A NEW KIND OF POLITICAL PARTNERSHIP
The combination of the forces of Langdon and Haines did not find much
favor among the powers that are--at the Capitol. Senator Peabody
peremptorily demanded an explanation from Stevens as to how he had
allowed "his Senator" to engage as his secretary "this inquisitive man
Haines, a reporter who didn't know his place."
"Here we've put Langdon on naval affairs because we knew he didn't
understand what's going on, and you, Stevens, supposed to be the
finished, product of the political mill, _you_ fall asleep and let
him take up a man whom nobody can control, one who knows the inside
workings of Washington and who will take par-tic-u-lar pleasure in
teaching your fellow Mississippian far too much for our good."
Stevens' reply, to effect that probably Haines would consent to
be "taken care of" if judiciously approached, was derided by the
observant Peabody. "A young reformer grows fat on notoriety," he
laughed, "and think what a scandal he would have for his newspaper if
we took a chance on disclosing our hand to him. No, no, Stevens; we
must have him watched and try to discredit him in some way. Perhaps we
can make Langdon believe that his secretary is dishonest."
Congressman Norton was another man who was dismayed at the formation
of the firm of Langdon and Haines. Young Randolph, too, could not
forget the defeat and humiliation he had previously suffered at
Haines' hands and grew more bitter as the reporter's influence over
his father grew stronger. But Haines' most effective enemy had arisen
in the person he would be the last to suspect; one whom he unceasingly
admired, one whose very words he had come to cherish. And possibly
it was not all her own fault that Carolina Langdon had enlisted her
services, subtle and quite overwhelming (owing to Haines' fervent
worship of her), against the secretary. Perhaps the social system of
which she had become a part in Washington had something to do with the
craving to become a leader in that fascinating world whose dazzling
variety and infinite diversion seemed to fill her soul with all
that it yearned for. Love she had, for she had now promised to wed
Congressman Norton. She loved him fondly, she had confessed to him,
and gradually she came to work desperately against Haines, who,
she had been convinced by Norton and Randolph, would prove a
stumbling-block to them, to her father, to herself in her career at
the capital, if his influence over the Senator should be permitted to
exist or to increase. And so on the surface Carolina Langdon was most
amiable to the secretary, encouraged him in his attentions to her, led
him surely into her power, Norton having prevailed, on her to keep the
knowledge of their engagement secret from every one, even her father.
The days and nights became filled with important work for Senator
Langdon and his secretary. Together they went over the important
measures, outlined what appeared to be the best course of procedure,
and carried it into effect as far as possible. Langdon became a
prominent figure in the Senate, owing to his consistent support of
measures that fitted in with the public policy, or what should be the
public policy, of the nation. He had learned that the only practicable
way to outwit or to cope with the members of the dominating machine,
made up, he was surprised to see, of members of both the parties--the
only two in Washington--was to oppose what the machine wanted with
enough power to force it to grant him what he believed the public
ought to have. He was described by some of the hide-bound "insiders"
on Capitol Hill as "the only brainy man who had fought the machine in
thirty years."
At the home he had later established in Washington as preferable
to the International Hotel were frequently seen a small coterie of
Senators and Congressmen who had become known to the sarcastic party
bosses in both houses of Congress as the "Langdon crowd," which crowd
was admitted to be somewhat a factor when it finally prevailed on the
President to take over 11,000 postmasters from the appointment class
and put them under the control of the Civil Service Commission,
resulting in the necessity of a competitive examination for these
postmasters instead of their securing positions through political
favoritism.
Those who did not know Langdon intimately suggested that "this fellow
ought to be 'taken care of.' What in God's name does he want? A
committee chairmanship? An ambassadorship for some Mississippi
charcoal burner? A couple of Federal judgeships for his friends? Well,
whatever it is, give it to him and get him in with the rest of us!"
Again it was Peabody who had the deciding say.
"There's only one thing worse than a young reformer, and that's an old
one," he laughed bitterly at a secret conclave at his apartment in the
luxurious Louis Napoleon Hotel. "The young one thinks he is going to
live and wants our future profits for himself. The old one thinks he's
going to die, and he's sore at leaving so much graft behind him."
Heads and hearts thinking and throbbing together, Langdon and his
secretary had learned to lean on each other, the young gaining
inspiration from the old, the old gaining strength from the young.
They loved each other, and, more than any love, they trusted one
another. And Hope Georgia watched it all and rejoiced, for she
believed with all the accrued erudition of eighteen years of innocent
girlhood that Mr. Bud Haines was quite the finest specimen of young
manhood this world had ever produced. How could he have happened? She
was sure that she had never met his equal, not even in that memorable
week she had spent in Jackson.
