GRAHAM’S MAGAZINE.
Vol. XLI. August, 1852. No. 2.
Table of Contents
Departed Joys
Midsummer Days
Widows
Astronomy
Hymn to the Sun
Antony and Cleopatra
The Two Birds.—A Street Lyric.
Miss Harper’s Maid
“Whatever He Doeth Shall Prosper.”
The Useful Arts
To a Whip-Poor-Will Singing in a Grave-Yard
Hesperius—A Vision
The Pedant
Life’s Battle March
The Harvest of Gold
Seminole War Song
Stability
Lines
Sonnet—Virtue
The Shark and His Habits
The Fountain of Youth
Hush! Hush!
Annie Morton
Adieu
The Ranger’s Chase
Impressions of England
Sonnet.—Cydnus.
Nelly Nowlan on Bloomers
Yesterday—To-day—To-morrow!
Among the Moors
The Old Man’s Evening Thoughts
My First Inkling of a Royal Tiger
Review of New Books
The Aztec Children
Graham’s Small-Talk
Transcriber’s Notes can be found at the end of this eBook.
[Illustration: =BELLA.=]
* * * * *
[Illustration: =FIRST AFFECTION.=]
* * * * *
[Illustration: DEPARTED JOYS.]
=DEPARTED JOYS.=
=FROM THE MELODIES OF SIR H. R. BISHOP.=
[Illustration]
Could we recal departed joys,
At price of parted pain,
Oh who that prizes happy hours,
Would live his life again?
Such
[Illustration]
burning tears as once we shed
No pleasures can repay;
Pass to oblivion, joy and grief!
We’re thankful for today.
Calm be the current of our lives,
As rivers deep and clear;
Mild be the light upon our path,
To guide us and to cheer!
For streams of joy that burst and foam
May leave their channels dry.
And deadliest lightnings ever flash
The brightest in the sky!
GRAHAM’S MAGAZINE.
* * * * *
Vol. XLI. PHILADELPHIA, AUGUST, 1852. No. 2.
* * * * *
[Illustration]
=MIDSUMMER DAYS.=
I scent the ancient sward!
I feel it ’neath my tread!
The moss, the wiry nard,
And the harebells bend their head!
I see the foxgloves glow,
Where plow did never go;
And the streams, the streams once more,
Hurrying brightly o’er
Their sandy beds; they roll
With the joy of a living soul.
Ye know that wood-walk sweet,
Where we are wont to meet;
On either hand the knolls and swells
Are crimson with the heather-bells;
And the eye sees,
Mid distant trees,
Where moorland beauty dwells.
* * * * *
=WIDOWS.=
=BY THOMPSON WESTCOTT.=
[Illustration]
The word widowhood, from whatever angle of observation it maybe viewed,
has about it a dull, bleak, uncomfortable aspect. Clouds encompass it.
Wo englooms it. Loneliness isolates it from social comfort, and befogs
it amidst lowering disquiet. It floats amidst tears on a dusky day, like
a solitary buoy on the salt sea.
We speak of widowhood which is really such. There are philosophers, who
are willing to wager that the solitary state is the most delightful of
existence. To them, wedlock is a fast bind fast find condition, in which
two persons are confined by a clerical jailor, who condemns them to
imprisonment for life, and then throws away the key. They transform
“wedlock” to “padlock;” and though there is no parautopticism about the
wards and chambers of affection, they consider the matrimonial lock, one
which may bid defiance to the most dexterous Hobbs. Yet we know that to
every heart there is a master-key. Lucky is he who keeps it in his own
possession without a necessity for its use; and happy is he who needs
not the services of some legal lock-picker to release him ere the coming
of the great skeleton-key carrier—Death.
But sentimental prosing is not our purpose. Widowhood has its bright
side, though many look too steadily at its darkest aspect. Widows are,
according to the venerable Weller, gifted with innumerable methods of
circumventing unsuspicious men; and the great inquiry is—How do they
manage those blandishments?
From the institution of debating societies down to the present era of
Spirit Rapping and feminine right conventions, “the influence of woman,”
has been a favorite topic with anniversary orators and declamatory
speakers. They have spent vast stores of eloquence in showing her
influence as a sister. They have proved how, in her days of pinafores,
she obligingly devoured her brother’s candies, or took more than her
share of his bread and butter. They have pleasantly adverted to the
sisterly affection which, in more mature age, was content to accept or
demand the ciceronage of brother to parties or concerts, if no other
beau was available. With a very delicate touch they have skimmed over
that important period when the love for the brother is all given up to
the husband, and have judiciously omitted any reference to sisterhood
after wifehood commenced. The influence of wives has, of course, been so
thoroughly demonstrated, that all that can be said on that subject are
axioms. The privileges of a matron to love her husband and adore her
baby, are subjects which have been rhapsodized over in glowing poetry,
and treated substantially, and with becoming dignity in unimpassioned
prose. Rhymers, dreamers, and orators, have devoted words in endless
profusion to the influence of woman, as sister, daughter, wife and
mother; but there has never been a full crop of elogiums harvested in
relation to her influence as a widow. The singular dearth of cotemporary
literature upon this subject, will be acknowledged by bibliopoles. The
reason is one which cannot be satisfactorily demonstrated. It may be
that literary people are disposed to consider that widows are like
sturgeons, who have merely leaped out of the placid current of matrimony
for a moment or two, and who will, by the gravity of their wo,
inevitably fall back into the connubial tide. Such a simile may do in
some cases, but will scarcely hold water upon trial. It is a
metaphysical sieve, and may catch many widows in its meshes, but some
will inevitably pass through its interstices. Some unfortunate “relicts”
are for a long time like fish out of the stream; but they have
sufficient determination to keep alive, until they manage to become
again immersed in matrimony. Nevertheless, the desire to return to their
“destined element” _does_ exist, in many cases, and that very desire
forms the great constituent in the influence of widows.
[Illustration]
The manner in which this authority is exercised differs according to
circumstances. Some of the unfortunate fair ones who have lost their
mates have attractions in the shape of weighty dower. Men of a certain
age have keen noses for such charms; and when the widow suspects it, she
often leads her importunate admirer by that organ, and by a dexterous
management of the mystery of courtship, which is called “getting a bean
on a string.” Once the gentleman is secured by that means, the widow
takes into her hand the whip of management, and compels the poor beau to
trot a weary round in an arena which extends its charmed circle about
her.
If the French system of espionage, which is now a constituent of society
in Louis Napoleon’s dominions, were in vogue here, we are sure that the
index of the chief of police would bear opposite to the name of each
widow the word “_dangerous_!” And what can be more threatening to the
liberty of a too susceptible man, than a young, accomplished, and
fascinating widow? What is bashful maidenhood, with its cherry lips and
monosyllabic sentences, to buxom widowhood, with its matured
development, sensible ideas, and frank manners? What other witcheries
are there about young misses than a taste for ice creams and giddy
companionship? Those fascinations fade away when the widow charms us
with the certainty that she knows how to make the pot boil, and has a
horror of boy beaus. Maidenhood is poetical and theoretical, widowhood
is sensible and practical. The young lady, before marriage, is unsteady,
indecisive, and capricious. The widow is certain, firm, and
self-possessed. The girl scarcely knows her own mind, but the widow not
only understands herself but all her male acquaintances. The young lady
is greedy of admiration, exacting in her demands, and expects from her
lover an obsequiousness of attention which cannot be too excessive. The
widow knows that men may admire without adulation, and love fondly
without abjectly suing for a return of affection. She knows, also, that
those who daring the days of courtship are compelled to excessive
complaisance, generally revenge themselves after marriage by neglect and
indifference. The fact is, the widow knows something of mankind by
actual experience, the maiden has little but romance to tutor her.
