LOBBYISTS--AND ONE IN PARTICULAR
Washington has known many lobbyists in its time, and it keeps on
knowing them. The striking increase in legislation that aims to
restrict unlawful or improper practices in business, the awakening
of the public conscience, has caused a greater demand than ever for
influence at the national capital, for these restrictive measures must
be either killed or emasculated to a point of uselessness by that
process which is the salvation of many a corrupt manipulator, the
process of amendment.
Predatory corporations, predatory business associations of different
sorts and predatory individuals have their representatives on the
field at Washington to ward off attack by any means that brains can
devise or money procure and to obtain desired favors at a cost that
will leave a profitable balance for the purchaser. When commercial
tricksters, believing in the lobbyists' favorite maxim, "The People
Forget," feel that they have outlived the latest reform movement
and see "the good old days" returning, the professional politicians
introduce a few reform measures themselves, most stringent measures.
They push these measures ahead until somebody pays up, then the bills
die. The lobbyist knows all about these "strike" bills, but does not
frown on them. No, no. Per-haps he helped draw up one of these bills
so that, with the aid of his inside knowledge of his employer's
business, the measure is made to give a greater scare than might
otherwise have resulted. The bigger the scare the bigger the fund
advanced, of course, for the lobbyist to handle. All this also helps
the lobbyist to secure and retain employment.
Not all the Washington lobbyists are outside of Congress. The Senator
or Congressman has unequaled facilities for oiling or blocking the
course of a bill. Sometimes he confines himself to the interests of
his own clients, whoever they may be. But sometimes he notices a bill
that promises to be a pretty good thing for the client of some other
member if it passes. Then he begins to fight this bill so actively
that he must be "let in on the deal" himself. This is very annoying
to the other member, but the experience is worth something. He has
learned the value of observing other people's legislation.
The outsiders (members of the "third house") and the insiders have a
bond of freemasonry uniting them; they exchange information as to what
members of both houses can be "reached," how they can be "got to"
(through whom) and how much they want. This information is carefully
tabulated, and now prices for passing or defeating legislation can be
quoted to interested parties just as the price of a carload of pork
can be ascertained at a given time and place. Perhaps it is this
system that leads grafting members of short experience to wonder how
knowledge of their taking what is termed "the sugar" got out and
became known to their associates. Did they not have pledge of absolute
secrecy? Yes, but the purchaser never intended to keep the information
from those of his kind. Lobbyists must be honest with each other.
Not all lobbyists are men. The woman legislative agent has been known
to occupy an important position in Washington, and she does yet.
She is hard to detect and frequently more unprincipled than the men
similarly engaged, if that is possible.
A woman with a measure of social standing would naturally prove
the most successful as a lobbyist in Washington because of the
opportunities her position would afford her to meet people of
prominence. And just such a one was Mrs. Cora Spangler, with whom
the Langdons had been thrown in contact quite intimately since their
arrival at the capital.
Pretty and vivacious, Mrs. Spangler bore her thirty-seven years with
uncommon ease, aided possibly by the makeup box and the modiste.
Her dinners and receptions were attended by people of acknowledged
standing. Always a lavish spender of money, this was explained
as possible because of a fortune left her by her late husband,
Congressman Spangler of Pennsylvania. That this "fortune" had
consisted largely of stock and bonds of a bankrupt copper smelting
plant in Michigan remained unknown, except to her husband's family,
one or two of her own relatives and Senator Peabody, who, coming from
Pennsylvania, had known her husband intimately.
He it was who had suggested to her that she might make money easily
by cultivating the acquaintance of the new members of both houses
and their families, exerting her influence in various "perfectly
legitimate ways," he argued, for or against matters pending in
legislation. The Standard Steel corporation kept Mrs. Spangler well
supplied with funds deposited monthly to her account in a Philadelphia
trust company.
