CHAPTER I

[Illustration: THE SENATOR AND "BUD" HAINES.]

A GENTLEMAN FROM MISSISSIPPI

A NOVEL

Founded on the popular play of the same title

PRODUCED UNDER THE MANAGEMENT OF WM.A. BRADY AND JOS.R. GRISMER

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

THE SENATOR AND BUD HAINES

"FROM NEW YORK, EH? THE VICKSBURG OF THE NORTH"

"STRANGE, HOW THE LANGDON'S TREAT HIM AS A FRIEND"

THE SENATOR ACCEPTS AN INVITATION TO TEA

THE LANGDON FAMILY

"YOU'LL HAVE TO TAKE YOUR MEDICINE LIKE A MAN"

"TO-MORROW, AT 12.30"

"AFTER I HAVE FINISHED, I DARE ONE OF YOU TO DENY A WORD"

_INTRODUCTION_

_Here is a story of an epoch-making battle of right against wrong,

of honesty against corruption, of simplicity and sincerity against

deceit, bribery and intrigue. It is the story of to-day in this

country. It vitally concerns every man, woman and child in the United

States, so far-reaching is its influence.

The warfare is now going on--the warfare of honest men against corrupt

political machines.

The story tells the "inside" of the political maneuvers in Washington

and of the workings of bosses there and elsewhere--how they shape men

and women to their ends, how their cunning intrigues extend into the

very social life of the nation's capital. You will find inspiration in

the career of the honest old Southern planter elected to the United

States Senate and the young newspaper reporter who becomes his private

secretary and political pilot. Your heart will beat in sympathy with

the love of the secretary and the Senator's youngest daughter.

You will read of the lobbyists and find that not all of them are men.

You will see how avarice causes a daughter to conspire against her

father. You will hear the note of a gripping national tragedy in the

words of Peabody, the "boss of the Senate." But cause for laughter as

well will not be found lacking in this truly many-sided narrative._

A Gentleman from Mississippi

* * * * *

CHAPTER I

PRACTICAL POLITICS

That bids him flout the law he makes;

That bids him make the law he flouts.

_--Kipling_.

In buoyant spirit the Hon. Charles Norton rode up the bridle path

leading through the Langdon plantation to the old antebellum homestead

which, on a shaded knoll, overlooked the winding waters of the Pearl

River. No finer prospect was to be had in all Mississippi than greeted

the eye from the wide southwest porch, where on warm evenings the

Langdons and their frequent guests gathered to dine or to watch the

golden splendor of the dying sun.

The Langdon family had long been a power in the South. Its sons fought

under Andrew Jackson at New Orleans, under Zachary Taylor in the war

with Mexico, and in the Civil War men of that name left their blood

on the fields of Antietam, Shiloh, the Wilderness and Gettysburg. But

this family of fighting men, of unselfish patriots, had also marked

influence in the ways of peace, as real patriots should. Generations

of Langdons had taken deepest pride in developing the hundreds of

acres of cotton land, whose thousands of four-foot rows planted each

April spread open the silvery lined bolls in July and August, and the

ripened cotton fiber, pure white beneath the sun, gave from a distance

the picture of an expanse of driven snow.

The Hon. Charles Norton had reason for feeling well pleased with the

world as he fastened his bay Virginia hunter to a convenient post

and strode up the steps of the mansion, which was a characteristic

survivor of the "old South," the South of gilded romance and of

gripping tragedy. Now in this second year of his first term as

Congressman and a promising member of the younger set of Southern

lawyers, he had just taken active part in securing the election of

Colonel William H. Langdon, present head of the family, to the United

States Senate, though the ultimate action of the Legislature had been

really brought about by a lifelong friend of Colonel Langdon, the

senior Senator from the State, James Stevens, who had not hesitated to

flatter Norton and use him as a cat's-paw. This use the Hon. Charles

Norton seemed to consider an honor of large proportions. Not every

first-term Congressman can hope for intimacy with a Senator. Norton

believed that his work for Langdon would win him the family's

gratitude and thus further his ambition to marry Carolina, the

planter's oldest daughter, whose beauty made her the recipient of many

attentions.