Philosophy like this, must have given force to the observations of the
venerable parent of Weller the younger—and he was justified by personal
experience, in maintaining the position that “widders,” are “werry
dangerous.” The world has long since phraseologically settled it, that
men “fall in love.” This presupposes that the tender passion is gotten
like a broken leg, altogether by accident. The language of Cupid’s
surgery is rich in terms which are descriptive of sudden casualties. We
know that many a poor fellow has been “shot through the heart” by a pair
of eyes, and the records of divers bachelor coroner’s juries held upon
unfortunate Benedicts show that woman
May smile, and smile, and murder while they smile,
having committed upon determined celibacy a grievous homicide, or at
least a manslaughter. But although love may come to some in the balls of
optical revolvers; although, at times, a big whiskered fellow may be
charmed out of his single life by the smile of a fair damsel—as a
pretty little tomtit is overcome by the glamour of a black-snake—we
must not forget, that idiomatic expression hath it, that men “fall in
love.” To “fall in love!” what an unhappy catastrophe! To be walking
along upon the firm ground of bachelorism, but now, and hey presto! to
suddenly find one’s self “over head and ears in love,” like a fly in a
cream-jug! Distressing calamity! Who may ever be able to scramble out of
such delicious danger; and how many are there that once in are not able
to swim a single stroke? There is also this peculiarity about an
accident of the sort, that it strongly exemplifies the old adage, that
“misery loves company.” The youth who, gazing fondly on Maria Jane,
misses his footing, and souses at once in love, cannot help himself. If
Maria Jane, pitying his condition, drops him a line, (through the
post-office,) or encourages him with hopes—which are generally
anchors—it will not do the least bit of good. No! she must be his
life-preserver—and unless, in regarding his struggles, she gets too
near the brink and herself falls in love, there will be no help for the
poor bachelor. But if this casualty _does_ happen, and both are in love,
it is wonderful to see how easily they float along. Each helps the
other, and in a very short space of time, they are quite comfortable.
But it is not every one who “falls in love;” and herein, as we shall
shortly show, lies the superiority of widows over spinsters. Some get
into the trouble very slowly. At first they survey the ocean of
affection with as placid an air as a cosmopolite would gaze upon a
mill-pond. Neither admiration nor detestation rules their thoughts. They
are altogether indifferent; and although they see many who are treading
water, or floating or swimming along with the tide, they feel no anxiety
to join in such aquatic feats. But at length the diversion tempts them,
and they cautiously take off their shoes and stockings, and venture in a
little way. The shore shelves gently, so they think—why should they not
venture more? Little by little they progress, until suddenly they step
from their sure footing, and are over their heads in a moment without
cork or spatterdocks to rely upon. They may struggle against the strong
current, but there is no assistance, and they are certain to be carried
off by the strong tide.
Difficulties like these are entirely obviated by the widow. She does not
suffer a man to fall in love, or to wade in, but she catches the admirer
by the hand, drags him at once to deep water, and in a moment he is “out
of his pains.” He is not suffered to stand shilly-shally; he is plumped
at once souse into Love’s Pacific ocean, and carried along with the
billows until he lands at Hymen’s Golden Gate. The maiden may doubt,
consider, resolve, and hesitate, whilst the poor fellow who is in love,
seeks in vain for a floating timber to support him, but the widow is
generally willing to help him out of trouble by getting in it herself,
and going along with him hand-in-hand.
These apophthegms may seem too general; and it may be said that there is
a tendency in our observations to draw a picture of widowhood by a
_silhouette_ of a young widow who is free from incumbrances. This is
partly true. There is a marked difference between the widow whose
matrimonial interests ended with the grave, and she whose reminiscences
of wedlock are daily revived by surviving children. The former is free
from earthly ties—she is a girl again, knowing enough about matrimony
to have no objection to a second experiment. The latter feels dear bonds
which should attach her to her lonely state, and cause her to doubt the
policy of prejudicing the interests of her children by rashly assuming
new vows. If she is gained, it must be by direct courtship, whilst the
young widow is always ready to meet an admirer half way.
But even young widows are of different dispositions. They are all
admirers of matrimony, and candidates for second husbands, but they
choose various means—according to their inclinations. They may be
divided into three great classes—the gay—the sentimental—and the sad.
The gay young widow is like cream candy, a vast improvement upon the
crude flour and sugar of maidenhood. The young girl is coy, even in her
giddiness; she considers love as an exquisite romance—a mysterious
state of happiness—which she desires, yet fears. Hence she is most
cautious when she would be most earnest; and whilst she hopes to gain
the heart she covets, she often perversely adopts a course which is
calculated to alienate that heart forever. With the exception of
trifling fops who have not attained the age of maturity—although they
may vote and shave—men are earnest, straightforward, and sincere. If
they seek the love of a woman, they do so openly and with manly
frankness. The young girl may coquette, or flirt with the man who adores
her; she may wring his heart with bitter agony; she may show her power,
and he may acknowledge it, but he will lose some respect for her—though
he bows to her influence. He is honest and sincere. She, perhaps, admits
it, but trifles with him. How many young ladies have lost the esteem of
those who would have loved and cherished them for life by mere
thoughtlessness or caprice. The young widow understands men better. She
is rarely a flirt. She can distinguish between the honest lover and the
mere admirer. With the latter she may trifle, because she understands
him. The former, if not acceptable, will not be allowed to deceive
himself; and if he is liked, will be speedily drawn onward to his own
happiness. The gay widow is lively, of course. She is fascinating, and
she knows human nature. If she “sets her cap” at any particular
gentleman, he might as well yield. He cannot hold out against the
artillery of charms which are brought against him. He may surrender at
discretion, and be led off, a captive, to be confined permanently in
silken fetters. All the little fascinations of manner which the belle
may possess, but knows not how to use, are by the widow managed with the
skill of a veteran. Her eyes are by turns entreating, languishing,
merry, or devilish. Her smiles are moulded to bewitch and to mystify.
Her manners are easy, and pleasant, and her voice is melodious with
rapture, or heart-touching with sincerity. Then, too, she is so lively
and yet so sensible, that the “seven senses” of celibacy (two more than
the general complement awarded to married people) are quite unable to
withstand so many attractions.
The sentimental widow is quite as generous as her livelier sister. She
believes in romance and gushing affection. She is lonely after her great
loss, and would like another mate. After her first dear man was buried,
she felt like a lobster which has parted with a claw, and she retired
from gay life until nature, or good luck, should furnish her with the
means of reparation. Her heart is buried with her husband, but she
considers it only as a seed which in good time will spring up again and
blossom. If she weeps, she does it with a gentle sorrow, like a slight
sprinkle on a sunshiny day. Her sky has its clouds, but the cerulean of
anticipation lies beyond, and gives a pleasant aspect to the mists of
sadness. The gay widow laughs as if she had never been married; the
sentimental one smiles, but evidently remembers.
The one pretends that she is gay because she is free; the other is
cheerful, but hopes to become more cheerful in time. The first
audaciously declares that marriage is tyranny, and hopes that no man
will ever come near her! the second thinks mournfully upon the past, and
wonders whether she “will ever have another Charles Augustus;” yet the
sentimentalist mingles with the gay world, a sober votary of pleasure.
If she dances, it is but a plain cotillion; and she is shocked when the
lively Maria dashes out in a giddy polka. All such things are vanities
to the sentimental widow. She thinks how happy she was with her dear
departed Charles Augustus, and hopes that she will soon be as happy
again.
The sad widow is, for a long time after her bereavement, a sighing
pattern of inconsolable grief. The atmosphere of her home is rainy with
tears, and when abroad she is cloudy. Yet as time wears on, it is
evident that the forty days and forty nights of affliction’s great
deluge must go by, and at length the sorrowful widow will look for the
appearance of the sun of cheerfulness, and trust that with it will come
a rain beau. The gradual assumption of cheerfulness begins to make
itself visible in her costume. Half mourning assumes the place of sombre
weeds. On her face smiles occasionally chase away the lingering vestiges
of regret. The spring of calmness has come, and hyacinthine blossoms of
hope struggle up from the sodden desolation of wintry bleakness. Little
by little the sad widow becomes resigned to her great loss, and
gradually she learns to think that it may be repaired by a new
matrimonial gain. Yet she is slow in assuming the garniture of
happiness. She may occasionally be coaxed out into the world, and even
tempted to attend a party or ball; but she does not forget that she is a
widow. She is in the world, but yet not of it. She demeans herself as
becomes the lone relict of the late Mr. Sad, and does not like the
gayety of Mrs. Lively or the composure of Mrs. Sentiment.
