109).
He was followed by others who made studies of similar transitions in
other parts of the world. William H. Holmes described the so-called
alligator vases of Chiriqui, showing the relations between the
alligator design and curious irregular painted forms (see fig. 129, p.
137). Hjalmar Stolpe, and about the same time, Charles H. Read (fig.
110) discussed the relations of human figures and geometrical designs
in Polynesian ornaments; Haddon studied the so-called crocodile arrows
(fig. 111) and the frigate bird (fig. 112) designs of New Guinea in
their gradual transition from fairly realistic forms in which the
crocodile and the bird are easily recognized, to geometrical types in
which the prototype is entirely obscured. Similar relations are found
in the facial urns of prehistoric times, (fig. 113) in some of which
we find a perfectly plain and distinct face, while in others there are
only a few knobs that, on account of their position, recall the face.
George Grant MacCurdy takes us back to Chiriqui where he collected
from museum collections series of types beginning with the form of the
armadillo and ending with small decorative points (fig. 114). Von den
Steinen forms out similar phenomena in the tattooings of the Marquesans.
[Illustration: Fig. 112. Designs representing frigate bird and
crocodile.]
In a few cases the striking similarity of the patterns which
contradicts the diversity of names suggests an historical relation
between the forms. This is the case, for instance, with the Bushongo
antelope and beetle patterns (fig. 115). The resemblance between the
realistic antelope head (_a_) and beetle design (_d_) is evident. It
is, however, not necessary to assume a transition from the antelope to
the beetle design, but the question has to be answered in how far the
stylistic form may have moulded the two representations in the same
form or, on the other hand, why an ornamental form may have outlines
that, on the one hand, express an antelope’s head and, on the other
hand, the body of a beetle.[66]
[66] E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, Notes ethnographiques sur les
peuples communément appelés Bakuba, etc. Les Bushongo, Documents
ethnographiques concernant les populations du Congo Belge, Vol. II,
number 1, Brussels, 1910, p. 212.
[Illustration: Fig. 113. Facial urns.]
[Illustration: Fig. 114. Armadillo designs, Chiriqui.]
[Illustration: Fig. 115. Designs of the Bushongo representing the head
of the antelope and the beetle.]
Here arises the important problem whether we are to assume that all
these forms are developments from realism to conventionalism, as has
often been assumed, or whether the converse process may not also have
occurred, namely that a geometrical design existed and that a gradual
development towards a realistic form took place, that a meaning was
read into the geometric pattern and that in this way the significant
forms originated. Unfortunately historical evidence is hardly ever
available and we are compelled to rely upon indirect evidence. We
cannot follow the excellent example set by Riegl in his detailed study
of the history of the introduction of curved lines in Mediterranean art.
However, we can apply the geographical method, the only one that
has made it possible to unravel part of the historical development
of people that do not possess written records, and for cultures the
development of which cannot be traced by archaeological evidence.
It is possible to establish with a high degree of probability the
relationship of cultural forms and their gradual spread by means of
a study of the distribution of ethnic phenomena and their variations
in the sections of the area in which they are found. This method is
strictly analogous to the one applied by biologists in their studies of
the gradual distribution of plants and animals.
In our case we must try to trace the distribution of designs together
with the interpretations given to them by different tribes. If we
should find consistent interpretations of the same form over large
areas, perhaps even more realistic forms in a central district, more
conventional ones in outlying parts of the country, but in all of them
the same interpretation, we should have to consider this as plausible
evidence of an origin of the conventional types from a realistic
representation. If, on the other hand, it should be found that in the
whole area realistic forms and conventional forms were irregularly
distributed and that furthermore the meanings of identical or similar
forms did not agree, then the origin of conventional forms from
realistic ones would seem to be quite unlikely. Then we should have
to assume one of two possibilities; either the form must have spread
gradually over the whole area and must have been given a meaning
independently by each people,—in other words the meaning must have been
read into the pattern,—or it may have been that a dominating style has
forced a diversity of realistic representations into the same geometric
patterns.
In the latter case we should have to consider the processes by
which realistic forms should gradually change into unrecognizable
conventional ones; in the former the processes by which from a
conventional form a representative one develops.
