CHAPTER XXXIX

BEETS AND CELERY

We go from city to city, and I wonder, will you grow tired of reading

the same things over and over? Perhaps we shall be wise to agree on a

few formulas, so that you may get a situation in a phrase. Let us agree

upon “salary campaign,” to mean that the teachers took up the fight to

get an increase in wages—and didn’t get very much. Also the phrase

“union smashing,” to mean that the teachers formed an organization, and

were forced to quit it or to quit the schools. Also the phrase “schools

overcrowded”—meaning that the children of the poor are jammed into old,

unsanitary buildings, while the city is erecting palatial high schools,

with all the luxuries for the children of the rich. Also let us recall

the familiar “Propaganda” and “Repression,” which tell us that business

men come to the schools to sing the praises of business, while teachers

are reprimanded for the slightest hint of a liberal idea. All these

things are a part of the school system in the metropolis of automobiles.

As one teacher phrased it to me: “We know that the old watchful eye is

on us!”

I have before me a copy of a publication called the “Industrial

Barometer,” Detroit, Michigan, September, 1923. It is the organ of the

Employers’ Association, and is full of bitter, sneering arguments

against labor unions and public ownership—proving that public ownership

of railroads leads inevitably and “by easy steps” to public ownership of

babies! A copy of this publication is sent free of charge to every

school teacher in Detroit, and when the teachers read it through they

find the menace which is meant for them: “The spread of radical and

iconoclastic theories in colleges calls for a closer inspection of

persons and things herein than heretofore.” (This of course is intended

as a lesson in economics, not in English!)

I got an interesting light on Detroit education from a group of

Socialist children. Needless to say, these children were not having a

happy time in the schools; they were forced to listen all day long to

attacks upon their faith—and this regardless of what might be the

supposed subject of instruction. One teacher discussed the wickedness of

teachers forming unions, and pictured their plight when ordered on

strike: “And we’d be clubbed over the head if we refused!” A teacher of

economics explained all poverty as due to the extravagance of the poor;

she talked for half an hour about a case she had known, a poor woman who

bought a mahogany furniture set costing six hundred dollars, and

including three plate glass mirrors! You understand, it is not permitted

the children of Detroit to argue with their educators; as one child said

to me: “We almost die with rage!”

Sometimes these children would be pained to note that teachers of a

liberal bent of mind would make some statement, and then be seized with

fear, and apologize and explain that they didn’t really mean it. One

teacher explained that she was using a very reactionary text-book,

because she had to. “And,” added the child, “that teacher is not

teaching any more.” The child understood exactly why, having often

observed the principal standing behind a half-opened door, listening to

what was going on in the class!

The Socialist children brought me their text-books, to show what they

had to endure. For example, that work on English literature written by

the principal of the Northern High School of Detroit, Edwin L. Miller.

This local celebrity tells the children of his city that George Bernard

Shaw “persistently obtrudes upon the public the absurd proposition that

all property should be held in common.” I hereby publicly offer to Mr.

Miller or his publishers, the Lippincotts, the entire income which I may

derive from this book if they will point out to me a single passage from

the writings of George Bernard Shaw in which this proposition is

advanced. Will Mr. Miller or his publishers let me hear from them? They

will not!

Also “The Elements of Political Economy,” by Professor J. Laurence

Laughlin, prize reactionary of the University of Standard Oil. This

eminent economist tells the school children of Detroit that “Socialistic

teaching strikes at the root of individuality and independent

character.” I have known some thousands of Socialists in my lifetime,

and I venture the estimate that nine out of ten of them possess more

individuality and independent character than a kept college professor of

the Rockefellers. This professor is so rabid in defense of his masters

that he even finds it necessary to underscore the phrases in his

text-books: “The great _difficulty with these schemes_,” etc. He reveals

himself so ignorant of Socialism that he cannot even spell correctly the

names of its leaders; he gives three names, Proudhon, Karl Marx, and

Lassalle, and misspells two of them!

Or consider this sentence: “If men constantly hear it said that they are

oppressed and down-trodden, deprived of their own, ground down by the

rich, and that the State will set all things right for them in due time,

what other effect can that teaching have on the character and energy of

the ignorant than the complete destruction of all self-help?” I take the

liberty of answering this rhetorical question: such teaching can have

the effect of making the ignorant realize that for the mass of the

proletariat under the capitalist system individual effort is a pitiful

delusion and snare, and that the one hope for the workers lies in

class-conscious collective action. And when the ignorant have learned

that lesson, they will be wiser than a professor who teaches economics

under a Rockefeller subsidy, and produces poison text-books to be

published by Mr. Barnes of the American Book Company, and sold to the

schools of Detroit by the convicted henchman of Mr. Barnes’

brother-in-law, and purchased for the city of Detroit by the brother of

this convicted henchman!

I got another interesting sidelight on the schools of this metropolis of

automobiles by talking with a group of citizens interested in the

prevention of child labor. Because the workers of Detroit are taught by

poison text-books to rely upon self-help instead of solidarity, they are

so poor that they are unable to keep their children in school. The big

business men of Detroit are charmed with this condition, not merely

because it enables them to avoid paying taxes to build new schools in

the slums, but also because it provides them with an abundant supply of

child labor for their industries. In the effort to abolish such labor,

the reformers of Michigan obtained passage of a law allowing

poverty-stricken parents a sum equal to what the children might earn if

they worked; also, they obtained a mother’s pension law, for the support

of those children whose fathers are killed in the automobile factories.

But what is the use of such excellent laws when there is no budget

provided to pay the money? In the county in which the state capital is

located some mothers are getting as little as fifty cents a week for the

support of their children!

A group of church workers, seeking to raise a fund to agitate against

these conditions, had the bright idea of getting “society ladies” to

assist them. The “society ladies” were to go about and collect

subscriptions from the manufacturers; but for the first time the ladies

found their charms entirely futile—they could not raise a penny! To

enforce these child labor laws would destroy the prosperity of Detroit,

said the great captains of industry. So every week the truant officers

and child labor officers bring children into the Recorder’s Court, and

the recorder investigates and learns that the reason the children are

out of school is because in school they would starve. The recorder has

to admit he does not know what to do with cases of this sort.

We shall in due course examine the enormous organization, including all

the big manufacturers of the country, which for thirty years has carried

on a nation-wide campaign to paralyze the schools in the interest of

child labor. While we are in Michigan, let us see what they have been

doing here. All over the state are vast fields of beets and celery, and

for the cultivation of these cheap labor is a necessity. A man applies

for a job, and only one question is asked him: “What is your gang?”—the

meaning of the question being: “How many child slaves have you got?”

Children as young as five years of age stagger about the fields,

carrying in each hand a beet which weighs as much as six pounds, and

with the clay on it as much as ten pounds. The National Child Labor

Committee, covering one-seventh of the beet-territory, counted

sixty-nine children under six years of age, working as high as fifteen

hours a day!

Of course, such babies, working such hours become ill, and are malformed

for life; yet before committees of the legislatures of forty-eight

states you will hear suave manufacturers explaining that child labor is

good for children—all the great presidents of America were raised on

farms! These suave gentlemen got through a law exempting the canning

industry from the child labor laws during the canning season; and then

the suave gentlemen devised a method, by the use of vats, to make the

canning season last the year round! This being a depressing subject, you

will be glad to end with a laugh; so I mention that one of these big

business gentlemen, a bitter and persistent enemy of the child labor

laws, is an active officer in the national organization of the Animal

Welfare League!

The Goslings: A Study of the American Schools · 第 39 / 55 章