If the persevering Mr. Nosey should approach the trio of widows in the
hope of obtaining a partner for the next set, Mrs. Lively may suddenly
put on an affectation of grave coyness, Mrs. Sentiment may be gracefully
leaning her cheek against her fan whilst thinking of her dear lamented
Charles Augustus, but Mrs. Sad will show surprise that the forward Mr.
Nosey should dare to presume that _they_ would dance when there are so
many “young chits” who have not partners for the dance. But Mrs. L. has
no care for these things, and in a very short time she is treading a
measure to lively music as if she had never known a single sorrow.
There are so many peculiarities about widowhood, that it would require
volumes to treat properly upon the subject. Mathematics might be called
in to cipher out the problem of the elder Weller, as to how many times
more fascinating is a widow than a maiden—but figures would not satisfy
us. We would be sure to continue the subject by the further query—What
is a widow like? And the result of all the cogitations might be summed
up into the grand deduction—that widows are like gunpowder, always sure
to go off when fired by a match.
* * * * *
=ASTRONOMY.=
[Illustration: =ERA OF NEWTON, HALLEY, AND HERSCHELL.=]
There is no great operation of which we are cognizant, by which Nature
at a single bound perfects her marvelous productions. It is only by a
combination of instruments operating generally through a series of
years. The ultimate result is reached by a progressive advance, to which
a number of artificers contribute. The cedar, on whose boughs the snow
rests and the fowls nestle, is the work of centuries; and the soil that
laps its roots, the air that stirs its branches, the light that plays
upon its crest, and the rain that drops upon its foliage, minister to
the final development of the original cone. In like manner the social
and political changes that have improved the tone of society, elevated
the condition of nations, and endowed them with an enduring liberty,
have not been accomplished in the twinkling of an eye, or by individual
intelligence and will. Popular history may embalm the name of some
distinguished patriot or philanthropist, as having been the agent is
rescuing a country from the yoke of arbitrary power, and it may record a
crisis of revolution confined within the limits of a year or a day; but
a comprehensive view of such occurrences will embrace a time of
preparation, and crown with honor a variety of laborers, though to one
may be due the glory of the sun, and to another the glory of the stars.
The signature of the edict that dethroned the heathenism of the ancient
civilized world occupied the imperial hand a moment’s space, but the
work of apostles, martyrs, and confessors, with the toils and sufferings
of ages, are prominent in the picture. So the great demonstrations and
achievements of science have transpired by slow degrees, and yield a
distinction to be divided among a fellowship of kindred spirits, rather
than assigned exclusively to a solitary example of mental prowess. If
Keppler discovered the general laws of the universe, the basis of the
discovery was laid by Tycho; and the marvelous Napier contributed
essentially to the issue obtained, by the invention of the logarithms,
an admirable artifice, as it has been justly called, which, by reducing
to a few days the labor of many months, doubles the life of the
astronomer, and saves him the errors and disgust connected with long
calculations. If Newton developed the cause of those laws, he started to
his grand result from a point expressly prepared by Keppler, and left
the solution of the problem imperfect, for Laplace to finish. It is
obviously in wise accordance with the happiness of mankind, that no
nation possesses a monopoly of talent and fame, that many of the most
remarkable efforts of human genius owe a debt of obligation to the
accomplishments of genius at another era, and in a different clime. The
fact proclaims the affinity of the species, between whom the mighty deep
may roll, or the mountain rampart rise. It evinces, too, their mutual
dependence, and will be hailed as a motive by the considerate mind, to
the maintenance of universal amity.
To Hevelius, one of the merchant princes of Dantzic, an example of the
close alliance of commerce with the fine arts and science which runs
through the page of history, we owe the first accurate delineation of
the lunar surface, the discovery of a libration in longitude; by his
observation of the comet of 1664, he further corroborated the view
previously taken, that such bodies are not sublunary, and approximated
to the nature of their orbits. His contemporary Huygens, after effecting
various improvements in the telescope, discovered one of the satellites
of Saturn, that which is now termed the fourth, and obtained an insight
into the singular structure of the planet, an inexplicable appearance to
all preceding observers. An anagram, in the year 1656, announced to the
world the following sentence by a transposition of letters, _annulo_
_cingitur, tenui, plano, nusquam cohærenta, ad eclipticam,_
_inclinatio_—the planet is surrounded with a ring, thin, plane, nowhere
adhering, and inclined to the ecliptic. He justly observes, in a letter
to his brother: “If any one shall gravely tell me that I have spent my
time idly in a vain and fruitless inquiry, after what I can never become
sure of; the answer is, that at this rate, he would put down all natural
philosophy, as far as it concerns itself in searching into the nature of
things. In such noble and sublime studies as these, it is a glory to
arrive at probability, and the search itself rewards the pains. But
besides the nobleness and pleasure of the studies, may we not be so bold
as to say, they are no small help to the advancement of wisdom and
morality?” The discovery of the great nebula in Orion was accidentally
made by Huygens in the year 1656. Cassini, nurtured in France, soon
afterward added four more satellites to the system of Saturn, those now
called the first, second, third, and fifth, and he detected the black
list, or dark, elliptical line bisecting the surface of the ring, and
dividing it into two. Astronomy is under immense obligations to a
measure adopted by the courts of France and England at nearly the same
period, for the patronage of scientific associations, and the founding
of national observatories. The Royal Society of London was incorporated
by charter in the year 1662, and numbered among its early members Boyle,
Hooke, Wallis, Ward, Newton, and Flamstead. The Royal Academy of
Sciences at Paris, was founded in the year 1666, and enrolled among its
first members Auzout, Picard, Roberval, and Richer. Upon the invitation
of Louis XIV. Huygens left Holland to become a royal academician, but
being a Protestant, the revocation of the edict of Nantes ultimately
compelled him to return to his native soil. The edict did not affect
Cassini, a Catholic foreigner similarly invited; and to him, with his
son and grandson, the French academy owes much of its early distinction.
Besides his before named discoveries, he determined the periods of
rotation of the principal planets, and observed the elliptical form of
Jupiter’s disc, owing to compression at the poles.
Roëmer, the inventor of the transit instrument with which he made
observations from the window of his house, rendered no unimportant
service by showing that the instruments need not be fixed on high
towers: he also discovered, in the year 1675, the interesting and
hitherto unsuspected fact, of the progressive transmission of light
through space, and the appreciable velocity with which it travels. This
was attained by a series of careful observations of the eclipses of
Jupiter’s satellites. It was found, by comparing the times of immersion
of the satellites in the planet’s shadow and emersion from it, with the
times calculated from the laws of their movements, that there was an
acceleration or retardation of the phenomena by a few minutes, plainly
dependent upon the variations of the earth’s distance from Jupiter; for
[Illustration]
the retardation was observed to be the greatest when the earth was in
that part of its orbit most remote from him. The diameter of the orbit
of the earth being a hundred and ninety millions of miles, we are more
remote from Jupiter, by the whole of that distance, at one time than at
another; as, when the earth is in its orbit at _a_, its distance is
greater from _c_ than when at _b_ by the interval between the two
points. But notwithstanding this immense addition of space, or any
conceivable increase, an eclipse would be observed to occur no later at
the one than at the other, if light were propagated instantaneously.