A complacent gleam shone in Norton's eyes as they swept over the

fertile acres of the plantation. He thought of the material interest

he might one day have in them if his suit for the hand of Carolina

progressed favorably. Suddenly his reverie was interrupted by the

voice of young Randolph Langdon, a spirited lad in his early twenties,

who had just been made plantation manager, by his father.

"Well, how is the honorable to-day?" said Randolph, approaching from

the doorway. "I didn't think a Congressman could be spared from

Washington but rarely, especially when the papers say the country

needs such a lot of saving."

"Oh, this 'saving the country' talk goes all right in the story

books," replied Norton, who exercised considerable influence over the

youth through a long acquaintanceship and by frequently taking him

into his confidence, "but this country can take pretty good care of

itself. In Congress we representatives put the job of saving it over

on the Senate, and the Senate hands back the job to us. So what's

everybody's business isn't anybody's; a fine scheme so long as we have

a President who keeps his hands off and doesn't--"

"But how about the speeches and the bills?" broke in Randolph. "I

thought--"

"Yes, yes; to be sure," the Congressman quickly added. "Nearly all of

us introduce these so-called reform bills. When they're printed at

government expense we send copies, carried free by the Post-office

Department, to our constituents, and when we allow the bills to die in

some committee we can always blame the committee. But if there's a big

fight by our constituents over the bill we let it pass the House, but

arrange to kill it in the Senate. Then we do the same thing for the

Senators. Like in every other business, my boy," continued Norton as

he led the way into the house, "it's a case of 'you tickle me and I'll

tickle you' in politics. And don't let any one fool you about the

speeches either. They are pretty things to mail to the voters, but all

the wise boys in Washington know they aren't meant seriously. It's

all play acting, and there are better actors in the Senate than Henry

Irving or Edwin Booth ever were."

"I don't think my father looks at things in the way you do, Charlie."

"No? Well, maybe he doesn't now, but he will later on when he takes

his seat in the Senate. If he isn't wise enough to play around with

the rest of the Senators he won't get any bills passed, especially any

bill carrying an appropriation or of any other particular importance."

"What!" ejaculated the planter's son. "Do you mean to say that if

father won't do what the other Senators want him to do they will

combine against him and destroy his usefulness, make him powerless--a

failure?"

The Congressman smiled patronizingly on the youth. "Why, of course

they will. That's politics, practical politics, the only kind that's

known in Washington. You see--"

"But the leaders of the great parties!" cried the young plantation

manager, in amazement. "Why don't they prevent this?"

"Because they invented the system and because political party

differences don't amount to a whole lot much of the time in

Washington. The politicians do most of their criticizing of the other

party away from Washington, where the voters can hear them. But when

circumstances sometimes force a man to rise to assail the other side

in Congress he afterward apologizes in secret for his words. Or,

sometimes he apologizes beforehand, saying: 'I've got to hand out some

hot shot to you fellows just to please a crowd of sovereign voters

from my district who have come up to Washington to see me perform. So,

of course, I've got to make a showing. Don't mind what I say. You know

I don't mean it, but the old fogies will go back home and tell their

neighbors what a rip-snortin' reformer I be.'"

"Is that the way you represent your district; Norton?" asked Planter

Langdon, who at this juncture entered the room.

"No, no, Mr. Langdon--I should say Senator now, I suppose. I was

merely telling Randolph how some legislators conduct themselves."

The Senator-elect paused momentarily, gazing at the Congressman, who,

dark-visaged, tall, black-haired, broad-shouldered and athletic, was

visibly uneasy at having his conversation with Randolph overheard by

the father.

"No doubt it won't be all plain sailing in Washington for an

old-fashioned man like me, but I believe in the American people and

the men they send to Congress," slowly spoke the planter. "There's

Senator Stevens, for instance. He has always stood for the rights of

the people. I've read all his speeches. Just why he brought about my

election it is hard to tell, for I've been a planter all my life,

except when I fought under Beauregard. I feel that he did it out of

friendship, and I simply can't say how much I appreciate the honor. I

am indebted to you, too, Congressman."

