LANGDON LEARNS OF THINGS UNPLEASANT
Haines quickly walked over and touched the Southerner on the arm.
"Well, my boy, what can I do for you?" asked the new Senator, turning
with a pleasant smile.
"My name is Haines. Senator Stevens was to speak to you about me. I'm
the first of the newspaper correspondents come to interview you."
Langdon's familiar smile broadened.
"Well, you don't look as though you'd bite. Reckon I can stand for it.
Is it very painful?"
"I hope it won't be, Senator," Haines said, feeling instinctively that
he was going to like this big, hearty citizen.
"All right, Mr. Haines, just as soon as I've said good-by to my old
friend, Colonel Stoneman, I'll be with you."
And to his continued amazement Haines saw the Senator walk away with
the old Union Colonel, slap him on the back, cheer him up and finally
bid him good-by after extending a cordial invitation to come around to
dinner, meet his daughters and talk over old times.
The antiquated Federal soldier marched away more erect, more brisk,
than in years, completely restored to favor in the eyes of the hotel
people. Langdon turned to the reporter.
"All right, Mr. Haines; my hands are up. Do your worst. Senator
Stevens spoke to me about you; said you were the smartest young
newspaper man in Washington. You must come from the South."
Bud shook his head.
"No, just New York," he said.
"Well, that's a promising town," drawled the Southerner. "They tell me
that's the Vicksburg of the North."
"I suppose you haven't been to New York of late, Senator?" suggested
the newspaper man.
"Well, I started up there with General Lee once," responded Langdon
reminiscently, "but we changed our minds and came back. You may have
heard about that trip."
Haines admitted that he had.
"Since that time," went on Langdon, "I've confined my travels to New
Orleans and Vicksburg. Ever been in New Orleans about Mardi Gras time,
Mr. Haines?"
"Sorry, but I don't believe I have," confessed the reporter
reluctantly.
The Senator seemed surprised.
"Well, sir, you have something to live for. I'll make it my special
business to personally conduct you through one Mardi Gras, with a
special understanding, of course, that you don't print anything in the
paper. I'm a vestryman in my church, but since misfortune has come
upon our State I have to be careful."
Haines searched his brain. He knew of no grave calamity that had
happened recently in Mississippi.
"Misfortune?" he questioned.
Senator Langdon nodded.
[Illustration: "FROM NEW YORK, EH? THE VICKSBURG OF THE NORTH,"]
"Yes, sir, the great old State of Mississippi went prohibition at the
last election. I don't know how it happened. We haven't found anybody
in the State that says he voted for it, but the fact is a fact. I
assure you, Mr. Haines, that prohibition stops at my front door, in
Mississippi. So I've been living a quiet life down on my plantation."
"This new life will be a great change for you, then?" suggested the
reporter.
"Change! It's revolutionary, sir! When you've expected to spend your
old days peacefully in the country, Mr. Haines, suddenly to find that
your State has called on you--"
A flavor of sarcasm came into Haines' reply.
"The office seeking the man?" He could not help the slight sneer. Was
a man never to admit that he had sought the office? Haines knew only
too well of the arduous work necessary to secure nominations for high
office in conventions and to win an election to the Senate from a
State Legislature. In almost every case, he knew, the candidate must
make a dozen different "deals" to secure votes, might promise the same
office to two or three different leaders, force others into line
by threats, send a trusted agent to another with a roll of bank
bills--the recipient of which would immediately conclude that this
candidate was the only man in the State who could save the nation from
destruction. Had not Haines seen men who had sold their unsuspecting
delegates for cash to the highest bidder rise in the convention hall
and in impassioned, dramatic voice exclaim in praise of the buyer,
"Gentlemen, it would be a crying shame, a crime against civilization,
if the chosen representatives of our grand old State of ---- did not
go on record in favor of such a man, such a true citizen, such an
inspired patriot, as he whose name I am about to mention"? So
the reporter may be forgiven for the ironical tinge in his hasty
interruption of the new Senator's remarks.
Langdon could not suppress a chuckle at the doubting note in Haines'
attitude.
"I think the man would be pretty small potatoes who wouldn't seek the
office of United States Senator, Mr. Haines," he said, "if he could
get it. When I was a young man, sir, politics in the South was a
career for a gentleman, and I still can't see how he could be better
engaged than in the service of his State or his country."
"That's right," agreed the reporter, further impressed by the frank
sincerity of the Mississippian.