Roëmer found, however, a difference of eleven minutes to exist, which he
afterward estimated at fourteen, but which the precision of modern
astronomy has fixed at sixteen minutes and a quarter. This determines
the progressive motion of light, and the rate of its velocity. It
requires time for its transmission; and flying over the diameter of the
earth’s orbit in sixteen and a quarter minutes gives it a velocity of
twelve millions of miles a minute, or upward of a hundred and ninety
thousand miles a second. Thus, in the eighth part of a second, it
accomplishes the passage of a space equal to the equatorial
circumference of our globe: yet so vast is the system to which we
belong, that this swift-winged messenger, which requires no more than
two hours to travel from the central sun to the farthest planet, could
not dart through the intervening solitudes between us and the nearest of
the stars under a period of five years. Notwithstanding the velocity of
the rays of light, which travel more than fifteen hundred thousand times
faster than a cannon ball, experiment has not yet been able to detect
that they have any impulsive power. The surmise has, however, been
thrown out—and it is not improbable—that the attrition of the solar
beams with the terrestrial surface may have some connection with the
phenomena of heat.
The national observatory of England—the noblest institution in the
world for the extent and exactitude of its astronomical tables, and
their practical value in the art of navigation—was originated by the
spread of foreign commerce. The growth of colonies across the Atlantic,
together with the establishment of relations with India, rendered it of
the first importance to have an easy and accurate method of finding the
longitude at sea. A plan was proposed, founded upon the principle now in
use, of observing the lunar motions and distances during a voyage, and
comparing them with a previous home calculation, thus ascertaining the
difference between home time and time at sea, from whence the difference
of longitude is readily deduced. A reward being sought by the proposer
from the government of Charles II. it was referred to a commission to
report upon the merits of the scheme. Flamstead, one of the
commissioners, at once decided against its practical utility, on the
ground of the inaccuracy both of the lunar tables and of the positions
of the stars in existing catalogues, which only a lengthened course of
observation could rectify. The king, declaring that his pilots and
sailors should not want such assistance, immediately instituted the
office of astronomer royal, and determined upon founding an observatory.
The site—selected by Wren—was a commanding eminence in Greenwich Park,
in former times the seat of Duke Humphrey’s tower, within view of all
vessels passing along the Thames; a spot which Piazzi was accustomed to
call the “paradise” for an observer; being free from a fluctuating
atmospheric refraction which annoyed him in the climate of Sicily. The
foundation-stone was laid August 10th, 1675. An original inscription,
still existing, states the design of the building—the benefit of
astronomy and navigation. The observatory has been successively under
the superintendence of Flamstead, Halley, Bradley, Bliss, Maskelyne,
Pond, and Airy, its present head, with assistants for its proper
management. It is not a spot devoted to star-gazing, and the general
observance of celestial phenomena, but essentially a place of business,
carrying on by day and by night, when the weather permits, those
observations of the sun, moon, planets, and principal stars, passing the
meridian, from which the nautical almanac derives its information. This
has been done with admirable regularity for a long series of years, nor
has Europe any data comparable with the Greenwich tables. During the
interval in which the office of astronomer royal is necessarily vacant,
the business of the observatory proceeds; and that interval is now less
than formerly. Thirty-three days elapsed between Bradley’s last
observation and Bliss’s first; fifty-three between Bliss’s last and
Maskelyne’s first; four between Maskelyne’s last and Pond’s first; and
two between Pond’s last and Airy’s first. It has been asserted by Baron
Zach, that, if the other observatories had never existed, our
astronomical tables would be equally perfect; and Delambre, when
delivering an _éloge_ on Maskelyne before the Institute of France,
remarked, that if by some grand revolution in the moral or physical
world, the whole of the monuments of existing science should be swept
away, leaving only the Greenwich observations and some methods of
computation, it would be possible to reconstruct from these materials
the entire edifice of modern astronomy.
A few years ago it was resolved by the Lords of the Admiralty, that the
time should be shown at Greenwich once in every day of the year. This is
done by means of a large black ball which surmounts the north-western
turret of the observatory. The ball, seen in the vignette, is elevated
by machinery to the index, showing the four cardinal points; and, the
instant it begins to descend, marks the mean solar time to be 1 P.M.
Being plainly observable from the Thames, the arrangement affords a
convenient opportunity for seamen to regulate their chronometers and
clocks.
[Illustration: =Greenwich Observatory.=]
The fame of Flamstead, the first astronomer royal, does not rest upon
any brilliant discovery, but upon an enlightened view of the importance
of accurate observation, and the unwearied zeal and industry with which
he pursued it. A better representation of him cannot be given than by
supposing Tycho Brahe in possession of a telescope, and the adaptation
of it to other instruments. Laplace calls him “one of the greatest
observers that has ever appeared,” and Delambre remarks, “his name will
be eternally cited like those of Hipparchus and Tycho, both of whom, as
an observer, he surpassed.” Born in the neighborhood of Derby, and
brought up in limited circumstances in that town, he wrought his way to
a station at the head of practical astronomy, and established a
continental reputation by dint of strong natural genius and unremitting
application, in the face of great discouragements. Bad health was a
frequent attendant upon him all his days. The patronage of the crown did
not screen him from the want of adequate resources, while from several
of his scientific contemporaries he encountered dishonorable treatment.
The salary attached to his office, then a hundred a year, was often in
arrears. Instruments were promised him by the government, but he had to
find his own, commencing his duties in 1676 with an iron sextant of
seven feet radius, two clocks, and a quadrant of three feet radius, with
two telescopes, which he brought with him from Derby. With these
instruments he could only measure the relative positions of the stars,
and it was not until 1689 that he succeeded in constructing at his own
expense a mural arc to determine their absolute places. From this
period, through an interval of thirty years, his time was spent in
valuable labors, the fruit of which appears in the formation of a
catalogue of three thousand stars, and a vast collection of lunar and
planetary observations, from which Newton derived material assistance in
forming his lunar theory. Yet, as if some annoyance must follow him to
the grave, upon his death in 1719, the government of the day attempted
to claim his instruments as public property, because found in the
national observatory. The name of Flamstead, lost in a great measure to
public recollection, or only dimly recognized as one of those who, with
“lamp at midnight hour
in some high, lonely tower,
——may oft outwatch the Bear,
With thrice great Hermes”—
was revived a few years ago, and acquired notoriety at the expense of
Newton and Halley’s fame. It fell to the lot of Mr. Baily to discover a
large number of his letters in private hands, with others, and a
manuscript autobiography, upon the shelves of the library in the
observatory; and, upon their publication in 1835, by order of the Lords
Commissioners of the Admiralty, some painful and unexpected disclosures
were made. It may be admitted that Flamstead exaggerates his own case,
that his temper was irascible, that he did not appreciate the value of
Newton’s theory, and over-estimated the importance of his own labors;
yet, after having allowed these elements of correction full force, the
conclusion is sufficiently plain, that he was most injuriously treated,
and that much of the moral distinction with which posterity has crowned
the head of Newton, is altogether misplaced. His deep obligations to
Flamstead’s lunar observations are acknowledged in the first edition of
the Principia, but carefully suppressed in the second, apparently when
vindictive feeling had begun to operate; and, in fact, nothing is more
remarkable than the opinion universally entertained of the meek and
placable disposition of the great philosopher, and the want of temper
and honor displayed in his dealings with Flamstead. The truth appears to
be, that as when we view a country beneath a brilliant sky and a balmy
atmosphere, we are apt to frame our impressions of the people in harmony
with the beauty of the scene; so, to the early admirers of Newton, his
intellectual greatness invested with fictitious lustre his private
character, and the infirmities of the man were lost sight of in the
glory of the sage.
But however much we may take from the moral greatness usually attributed
to Newton—and a considerable abatement is unquestionably necessary—his
reputation for wonderful sagacity and grasp of mind is incapable of
impeachment. The course of events has only served to render more
conspicuous that sublime intelligence by which he unraveled the
mechanism of the heavens, and establish more indisputably his claim to
be regarded as the architect of physical astronomy. To determine the
motions of the heavenly bodies was the work of Keppler: to explain and
demonstrate the causes of those motions was the achievement of Newton.