[Illustration: Fig. 116. Design representing the buffalo, Arapaho.]
That both ways are possible is easily shown. When the Plains Indians
represent a buffalo in a stiff angular form, like a hide spread out
provided with legs, head and tail (fig. 116); and if also a rectangle
without these attachments is called a buffalo, it may be as well the
buffalo hide that has been abbreviated, so to speak, as that the
hide has been read into the rectangle. The process of reading in is
not at all unfamiliar to us. We see realistic forms in the shapes
of mountains and clouds and in marks on rocks, and we enjoy the
play of fancy that endows natural forms with new meanings. There is
no reason to doubt that the same tendency prevails among primitive
peoples. Koch-Grünberg’s[67] observations among the natives of South
America prove this point. He tells us that the Indians, when camping
at a portage and waiting for the rivers to become navigable, take up
accidental marks on the rocks and by pecking develop them into forms
suggested by the natural outlines, or that they take up the lines left
by a preceding party who amused themselves in the same way and whose
play was interrupted when they were able to resume their journey.
We have also ample evidence to show that curiously formed rocks are
not only compared with animate beings, but that they are actually
considered as men or beasts transformed into stone. Thus the Pueblo
Indians tell in their migration legend that a person or an animal
became tired on account of the fatigue of the long travel, sat down and
was transformed into stone. The forms of a hawk, man, bear, and of a
woman carrying a basket are still pointed out. On Vancouver Island are
shown the tracks of the culture hero, where he stepped on a rock. In
the interior of British Columbia a large boulder is said to be Coyote’s
basket.[68]
[67] Th. Koch-Grünberg, Südamerikanische Felszeichnungen. Berlin, 1907.
[68] James A. Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,
Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, Pl. 19.
[Illustration: Fig. 117. Designs of North American Indians; the first
nine Arapaho, the next six Eastern Algonquin; the last line; first
Hopi; then archaeological specimens, Pueblo region.]
I shall illustrate this point by the discussion of a design found
widely spread among the Indians of North America. Their decorative art
is characterized by the use of straight lines, triangles and rectangles
that appear in manifold combinations. One of the most typical forms
is that of an isosceles triangle with enclosed rectangle, sometimes
provided with spurs at the base (fig. 117). This design is found in
an extended area. It occurs most frequently on the great plains but
also on part of the western plateaus and among the Pueblo Indians
(fig. 118). To the west it is found among the tribes of the woodlands
and certain peculiar patterns of New England and the interior of
Labrador are strongly reminiscent of it. The stylistic similarity,
or better, identity of the pattern on the plains is so great that
it cannot possibly have developed from several independent sources.
It is part and parcel of the general art style of the area that has
developed either in one spot, or what seems more probable, by the
conflux of artistic activities of a number of tribes. Thirty or forty
years ago, under the strong influence of the evolutionary theory, the
psychologising ethnologist might have interpreted this similarity as
due to the sameness of the reaction of the human mind to the same
or similar environmental causes,—as Daniel G. Brinton explained
the similarity of Algonquin and Iroquois mythologies. However, the
development of our science since that time has so firmly established
the fact that even the most primitive cultures must be considered
as having had a historical development no less complex than that of
civilization, that the theory of independent origin of almost identical
phenomena in contiguous areas can no longer be maintained and has been
given up by all serious students.
[Illustration: Fig. 118. Triangular design, prehistoric Pueblo.]