"The only condition in my mind, Mr. Haines, is that the man should ask
himself searchingly whether or not he's competent to give the service.
But I seem to be talking a good deal. Suppose we get to the interview.
Expect your time is short. We'd better begin."
"I thought we were in the interview?" smiled the correspondent.
"In it!" exclaimed Langdon. "Well, if this is it, it isn't so bad. I
see you use a painless method. When I was down in Vicksburg a reporter
backed me up in a corner, slipped his hand in his hip pocket and
pulled out a list of questions just three feet four inches long.
"He wanted to know what I thought concerning the tariff on aluminium
hydrates, and how I stood about the opening of the Tento Pu
Reservation of the Comanche Indians, and what were my ideas about the
differential rate of hauls from the Missouri River.
"He was a wonder, that fellow! Kinder out of place on a Mississippi
paper. I started to offer him a job, but he was so proud I was afraid
he wouldn't accept it. However, it gives you my idea of a reporter."
"If you've been against that, I ought to thank you for talking to me,"
laughed Haines.
"Then you don't want to know anything about that sort of stuff?" said
Langdon, with a huge sigh of relief.
"No, Senator," was the amused reply. "I think generally if I know what
sort of a man a man is I can tell a great deal about what he will
think on various questions."
Langdon started interestedly.
"You mean, Mr. Haines, if you know whether I'm honest or not you can
fit me up with a set of views. Is that the idea? Seems to me you're
the sort of man I'm looking for."
The other smilingly shook his head.
"I wouldn't dare fix up a United States Senator with a set of views,"
he said. "I only mean that I think what a man is is important. I've
been doing Washington for a number of years. I've had an exceptional
opportunity to see how politics work. I don't believe in party
politics. I don't believe in parties, but I do believe in men."
Langdon nodded approvingly, then a twinkle shone in his eyes.
"We don't believe in parties in Mississippi," he drawled. "We've only
one--the Democratic party,--and a few kickers."
Haines grinned broadly at this description of Southern politics.
"What was this you were saying about national politics?" continued
the Mississippian. "I'm a beginner, you know, and I'm always ready to
learn."
"This is a new thing--a reporter teaching a Senator politics," laughed
Haines.
Senator Langdon joined in the merriment.
"I reckon reporters could teach United States Senators lots of things,
Mr. Haines, if the Senators had sense enough to go to school. Now, I
come up here on a platform the chief principle of which is the naval
base for the gulf. Now, how are we going to put that through? My State
wants it."
"You're probably sure it will be a wonderful thing for the country and
the South," suggested Haines.
"Of course."
"But why do you think most of the Congressmen and Senators will vote
for it?"
The Southerner took off his hat, leaned back and gazed across the
lobby thoughtfully.
"Seems to me the benefit to the South and country would be sufficient
reason, Mr. Haines," he finally replied.
The newspaper man's brain worked rapidly. Going over the entire
conversation with Langdon and what he had seen of him, he was certain
that the Mississippian believed what he said--that, moreover, the
belief was deeply rooted. His long newspaper training had educated
Haines in the ways of men, their actions and mental processes--what
naturally to expect from a given set of circumstances. He felt a
growing regard, an affection, for this unassuming old man before
him, who did not know and probably would be slow to understand the
hypocrisy, the cunning trickery of lawmakers who unmake laws.
"Sufficient reason for you, Senator," Haines added. "You have not been
in politics very long, have you?" he queried dryly.
A wry smile wrinkled the Mississippian's face.
"Been in long enough to learn some unpleasant things I didn't know
before." He remembered Martin Sanders.
"Will you allow me to tell you a few more?" asked Haines.
Langdon inclined his head in acquiescence. "Reckon I'd better know the
worst and get through with it."
"Well, then, Senator, somebody from Nebraska will vote for what you
want in the way of the naval base because he'll think then you'll help
him demand money to dredge some muddy creek that he has an interest
in.
"Somebody in Pennsylvania will vote for it because he owes a grudge
and wants to hurt the Philadelphia ship people.
"You'll get the Democrats because it's for the South, but if your bill
was for the west coast they might fight it tooth and nail, even with
the Japanese fleet cruising dangerously near.
"And the Republicans may vote for it because they see a chance to
claim glory and perhaps break the solid South in the next presidential
campaign. You catch the idea?"
"What!" exclaimed the astounded Langdon. "Well, who in hades will vote
for it because it's for the good of the United States?" he gasped.
"I believe you will, Senator," replied Haines, with ready confidence.