So far, however, from gaining universal assent when first proposed, his
theory was ill understood, slightly appreciated, or altogether rejected
by numbers of scientific men; and—especially on the continent—it very
slowly won its way to notice and confidence. Newton survived the
publication of the Principia forty years, and at the time of his
death—according to Voltaire—it had not twenty readers out of the
country of its production. It was not until the mutual perturbations of
the planets began to occupy the attention of the continental
philosophers, that his theory was fully admitted abroad, and the work in
which it was developed took the rank it has since occupied,
preëminent—in the words of Laplace—above all the productions of the
human mind. It is a common, but vulgar error, to suppose the merit of
our countryman to lie in conceiving the idea of the attraction of
gravitation. That idea had been suggested to many minds long before his
time, and the impression had been created that such a power in nature
was the cause of the planetary motions. Thus Keppler surmised an
attractive force to reside in the sun, producing these movements; and he
even threw out the conjecture that this force diminishes in proportion
to the square of the distance of the body on which it was exerted.
Borelli and Hooke, also, distinctly developed the influence of gravity;
and both referred the orbits of the planets to the doctrine of
attraction combining with their own proper motions to produce
curvilinear movements. What really distinguished Newton, was not the
idea of gravity as the principle of attachment between the different
members of the solar system, but proving it to be so. He succeeded vague
surmise upon the point with mathematical demonstration: explained and
applied the laws of the force—an accomplishment which crowns him with
honor above all his rivals; inasmuch as he who works a mine, and
distributes its wealth through society, is incomparably in advance of
him who has merely apprehended its existence, but failed in gaining
access to its treasures.
[Illustration]
The manor-house of Woolsthorpe, a few miles from Grantham, seated in a
little valley near the source of the Witham, was the scene of Newton’s
birth. Popular tradition reports, that the fall of an apple from a tree,
in the orchard belonging to this house, was the mustard-seed out of
which ultimately grew the grand theory of universal gravitation, and the
story is not without a leaven of truth. It is certain that, to avoid the
plague which ravaged England in 1666, Newton retired from Cambridge;
and, when sitting alone, in his garden at Woolsthorpe, his thoughts were
directed to that remarkable power which causes all bodies to descend
toward the centre of the earth. The supposition presented itself, that
as this power extends to the highest altitudes of the earth’s surface,
it probably extends much farther into space; so that even the moon may
gravitate toward the earth, and be balanced in her orbit by the combined
force of attraction and the centrifugal force implied in her motion. If
this were true, the planets might be supposed to gravitate toward the
sun, and to be restrained thereby from flying off under the action of
the centrifugal force. Sixteen years rolled away before this beautiful
hypothesis was verified, and difficulties arose in testing it, which
seemed to disprove it altogether. It was necessary to calculate the
force of gravity at the surface of the earth; to estimate its diminished
energy at an increased distance; and, after having found the law of the
diminution, to ascertain whether the phenomena of the lunar motions
corresponded proportionably with those of falling bodies at the
terrestrial surface. Assuming the force of gravity to vary inversely as
the square of the distance, it followed that, at the distance of the
moon, it would be about 3600 times less than at the surface of the
earth. The problem, therefore, to be solved was, whether the versed sine
of an arc described by the moon—which measures the space through which
in the same time she would fall to the earth, if abandoned to the action
of gravity—would be 3600 times less than the space through which in the
same time a heavy body falls, at the earth’s surface,
[Illustration]
A B being the arc of the moon’s orbit, _c d_ the sine of the arc, and _e
f_ the versed sine. After a careful study of the lunar observations
supplied by Flamstead, and a series of calculations—displaying
unexampled originality and industry—Newton fully demonstrated that the
versed sine of an arc described by the moon in one minute, was equal to
the space traversed in descent by a heavy body at the surface of the
earth in one second—the exact proportion that ought to exist, according
to the modification to which the intensity of gravity is subject by
variation of distance.
The first certain gleam of this grand conclusion obtained by Newton, is
said so to have overpowered him, that he was obliged to suspend his
calculations, and call in the aid of a friend, to finish the last few
arithmetical computations. He saw the important relations of the
demonstration—the planets wheeling round the sun—the satellites round
the planets—the far wandering comets returning to the source of light
in obedience to the law of gravitation: a result sufficient to throw the
successful discoverer into nervous excitement. It is clear that, if a
body be projected into space, it will proceed in the direction of the
original impulse, and with a uniform velocity, forever—supposing no
obstacle to impede its course. But the combination of two antagonistic
forces will produce a resulting motion in a diagonal direction.
[Illustration]
Suppose the straight lines A B, to represent the direction in which the
earth would travel under the influence of the projectile force, which
launched it into universal space: the straight lines A S, are those it
would describe at any point of its orbit, if surrendered to the
influence of the sun’s attraction. The primitive impulse is, however,
checked by the solar attraction, and the latter by the former; so, that
while the earth—if abandoned to either—would describe A B, or A S, the
effect of their joint influence incessantly acting is to deflect it from
both, and produce a curved path. The cause perpetually operating, the
effect is constant—and hence the formation of the terrestrial orbit;
and the cause extending to the other bodies in the system, the planetary
orbs are deflected from their natural rectilinear paths, and pursue a
circuit round the common centre. The force of attraction is, however,
proportional to the quantity of matter, and the proximity of the
attracting body. Like light, the power of gravitation is weakened by
diffusion, and diminishes as the square of the distance increases. This
square is the product of a number multiplied by itself. A planet,
therefore, twice our distance from the sun, will gravitate four times
less than we do—the product of two multiplied by itself being four.
Such is the great Law of Gravity, subject to the two conditions, that
its force is directly as the mass of the bodies, and inversely as the
square of the distance. It extends to the confines of the system, and
acts as a mighty invisible chain to keep the primary bodies in brotherly
relationship to each other, and in mutual subjection to the central
luminary. And who can trace its operation without recognizing a Supreme
Potentate, who appointed to the sun his place, launched the planets in
the depths, obedient to a law which has preserved the family
compact—originally established—unbroken through the long series of
ages.
It must, however, be borne in mind that the attraction between bodies is
mutual, proportioned to their masses and distances. While the sun
attracts the planets toward himself, they also attract the sun, though
their effect is comparatively small, owing to the vastness of the solar
mass. The planets likewise act upon each other; and as their relative
distances are perpetually varying, certain perturbations are caused in
the system, which, though minute in each particular case, become
considerable by accumulation, and yet are ultimately corrected and
repaired by the same cause that produces them. Newton left to posterity
the task of thoroughly investigating these inequalities, of showing them
to be a result of the law of gravitation, and establishing the
permanence of the system, notwithstanding the accumulating influence of
its internal disturbances. He himself had no gleam of the latter truth,
but seems to have entertained an opinion that the irregularities
occasioned by the mutual action of the planets and comets would probably
go on increasing till the system either wrought out its own destruction
or received reparation from the direct intervention of its Creator. But
Euler, Clairaut, D’Alembert, Lagrange, and Laplace, have demonstrated
the problem that the perturbations of the planets are periodic in their
nature, that accurate compensation for them is laid up in store, so that
the system is not arranged upon a principle of self-destruction. The
elements of disorder and decay are removed from it. The very conditions
of its existence guarantee its stability till the will of the great
Ruler shall be expressed to the contrary. When an end shall come to its
present constitution, that will not be the effect of its own faulty
architecture, but of the fiat of Omnipotence.
[Illustration: =Room in which Newton was born.=]
The house of Newton at Woolsthorpe, now the homestead of a farmer, has
been in the ownership of persons anxious to protect it, and preserve
every relic of its former occupant. Stukeley thus described it in 1727:
“’Tis built of stone, as is the way of the country hereabouts, and a
reasonable good one. They led me upstairs, and showed me Sir Isaac’s
study, where I suppose he studied when in the country in his younger
days, or perhaps when he visited his mother from the university. I
observed the shelves were of his own making, being pieces of deal boxes
which probably he sent his books and clothes down in on those
occasions.” Two sun-dials remain which he made when a boy; but the
styles of both are wanting, and one has been recently taken from the
wall to be presented to the Royal Society. The room in which he was born
has the following inscription upon a tablet of white marble: “Sir Isaac
Newton, son of John Newton, Lord of the Manor of Woolsthorpe, was born
in this room on the 25th of December, 1642.” The apple-tree, the fall of
one of the apples of which, according to tradition, drew his attention
to the subject of gravity, was blown down by a gale some years ago, and
a chair was constructed out of its timber. The Royal Society of London
possesses his telescope; the Royal Society of Edinburgh the door of his
book-case; and Trinity College, Cambridge, has a lock of his silver
white hair.
