CHAPTER XXI

CONTINUOUS PERFORMANCE

I went away from Chicago in May; and coming back in June, on my way

home, I discovered that this Chicago melodrama is a continuous

performance. A new act was on, and the business representative of the

Chicago Teachers’ Federation Was in the midst of another whirlwind. The

city was on the point of getting a new president of the school board,

and he was worse than the old one, if such a thing were possible. He was

a physician, Dr. John Dill Robertson, formerly head of the Bennett

Medical College, which had been exposed in the “Journal of the American

Medical Association,” February 7th, 1914. Margaret Haley had had the

article reproduced photographically, with its headlines: “High School

Credentials for Sale. Illustration of Irregular Methods by which

Commercially Conducted Medical Colleges Admit Students Contrary to Law.”

The article told how a student had applied to Dr. Robertson’s college,

presenting credits for a year and a half of high school work, and the

registrar of the college got him a certificate supposed to represent a

full four years’ high-school course. They got this signed by a county

school superintendent in Wisconsin, after the applicant had passed an

examination for which the registrar furnished him both the questions and

the answers! A copy of this article was mailed to every member of the

city council of Chicago—but Dr. Robertson was confirmed by this body

just the same!

Meantime the graft revelations continued. I have before me a pamphlet by

Judge McKinley, chief justice of the criminal court of Cook County,

detailing the devices by which the fake purchasing companies made their

millions out of the schools. There are pages of details about such

concerns, their imaginary offices, their contracts for every kind of

material which could be used in a big city school system. There was a

deal for a hundred thousand tons of coal, without any competitive

bidding; another deal of $244,000 for “surplus Shipping Board

boilers”—these being boilers offered for sale by the Shipping Board and

purchased by a dummy concern, whose head was a former school board

member. This man, Fitzgerald, had “never had a bank account until this

sale took place”; and the boilers were bought on the recommendation of

Davis, the president of the school board, described as “a nice little

fellow who did what he was told.” Says Judge McKinley:

There was “the phonograph deal” of the Hiawatha Company, headed by

State Commerce Commissioner P. H. Moynihan; “the six skinny cows” sent

to the parental school, as milk producers for the three hundred little

truants confined there; the stationery and school supply contracts

between the board and Davis’ nephews; the tearing out of expensive

plumbing in school buildings to “make work” for Metzger’s “steam

heating and ventilating company”; the sale of coal in certain

districts to the schools by certain firms who made contributions of 50

cents a ton to board officials; the “sale” of buildings on school

property by Bither, the attorney for that board, and the “splitting”

of the rents collected from tenants who continued to live in them for

two years after they had sold them as additions to the Forrestville

and Wendell Phillips schools.

You will wish to know the outcome of this particular act of the

continuous Chicago melodrama. William A. Bither, attorney for the school

board, and Edwin S. Davis, president of the board, were tried for

conspiracy and acquitted, together with thirteen others, including the

boss of the gang. Some witnesses had disappeared; others had “forgotten”

what they had sworn to before the grand jury; but most significant of

all, this clever board had taken the precaution not to pass rules

governing its own procedure—and the court instructed the jury that in

the absence of rules, the business manager’s rules held good! It was not

a crime for board members to sell to their own friends and relatives,

nor to sell to companies in which they, the board members, owned stock!

It was not a crime to buy supplies without bids! It was not a crime to

make bad bargains in purchasing! To have these things proven in court

cost the people of Chicago some two hundred thousand dollars—in addition

to the millions already wasted.

Chicago got a new mayor, who, by political subtlety too intricate to

detail, got rid of the old school board, and of Dr. Robertson as

president. The last word of the great medical educator was a letter to

the new board, explaining the wonderful legacy he was leaving them, in

the form of a commission to study the school housing question; and so,

when I came back to Chicago in December, 1923, to read the proofs of

this book, I found yet another act of the melodrama on, and the business

representative of the Chicago Teachers’ Federation in the midst of

another whirlwind! This commission and its Big Business masters had set

out to foist upon the people of Chicago the wonderful new “platoon

system” of schools, as it is now working full blast in Detroit, the very

latest wrinkle in Ford factory standardization applied to the minds of

children.

Needless to say, in a city where $10 is not safe anywhere, the schools

are hideously overcrowded. There is a new building program, amounting to

thirty million dollars, and this hurts the plutocracy even to think

about. So one day, after a school board session, the kept press of

Chicago exploded all over the front page with the news that the school

board had discussed a wonderful plan to save all that money, and put

half a million children on half time, and hire eleven thousand new

teachers, and get double service out of the schools by running them nine

hours a day, six days a week, twelve months a year on the “platoon

system” as it exists in Detroit.

The first thing to be got clear about this newspaper story is that it

was a simultaneous lie. The school board had not considered any such

plan, either at its regular meeting or at any committee meeting. The

Chicago Teachers’ Federation keeps a court stenographer at every session

and has a complete transcript of every word that is spoken—this just

because of the newspapers’ habit of shameless lying. But for some reason

not easy to guess, the board members failed to make a formal repudiation

of this published false news; the papers went on day after day outlining

what the board was about to do; and so it was plain that some power

behind the scenes was setting out to force the hand of a new and

supposed-to-be-liberal school board.

The Chicago teachers decided to find out for themselves about this new

Detroit system and how it is working. They sent a committee of nine

class-room teachers, who did not wait the convenience of

superintendents, but went right into class-rooms at the opening hour,

and spent several days wandering about in the great assembling plants

for goslings. They found Detroit teachers in secret revolt against the

new system—and incidentally much puzzled to learn that it was being

boosted in Chicago as a saver of money and building space. The members

of the school board in Detroit had been having rows, and calling one

another impolite names because of the costliness of the system; and as

for space, one Chicago teacher asked: “Why aren’t you using the platoon

system in this school?” The answer was: “We haven’t room enough!”

If it is not money and not building space, what is it? To quote the

report of the Chicago teachers: “All special work is outlined,

standardized, and supervised from some central authority, so that

children derive no benefit from the originality and experience of the

individual teacher, or from her knowledge of their particular needs. The

teachers know the names of but few children in each group, because of

the large numbers with which they deal.” Again: “If fatigue and

inability to give attention are features of modern life, the children

are certainly experiencing life.”

So it appears that this Detroit system is a contrivance to suppress

every trace of individuality in school teachers, and make every one of

them a phonograph, repeating formulas set before her in print; to

prescribe not merely her words but her states of mind, and the

“attitudes to be acquired” by her pupils. One teacher read me the

specifications, and said: “It’s enough to raise the hair on your head.”

What is the “central authority” which now shapes the minds of all the

children of all the wage-slaves of our great metropolis of automobiles?

We shall inquire before long, and find that it is the same interlocking

directorate we know so well. And here is their master achievement; how

well they know it, how proud they are of it, you may learn from their

official statement, written by the man who has the job in charge—Mr.

Charles L. Spain, deputy superintendent of schools of Detroit. Says this

great educator: “During the war the public schools came to be recognized

as a powerful agency through which to spread propaganda. It is certain

that society will expect more from the schools in this respect than in

the past.” And he goes on to explain that the “platoon system” gets the

children all ready, and every child in the building can be reached every

day! When this new scheme has been set up in all our schools, big and

little—and it won’t take them but a few years—it will be possible for

Judge Gary or Mr. Morgan to press a button at nine o’clock in the

morning, and by twelve o’clock noon every child of our twenty-three

million will be ready to go out and kill the “Reds.”

The Goslings: A Study of the American Schools · 第 21 / 55 章