Tactfully disclaiming any credit for his work, only Norton's

congressional training in repression enabled him to refrain from

smiling at Langdon's innocence, his belief in Stevens' sincerity and

his wonder over his election. Stevens, the keen, cold and resourceful,

who forced his officeholders to yield him parts of their government

salaries; Stevens, who marketed to railway companies his influence

with the Department of Justice; Stevens, who was a Republican in

the committee room in Washington and a Democrat on the platform

in Mississippi; Stevens, who had consummated the deal with Martin

Sanders, boss of seven counties, to elect Langdon because of the

planter's trustfulness and simplicity of character, which should make

him easy to influence and to handle in the all-important matter of the

gulf naval base project!

The entry of Carolina Langdon and her younger sister, Hope Georgia,

gave Norton a welcome opportunity to shift the trend of conversation.

"You ladies will have a gay time in Washington," he began, after

directing a particularly enthusiastic greeting to Carolina. "You will

be in great demand at all the big affairs, and I don't think you

will ever want to come back to old Mississippi, forty miles from a

railroad, with few chances to wear your New York gowns."

Carolina spoke quickly, her face flushing at the thought of the new

vista of life now opening. "Yes, I have always longed to be a part of

the real life of this world; the life of constant action--meeting

new people every day, and prominent people. Balls, receptions, teas,

theater parties, afternoon drives, plenty of money and plenty of

gayety are what I want. I'm not a bit like Hope Georgia, who thinks

these ideas are extravagant because she has not seen real life yet--"

"Carolina, you must not think me 'only your little sister' now. I have

seen life. Haven't I spent a week in Jackson?"

"That's enough proof. You know all about life, I'm sure, Miss Hope

Georgia," smilingly remarked Norton.

Later, rising to join Planter Langdon on the veranda, where he had

gone to smoke, the Congressman gazed intently at Carolina. "You will

probably forget your old friends when you enter the dizzy social race

in Washington."

"No, Charlie, I couldn't forget you, anyhow. You will be there, too. I

shall depend on you a great deal to take me about, unless you are too

busy making speeches and fighting your opponents."

Again it was Norton's turn to be inwardly amused at the political

ignorance of the Langdon family. Speeches? The first-term Congressman

doesn't make speeches in Washington, because no one cares what he

thinks--except the lobbyists, whose business it is to provide new

members with a complete set of thoughts. Neither does he have

opponents--he is not considered important enough by the veterans to be

opposed.

Skilfully approaching the subject which next to Carolina Langdon

had been uppermost in his mind during his visit, Norton asked the

Senator-elect on joining him if he did not believe that the entire

South would benefit if the plan to establish a naval base on the gulf

was successfully carried through.

"Most certainly I do, and, as I said during the senatorial fight, the

whole country as well will be the gainer," responded Langdon.

"Don't you think the people who want Altacoola chosen as the site have

the best arguments?" was the visitor's next question, the reply to

which he anxiously awaited.

"Yes, I do, from what I've already heard; but I haven't heard very

much of what the folks who advocate other sites have to say. So, until

I've heard all sides and made my own examination, I couldn't give

any one my final answer, but Altacoola seems to have the necessary

qualifications."

"Senator Stevens is in favor of Altacoola," eagerly suggested Norton.

"Yes, and that's a pretty good argument in its favor," responded

Langdon.

Norton now excused himself, pleading an appointment with a client at a

neighboring village. Waving farewell to Carolina and Hope Georgia,

who stood at a window, he rode away. "The old man is sure to be

all right," he muttered. "He leans toward Altacoola and believes in

Stevens. He'll lean some more until he falls over--into the trap.

There's a fortune in sight--within reach. Langdon has faith in his

friends. He won't suspect a thing."

Still another thought occurred to the Hon. Charles Norton. "Stevens

elected Langdon out of friendship," he chuckled, gleefully. "That will

be well worth telling in Washington."

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