While the foundations of physical astronomy were laid by Newton, his
confidant and friend, the brilliant and active Halley, pursued a
remarkably successful career in the practical departments of the
science. Born in mercantile life, yet independent of it through the
wealth amassed by his father, he early embarked his means and energies
in the advancement of observation. Leaving Hevelius and Flamstead to
keep guard over the northern hemisphere, he sailed to St. Helena to
inspect the southern; and in honor of the reigning monarch who
patronized the expedition, the oak which had screened him from his
pursuers after the battle of Worcester, was raised to a place in the
skies, forming the constellation Robur Carolinum. The object of the
voyage was to determine the absolute and relative positions of the stars
invisible to the European eye; but owing to the unpropitious climate of
the island, only a catalogue of 360 was made after more than a year’s
residence. Upon this voyage the oscillations of the pendulum were
observed to decrease in number as the instrument approached the equator;
a fact noticed a few years previous by Richer, and explained by Newton
to result from the greater intensity of centrifugal force there,
proportionably diminishing the force of gravity. The life of Halley was
remarkable for locomotion, devoted to various scientific objects. He was
twice at St. Helena, twice in the Adriatic, once in the West Indies, now
with Newton in his study at Cambridge, anon with Hevelius in his
observatory at Dantzic, and then with Cassini watching a comet at Paris.
Upon the death of Flamstead, he succeeded to the office of astronomer
royal, and though then in the sixty-fourth year of his age, he commenced
the observation of the moon through a complete revolution of her nodes,
involving a period of nineteen years, and lived to finish it,
registering upward of two thousand observed lunar places. It was while
journeying in France toward the close of 1680, that he observed the
great comet of that year, on its return from proximity to the sun: and
being aware of the conclusion of Newton, that such bodies describe very
eccentric ellipses, his active mind began to study intently their
phenomena, which resulted in a prophecy that has immortalized his name.
After cataloguing and comparing a considerable number of comets, that of
1682 fortunately appeared. This he was led to regard as identical with
those of 1456, 1531, and 1607, between which there is nearly the same
interval. Hence he anticipated its return after the lapse of a similar
period. “I dare venture,” said he, “to foretell that it will return
again in 1758;” and, sanguine as to the result, he called upon posterity
to notice that it was an Englishman who had hazarded the statement. This
was a prediction announced in 1705, the accomplishment of which ranks
with the greatest achievements of modern astronomy, and will perpetuate
the fame of Halley to the remotest generations. He had been gathered to
his grave in Lee church-yard seventeen years, when the celestial
traveler re-appeared, at the time announced, to verify his words,
illustrate his sagacity, and invest him with undying honor.
[Illustration: =Halley’s Tomb.=]
Bradley, the English Hipparchus, the model of observers, as he is styled
by Laplace, became the third astronomer royal upon the death of Halley.
He had previously effected one of his two great discoveries, the
aberration of the stars, an optical illusion, arising from the combined
movement of the earth in space, and the progressive transmission of
light; a discovery of the highest importance, requiring the greatest
precision of observation to detect. Ever since the doctrine of the
earth’s translation in space had been received, astronomers had been
anxious to find some parallax of the fixed stars, as a sensible
confirmation of the fact. Although the whole diameter of the earth’s
orbit is relatively insignificant, it is yet absolutely vast. Hence it
was deemed no unreasonable expectation that some small apparent change
of place in the heavens would be discerned in the case of the fixed
stars, when viewed from the two extremities of the earth’s annual
orbit—separated from each other by the mighty chasm of a hundred and
ninety millions of miles.
Aberration, or wandering, is the name given to this phenomenon. The term
is not strictly accurate, as the apparent movements thus denominated are
not irregular, but uniform. To discover the physical cause became an
object of intense interest to Bradley, but it long baffled his
researches and reasonings, and was at length developed by an accidental
circumstance. He was accompanying a pleasure-party in a sail on the
river Thames. The boat in which they were was provided with a mast which
had a vane on the top of it; it blew a moderate wind, and the party
sailed up and down the river for a considerable time. Bradley remarked,
that every time the boat put about, the vane at the top of the mast
shifted a little, as if there had been a slight change in the direction
of the wind. He observed this three or four times without speaking; at
last he mentioned it to the sailors, and expressed his surprise that the
wind should shift so regularly every time they put about. The sailors
told him that the wind had not shifted, but that the apparent change was
owing to the change in the direction of the boat, and assured him that
the same thing invariably happened in all cases. From that moment he
conjectured that all the phenomena of aberration he had observed, arose
from the progressive motion of light combined with the earth’s motion in
its orbit. This sagacious conjecture satisfactorily explains the
apparent movement of the stars. Suppose a body to pass from A to B in
the same time that a ray of light passes from C to B. Owing to the two
motions, the impression of the ray of light meeting the eye of a
spectator at B will be exactly similar to what it would have been if the
[Illustration]
eye had been at rest at B, and the molecule of light had come to it in
the direction D, B. The star, therefore, whose real place is at C, will
appear at D to the spectator at B. This effect is precisely analogous to
what takes place when a person moves or travels rapidly through a shower
of rain or snow in a perfectly calm state of the atmosphere. Without
locomotion the rain-drops or snow-flakes will fall upon his hat, or upon
the head of the carriage that conveys him, and not beat in his face, or
against the front windows of the carriage. But if he is passing along
swiftly, in any direction, east, west, north or south, the rain or snow
will come in contact with his face, or enter the front windows of the
carriage if they are open, as though the drops or flakes fell obliquely,
and not from the zenith. Now as an object appears to us in the direction
in which the rays of light strike the eye, it is easy to understand that
a star in the zenith will appear at a little distance from it, to a
spectator carried along with the earth in its orbit. This discovery
established the fame of Bradley, who was exonerated from all future
payments to the Royal Society on account of it; and it is of great
importance, as the only sensible evidence we have of the earth’s annual
motion. Soon after his appointment to the Greenwich observatory, he
effected his second great discovery, that of the nutation of the earth’s
axis, a slight oscillation of the pole of the equator about its mean
place, describing an ellipse in the period of eighteen years. He
determined likewise its cause, which theory had previously inferred to
be the action of the moon upon the equatorial regions of the earth. Some
idea of his industry may be formed from the fact, that in conjunction
with his nephew, he made no less than eighteen thousand observations in
a single year while astronomer royal; and the number from the year 1750
to 1762 amounted to upward of sixty thousand. The death of Bradley was
interpreted as a Divine judgment by the populace. He had taken an active
part with the Earl of Macclesfield and others, in urging on and
assimilating the British calendar to that of other nations. This
rendered it necessary to throw eleven days out of the current year in
the month of September 1752—a measure which the ignorance of great
numbers of the people led them to regard as an impious intermeddling
with the Divine prerogative. Lord Macclesfield’s eldest son, at a
contested election for Oxfordshire, was greeted with the cry from the
mob, “Give us back the eleven days we have been robbed of!” and
Bradley’s mortal sickness, some years later, was viewed as a punitive
dispensation for having participated in the sacrilegious theft.
The latter half of the eighteenth century furnishes a large catalogue of
distinguished names, men of high scientific ability, and, for the most
part, of the finest mathematical minds, by whose labors practical
astronomy made vast advances, and the physical theory of the universe,
as previously developed, was amply illustrated and confirmed. During
this era lunar tables were constructed of sufficient accuracy to be
employed to solve the great problem of the longitude at sea. This was
the work of Mayer, for which his widow received the sum of £3000 from
government; and since that period, the publication of such tables,
showing the places of the sun and moon, with the distance of the later
from certain fixed stars, for every three hours, three years in advance,
has been a national object, contributing to the safety of navigators
upon the trackless deep. The same period is also celebrated for the
determination of the figure and magnitude of the earth, and for the
great improvements made in instruments of observation. If the century
opened with lustre derived from the physical demonstrations of Newton,
it closed magnificently with the telescopic discoveries of Herschel, the
wonderful resident by the stately battlements of Windsor, by whose
mechanical skill and matchless industry new regions were added to our
solar system, and views unfolded of the infinity of the firmament, and
the character of its architecture, which eye had not seen or the mind
conceived.