She avoided suspicion by reason of her sex and her many acquaintances
of undisputed rank. Senator Peabody was never invited to her home, had
never attended a single dinner, reception or musicale she had given,
all of which was a part of the policy they had mutually agreed on to
deaden any suspicion that might some time arise as to her relation to
the Standard Steel Company. It was well known that Peabody had been
put into the Senate by Standard Steel to look after its interests.
He had found Mrs. Spangler chiefly valuable thus far as a source of
information regarding the members of Congress, which she obtained
largely from their families. He was thus able to gain an idea of their
associations, their particular interests and their aspirations in
coming to Congress, which proved of much use to him in forming and
promoting acquaintances, all for the glory of Standard Steel.
Senator Holcomb of Missouri told Mrs. Spangler at an afternoon tea
confidentially that he was going to vote against the ship subsidy
bill. Senator Peabody was informed of this two hours later by a note
written in cipher. When the vote was called two days later Senator
Holcomb voted for the bill. Standard Steel supplies steel for ocean
liners, and their building must be encouraged.
Mrs. Windsor, wife of Congressman Windsor of Indiana, remarked to Mrs.
Spangler at a reception that she was "so glad Jimmie is going to do
something for us women at last. He says we ought to get silk gowns
ever so much cheaper next year," Jimmie Windsor was a member of the
House committee on ways and means and was busily engaged in the matter
of tariff revision. When President Anders of the Federal Silk Company
heard from Senator Peabody that Windsor favored lowering the tariff
on silk a way was found to convince the Congressman that the American
silk industry was a weakling, and many investors would suffer if the
foreign goods should be admitted any cheaper than at present.
President Anders would be willing to do Senator Peabody a favor some
day.
Sometimes Cora Spangler shuddered at the thought of what would
become of her if she should make some slip, some fatal error, and be
discovered to her friends as a betrayer of confidences for money.
A secret agent of Standard Steel! What a newspaper story she would
make--"Society Favorite a Paid Spy"; "Woman Lobbyist Flees Capital."
The sensational headlines flitted through her mind. Then she would
grit her teeth and dig her finger nails into her palms. She had to
have money to carry on the life she loved so well. She must continue
as she had begun. After all, she reasoned, nothing definite could ever
be proved regarding the past. Let the future care for itself. She
might marry again and free herself from this mode of life--who knows?
So reasoned Cora Spangler for the hundredth time during the last two
years as she sat in her boudoir at her home. She had spent part of the
day with Carolina and Hope Langdon and in the evening had attended the
musicale at their house. But she had been forced to leave early owing
to a severe headache. Now, after an hour or two of rest, she felt
better and was about to retire. Suddenly the telephone bell rang at a
writing-table near a window. She had two telephones, one in the lower
hall and one in her boudoir--to save walking downstairs unnecessarily,
she explained to her woman friends. But the number of this upstairs
telephone was not in the public book. It had a private number, known
to but two people except herself.
Taking down the receiver, she asked in low voice, "Hello! Who is it?"
"Mr. Wall."
It was the name Senator Peabody used in telephone conversation with
her.
"Yes, Congressman!" she responded.
She always said, "Yes, Congressman," in replying to "Mr. Wall," a
prearranged manner of indicating that he was talking to the desired
person.
"I will need your services to-morrow," Senator Peabody said, "on a
very important matter, I am afraid. Decline any engagements and hold
yourself in readiness."
"Yes."
"I may send my friend S. to explain things at 10:30 in the morning. If
he does not arrive at that time, telephone me at 10:35 sharp. You know
where. Understand? I have put off going to Philadelphia to-night."
"Yes."
"That is all; good-by."
"Something very important," she murmured nervously as she turned from
the desk.
"I don't like his tone of voice; sounds strained and
worried--something unusual for the cold, flinty gentleman from
Pennsylvania. And his 'friend S.,' of course, means Stevens! Great
heavens! then Stevens must now have knowledge of my--my--business!"
She calmed herself and straightened a dainty, slender finger against
her cheek.
"It must be something about that naval base bill, I'm sure. That's
been worrying Peabody all session," she mused as she pressed a button
to summon her maid.