When we study the significance of the pattern we find the greatest
possible divergence of meaning. As pointed out before, different
individuals in one tribe, do not all assign to it the same meaning, but
more or less decided tendencies to certain interpretations are found
in each tribe. The design is sometimes drawn steeply and the sides of
the triangle extend slightly beyond the apex. Thus the form of a tent
with tent poles, doorway and pegs for pinning down the tent cover is
expressed. At other times the triangle is more obtuse and represents a
hill. It may be placed on a white background which signifies snow or
sand; blue lines extending downward from the base indicate springs of
water and small triangles may be placed in the inner triangle. Thus
it becomes the mythical mountain in which, at the beginning of time,
the buffaloes were kept and which is located on a snowcovered plain. On
the slopes of the mountain grow trees. Again, quite different, is the
interpretation given by the Pueblo Indians. In their arid country the
greatest need is rain without which their crops wither and starvation
stares at the people. The communal life centers around the idea of
fertility to be attained by an abundance of rain. Accordingly they
interpret the symbol as a cloud from which the rain falls. Since their
art is far less angular in style than that of the Plains Indians, they
often substitute a semicircle for the triangle and attain a greater
realistic resemblance to clouds by superimposing three of these
semicircles, from which flow down the rain lines. When we turn to the
western plateaus, we find among the Shoshone the regular design of the
obtuse triangle applied and explained on the basis of geographical
features; it suggests to them mountain-passes and a fort protected by
palisades. Further to the north we do not find the enclosed rectangle,
but the triangle and the spurs at the base persist. These are explained
as paws of a bear, the triangle being the sole of the foot, the spurs
the claws. In the eastern woodlands new developments occur. The
triangle now is exceedingly narrow, so that there is no room for the
enclosed rectangle which is reduced to a triangle. The sides of the
triangle are produced beyond the apex, even more so than among the
Sioux Indians, and a considerable number of almost straight vertical
lines are added to the sides. The form bears now a certain resemblance
to a fish tail and is so interpreted. Still more curious are the
developments in New England. The triangle and the enclosed rectangle
are still unmistakably present, although curved lines, characteristic
of eastern American art, are added on. The interpretation has changed
again. The pattern is a symbol of the town or of the tribe and its
chief.
Among none of these tribes do we find any indication of the existence
of more realistic forms from which the conventional triangle might
have been derived. The realistic forms of the western tribes are almost
exclusively crudely pictographic and no transition from the pictograph
to ornamental, geometric patterns can be traced. The realistic forms
of the eastern tribes are found particularly in mattings and weaving.
These also show no relation to the triangular forms that we are
discussing. The theory that the pattern has developed under the stress
of a compelling style that cast a variety of realistic forms into the
same mould does not find support in the facts, because transitional
forms are lacking. We conclude, therefore, that the sameness of
form and the difference of meaning are not due to a geometrisation
of realistic forms but to a reading in of significance into old
conventional patterns. This view is corroborated by the prevailing
uncertainty in regard to many of the meanings. The Blackfeet, according
to Clark Wissler,[69] have practically no feeling whatever for the
significance of these designs. The Arapaho behave somewhat differently
on different occasions. Ceremonial paraphernalia may have fairly
definite meaning, while clothing, bags and other objects are given
interpretations that are quite subjective and which show therefore
great individual differences.
[69] Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 18, p.
276.
The importance of the social position, or perhaps better, of the social
interests of the owner of an object, in determining the meaning of
ornaments has been demonstrated most clearly among the Sioux Indians.
In former times their ornamentation was made in porcupine quill
embroidery, but at present beads have taken place of the quills. Men
and women use to a considerable extent the same ornamental designs, but
with distinctive meaning. A diamond-shaped pattern with attached double
triangular appendages, when found on a cradle, or a woman’s legging, is
interpreted as a turtle, the turtle being a symbol closely associated
with birth and maturity of the woman. When found on a man’s legging it
represents a slain enemy.[70]
[70] Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians, Bull. Am. Mus.
Nat. Hist., Vol. 18, pp. 253, 273.
I will mention one more case in which the actual process of reading
in has been observed. At one time, when I visited British Columbia,
I purchased a woven bag from an elderly woman. It was decorated with
a series of diamonds and small embroidered cross-like figures. Upon
inquiry I learned that the bag had been purchased from a neighboring
tribe and that the new owner did not know anything about the
original significance of the pattern,—if such a significance existed
which is doubtful, because the tribe in question is not given to
interpretations. It appeared to the new owner that the diamonds looked
like a series of lakes connected by a river. The different colors of
the diamonds appeared to her to suggest the colors of the lakes;—a
green border, the vegetation of the shore, a yellow area inside the
shallow water, and a blue center the deep water. The interpretation
did not seem to her sufficiently clear, and in order to emphasize it
she added, in embroidery, figures of birds flying towards the lakes.
Thus she gave greater realism to her conception and made it more
intelligible to her friends (Plate VII).
[Illustration: PLATE VII.