A work specially devoted to the life and labors of Herschel is a
desideratum. It is not to the credit of the country, that the men who
have headed its physical force upon the field of battle have enjoyed a
larger measure of public admiration and gratitude, and found a more
speedy chronicle, than those who have enlarged the field of thought,
ministered to the intellectual gratification, and elevated the mental
character of the community. Bradley had lain in his grave 70 years,
Newton 104, and Flamstead 116, before their memory received its meed of
justice from the hands of Rigaud, Brewster, and Baily; a slackness to be
attributed to the want of a due national estimate of the value of
science, rather than to the reluctance of those who were competent to do
ample honor to their merits. Herschel still remains without a record of
this kind, though the materials for it are abundant, and his claims
undoubted. Born at Hanover, the son of a musician in comparatively
humble life, but early a resident in England, he appeared first as a
professor and teacher of music, but rapidly rose by his own unaided
efforts to eminence as an optician and astronomer. Anxious to inspect
for himself the sublime revelations of the heavens, but destitute of
means to purchase a telescope of sufficient power for his purpose, he
resolved to employ some previous knowledge of optics and mechanics in
the construction of an instrument. The earliest, a five-foot reflector,
was completed in 1774: but altogether he accomplished the construction
of upward of five hundred specula of various sizes, selecting the best
of them for his telescopes. After having established his fame by the
discovery of a new planet, and fixed his residence at Slough, under the
munificent patronage of George the Third, he completed the giant
instrument that attracted travelers from all parts to the spot, and
rendered it one of the most remarkable sites of the civilized world. The
tube was forty feet long, the speculum four feet in diameter, three
inches and a half thick in every part, and weighing nearly two tons. Its
space-penetrating power was estimated at 192, that is, it could search
into the depths of the firmament 192 times farther than the naked eye.
We can form no adequate conception of this extent, but only feebly
approximate to it. Sirius, a star of the first magnitude, is separated
by an immeasurable distance from us. But stars of a far inferior order
of magnitude are visible to the naked eye. These we may conclude to be
bodies far more remote, and reasonably suppose the star which presents
the faintest pencil of light to the eye to be at least twice or thrice
the distance of Sirius. Yet onward, 192 times farther, the
space-penetrating power of the telescope at Slough swept the heavens. It
was completed in the year 1789, but the frame of the instrument becoming
decayed, through exposure to the weather, it was taken down by Sir John
Herschel in 1823.
It will be convenient here to notice a reflecting telescope of far
greater magnitude and power, recently constructed by the Earl of Rosse,
and now in use at the seat of that nobleman, Birr Castle, in Ireland.
The mechanical difficulties involved in this work, the patience,
perseverance, and talent required to overcome them—and the great
expenditure necessarily incurred—render the successful completion of
this instrument one of the most extraordinary accomplishments of modern
times; and entitle its owner and projector, from first to last, to the
admiration of his countrymen. When the mechanical skill and profound
mathematical knowledge essential to produce such a work are duly
considered, together with the years devoted to previous experimenting,
and an outlay of upward of twelve thousand pounds, this telescope must
be regarded as one of the most remarkable and splendid offerings ever
laid upon the altar of science. The speculum has a diameter of six feet,
and therefore an area of reflecting surface nearly four times greater
than that of the Herschelian, and its weight approaches to four tons.
The casting—a work of no ordinary interest and difficulty—took place
on the 13th of April, 1842, at nine in the evening; and as the crucibles
poured forth their glowing contents—a burning mass of fluid matter,
hissing, heaving and pitching—for the moment almost every one was
anxious and fearful of accident or failure but Lord Rosse, who was
observed directing his men as collectedly as on one of the ordinary
occurrences of life. The speculum has been formed into a telescope of
fifty feet local length, and is established between two walls of
castellated architecture, against one of which the tube bears when in
the meridian. It is no slight triumph of ingenuity, that this enormous
instrument may be moved about and regulated by one man’s arm with
perfect ease and certainty.
To return to Herschel. No addition had been made of any new body to the
universe since Cassini discovered a fifth satellite in the train of
Saturn. Nearly a century had elapsed without any further progress of
that kind. The solar system, including the planets, satellites, and
Halley’s comet, consisted of eighteen bodies when Herschel turned his
attention to astronomy; but, before his career of observation
terminated, he increased the number to twenty-seven, thus making the
system half as large again as he found it, as to the number of its
constituents—a brilliant recompense, but not an over-payment,
considering the immense expenditure of time, and toil, and care. A
primary planet with six moons, and two more satellites about Saturn,
composed the reward. It was on the 13th of March, 1781, that, turning a
telescope of high magnifying power—though not his gigantic
instrument—to the constellation Gemini, he perceived a cluster of stars
at the foot of Castor, and one in particular, which sensibly increased
in diameter, while the rest of the stars remained unaltered. Two nights
afterward, its place was changed, which originated the idea of its being
a cometary body; an opinion embraced upon the continent when attention
was called to it, but soon dispelled by clear evidence of its planetary
nature. The new planet was named after the reigning monarch by the
discoverer, but received his own name from astronomers, which was
finally exchanged for the Uranus of heathen mythology, the oldest of the
gods, the fabled father of Saturn and the grandsire of
Jupiter—referring to the position of the planet beyond the orbits of
the bodies named after the latter. By this discovery, the extent of the
system was at once doubled; for the path of the stranger lies as far
beyond what had been deemed its extreme confine, as that limit is
removed from the sun. The first moment of his “attack” upon Saturn, upon
completing the forty-feet reflector, he saw a sixth satellite, and a
seventh moon later. But Herschel realized his most surprising results,
and derives his greatest glory, from the observation of the sidereal
heavens. The resolution of nebulæ and the Milky Way into an infinite
number of stars—the discovery of new nebulæ of various forms, from the
light luminous cloud to the nebulous star—of double and multiple
stars—of the smaller revolving round the greater in the binary systems:
these were some of his revelations to the world, as night after night,
from dewy eve till break of dawn, he gauged the firmament. Caroline
Herschel was the constant partner of her brother in his laborious
undertakings—submitting to the fatigues of night attendance—braving
with him the inclemency of the weather—noting down his observations as
they issued from his lips—and taking, as the best of all authorities
reports, the rough manuscript to the cottage at the dawn of day, and
producing a fair copy of the night’s work on the ensuing morning. He
died in 1822; but she has survived to see the heir of his name
recognized by the world as the heir also of his talents and fame. It was
one of the conceptions of this remarkable man—as bold an idea as ever
entered the human mind—that the whole solar system has a motion in
space, and is advancing toward a point in the heavens near the star λ
Herculis. The idea remains to be verified; but it is not altogether
unsupported by evidence, and quite consistent with the analogies of the
universe.
The nineteenth century commenced with a fresh ingathering of members
into the planetary family. It had been deemed a matter of surprise that
the immense interval of about 350 millions of miles between Mars and
Jupiter should be void, when only spaces varying from 25 to 50 millions
divide Mars, the Earth, and the inferior planets. Keppler had therefore
started the conjecture that a planet would be discovered in the vast
region between the two former bodies; and thus bring it into something
like proportion with the spaces between the latter. This idea was
confirmed by a curious relation discovered by Professor Bode, of Berlin,
that the intervals between the orbits of any two planets is about twice
as great as the inferior interval, and only half the superior one. Thus,
the distance between Venus and the Earth is double that between Mercury
and Venus, and the half of that between the Earth and Mars. Uranus had
not been discovered when Bode arrived at this remarkable analogy, but
the distance of that planet being found to correspond with the law,
furnished a striking confirmation of its truth. The respective distances
of the planets may be expressed by the following series of numbers,
whose law of progression is evident.