The passing weeks taught Haines that he was deeply in love with
Carolina, and, though he had endeavored to keep the knowledge of this
from her, her woman's intuition had told her his secret, and she
stifled the momentary regrets that flitted into her mind, because she
was now in "the game" herself, the Washington game, that ensnares the
woman as well as the man and makes her a slave to its fancy. No one
but herself and Norton knew how deeply she had "plunged" on a certain
possible turn of the political cards. She must not, she could not,
lose if life itself were to remain of value to her, and on her sway
over this secretary she was told it all depended.
A subject that for some unexplained reason frequently lodged in
Haines' mind was that of the apparent assiduity with which Mrs.
Spangler cultivated Senator Langdon's friendship. For several years
she had occupied a high social position at the capital, he well knew,
but various indefinite, intangible rumors he had heard, he could not
state exactly where, had made him regret her growing intimacy with
the girls and with the Senator. They had met her through letters of
introduction of the most trustworthy and assuring character from
people of highest social rank in Virginia, where the Langdons had many
friends; but even so, Haines realized, people who write introductory
letters are sometimes thoughtless in considering all the circumstances
of the parties they introduce, and residents of Virginia who had not
been in the capital for years might be forgiven for not knowing of
all the more recent developments in the lives of those they knew
in Washington. While not wishing to have the Senator know of his
intention, the secretary determined to investigate Mrs. Spangler and
her present mode of life at his first opportunity, hoping the while
that his quest would reveal her to be what the Langdons considered
her--a widow of wealth, fashion and reserve who resided at the capital
because the memories of her late husband, a former Congressman of high
standing, were associated with it.
Calling at the Langdons' house one evening in February to receive
directions regarding important work for the next day, Haines was
somewhat puzzled at the peculiar smile on the Senator's face.
Answering the secretary's look of inquiry, the Mississippian said:
"I've been told that I can name the new holder of a
five-thousand-dollar-a-year position in the Department of Commerce
and Labor, and that if I have no one in particular from my State to
name--that--that you would be a good man for the job. First I was
glad for your sake, my boy, for if you wanted it you could have the
position. But on thinking it over it seemed there might be something
behind it not showing on the surface."
"It's a trick," said Haines. "Who made the offer?"
"Senator Stevens."
"I might have known," hotly responded the secretary. "There's a crowd
that wants you and me separated. Thought this bait too much for me to
resist, did they?" Then he paused, rubbing his fingers through his
hair in a perplexed manner. "Strange, isn't it, Senator, that a man
of your party is offered this desirable piece of patronage, entirely
unsolicited on your part, from the administration of another, a
different political party? Especially when that other party has so
many hungry would-be 'tax eaters' clamoring to enter the 'land of milk
and honey.' I think Stevens deliberately--"
"There, there, Bud," broke in Langdon, "you mustn't say anything
against Senator Stevens to me. True, he associates with some folks I
don't approve of, but that doesn't necessarily mean anything wrong,
and I myself have always found him thoroughly honest."
"Yes," muttered the secretary, following the Senator into the library,
"you've always found him honest because you think everybody's
honest--but Stevens is just the doctor who will cure you of this
ailment--this chronic trustfulness."
Haines laughed softly. "When Peabody's little Stevie gets through
hacking at the prostrate body of political purity his two-handed sword
of political corruption will need new edges."
Thus far neither the Senator nor his secretary had suspicion of any
questionable deal in regard to the gulf naval base. The rush of other
events, particularly the fight over the reduction of the tariff, had
pushed this project temporarily into the background so far as they
were concerned, though the "boss of the Senate" and his satellites had
been losing no time in perfecting their plans regarding the choice of
Altacoola as the site.
Peabody and Stevens had ingeniously exploited Langdon at every
possible opportunity in relation to the naval base. Asked about new
developments in the committee on naval affairs, the ready answer was:
"Better see Senator Langdon. He knows all about the naval base; has
the matter in full charge. I really know little about it."
So, by hiding behind the unsuspecting old hero of Crawfordsville, they
diverted from themselves any possible suspicion and placed Langdon
where he would have to bear the brunt of the great scandal that
would, they well knew, come out at some future time--after their foul
conspiracy against the nation had been consummated, after the fruits
of their betrayal had been secured.
What, after all, the schemers concluded, is the little matter of an
investigation among Senators to guilty Senators who, deeply versed
in the law, have destroyed every compromising document that could be
admissible as evidence?
Why, the Senate would appoint an investigating committee and
investigate itself, would it not, when the ridiculous scandal came?
And what Senator would fear himself, or for himself, as he
investigated himself, when the blame had already been put publicly on
some one else, some simple-minded old soul who could go back to his
cotton fields in Mississippi and forget all about it, strong in his
innocence, even though shorn of reputation, and desire to live?