Mercury’s distance = 4
Venus 4 + 3·0 = 7
Earth 4 + 3·2 = 10
Mars 4 + 3·2^{2} = 16
Jupiter 4 + 3·2^{4} = 52
Saturn 4 + 3·2^{5} = 100
Uranus 4 + 3·2^{6} = 196
The void in the series between Mars and Jupiter, so convinced the German
astronomers of the existence of a planet to occupy it—which had
hitherto escaped observation—that a systematic search for the concealed
body was commenced. At Lilienthal, the residence of Schroeter, an
association of twenty-four observers was formed in the year 1800, for
the purpose of examining all the telescopic stars of the zodiac. The
opening years of the century witnessed the anticipation substantially
realized by the discovery of four planets—Ceres, Pallas, Juno, and
Vesta, revolving round the sun, at a mean distance of one hundred
millions of miles from Mars, so small as only to be telescopic objects.
This discovery we owe to Piazzi, Olbers, and Harding. Some singular
features—without parallel in the planetary system—such as their close
contiguity, the intersection of their orbits, with their diminutive
size—Vesta not being much larger than the Spanish peninsula—led to the
surmise that these bodies are fragments of a planet, which once revolved
in their mean path with a magnitude proportionate to that of its
neighbors. The possibility of such a disruption cannot be denied—the
revolution of the fragments round the sun would follow in obedience to
the mechanical laws by which the system is governed: but the point is
obviously one of those questions which must remain entirely
hypothetical. Next to this addition to the system, the most remarkable
astronomical occurrences of the present age are the November meteors,
the renewed return of Halley’s comet, and the determination of the
annual parallax of the star 61 Cygni by Bessel. These will come under
consideration in future pages, with the important contributions made to
science by the great names of the day, Sir John Herschel, Sir James
South, Struve, Airy, Arago, and others.
The progress of Astronomical discovery which has now been hastily
traced, reminds us of the obligations we owe to those who have gone
before us. While supplied with views respecting the constitution of the
solar universe—the number, forms, magnitudes, distances, and movements
of its members—upon the general accuracy of which the mind may repose
with full satisfaction, the mode of its formation has been grappled
with, and a theory presented, derived from the study of the sidereal
heavens, which—though not demonstrable—is invested with a high degree
of probability. The firmament exhibits dimly luminous appearances, like
patches of white cloud, displaying various forms and peculiarities of
structure, which are not resolvable into closely packed clusters of
stars by any telescopic power, and whose phases are at variance with the
idea that they are stellar groups, indistinct and blended from their
remoteness. The nebulous substance, in one of its states, is evenly
diffused, resembling a sheet of fog. Under another aspect, it is seen
winding, and we detect a tendency toward structure, in the material
congregating in different places, as if under the influence of a law of
attraction. Definite structure appears in other cases, generally the
spherical form, with great condensation at the centre, like regular
stars in the midst of a thick haze. The question has hence naturally
arisen, and it is one of profound interest—What do such appearances
indicate? What do the differences in their character portend? Are they
void and unmeaning substances in a universe of organization and order;
or, are they advancing by a principle of progressive formation to share
themselves in that order and organization? The idea has been started
that, in these phenomena, we have an exhibition of the first state of
the now organized bodies of our system, and of their progress to the
ultimate conditions of their being, passing from one stage of
construction to another, under control of the law of gravitation. This
is substantially the nebular hypothesis of Laplace and Herschel: it
supposes a diffused nebulosity, rotating with the solar nucleus, and
extending beyond the bounds of the farthest planet, to have gradually
condensed at the surface of the nucleus, accelerating thereby the solar
rotation, and increasing the centrifugal force, by the action of which
successive zones were detached, assuming spheroidal masses by the mutual
attraction of their particles. This theory enlists a variety of evidence
in its behalf. The fact of the projectile motions of all the planets and
satellites taking place from west to east, in nearly the same plane—of
their axical rotation likewise being all in the same direction, and
corresponding with that of the solar body—is an instance of coincidence
so extraordinary as strongly to support the theory of their common
origin in obedience to a common law. It is no unimportant consideration
that, in the physical and mental constitution of our own nature—with
reference also to the inferior animals, both the feeble and the
powerful, the tractable and the untamed—in relation too to the
vegetable productions of the earth, whether flourishing in green
savannas, or rooted in the clefts of the rock—we have a law of gradual
formation now operating, which vindicates the idea from the charge of
vain conceit, that an analogical law has operated with reference to the
earth itself, and the various worlds that compose our system,
supported—as the hypothesis is—by such significant evidences as the
nebulous appearances in the heavens.
From the view which has now been taken, it is evidently no doubtful
point to us—
“Whether the sun, predominant in heaven,
Rise on the earth, or earth rise on the sun;
He from the east his flaming rond begin,
Or she from the west her silent course advance,
With inoffensive pace, that spinning sleeps
On her soft axle.” . . . .
How incumbent the duty upon us, then, as we have largely benefited by
our predecessors, that—as faithful stewards of their gifts—we should
hand them down to posterity with an increase of value! How grand, and
yet how simple, those views of the universe, upon the evidence of which
we are now invited to gaze! The Sun, a central orb, attended by a
stately cortège of planets, forming a system under the empire of law—a
system not unique, but a general type of others as countless as the
members of the stellar host, whose front ranks alone come within the
range of telescopic vision: systems, probably, not physically insulated,
but bound together by fine relationships, the nature of which—judging
from the progress of the past, it is not arrogant to presume—will yet
be revealed to the understanding of man. These are not ingenious
theories—splendid conjectures; but established facts, and sober
anticipations based upon them. To live and learn is the high vocation of
humanity; one of the appointed ends which the great Artificer of
existence contemplates in its continued series: the generations that are
to come improving upon the acquirements of that which now is. Nor can we
fix any limit to the growth of knowledge in relation to the physical
universe, clear and insurmountable in the present state as are its
bounds with respect to the spiritual world. Who can descry a resting
point in the wilderness of space?—discern a barrier to the range of the
creation? Vast as are the regions that have been entered, there are
vaster amplitudes unapproached beyond them, toward which the mind may
advance in endless progression; often indeed faltering in the pilgrimage
beneath the burden of those conceptions of space and magnitude which
immensity suggests, but still going onward.
[Illustration]
* * * * *
=HYMN TO THE SUN.=
=FROM THE GREEK OF DIONYSIUS.=
=BY HENRY WILLIAM HERBERT, TRANSLATOR=
=OF THE PROMETHEUS AND AGAMEMNON=
=OF ÆSCHYLUS, ETC. ETC.=
Mute be the skies and still,
Silent each haunted hill
And valley deep!
Let earth, and ocean’s breast,
And all the breezes rest—
Let every echo sleep!
Unshorn his ringlets bright,
He comes—the lord of light—
Lord of the lyre.
Morn lifts her lids of snow,
Tinged with a rosy glow,
To greet thee, glorious sire.
Climbing, with winged feet
Of fiery coursers fleet,
Heaven’s arch profound,
Far through the realms of air,
From out thy sunny hair,
Thou flingest radiance round.
Thine are the living streams
Of bright immortal beams—
The founts of day!
Before thy path careers
The chorus of the spheres
With wild rejoicing lay.
The sad and silver moon
Before thy gorgeous noon
Slow gliding by,
Joys in her placid soul
To see around her roll
Those armies of the sky.
* * * * *
=ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA.=
=BY HENRY WILLIAM HERBERT, AUTHOR OF “THE BROTHERS,” “THE CAPTAINS OF THE
OLD WORLD,” ETC.=
Some thirty years before the Christian era, Egypt was not as now a
barbarous and desert region, a strip of rudely cultivated land along the
margin of the eternal Nile, and all beyond that semi-civilized district
a waste of howling wilderness, shifting and fiery sands roamed by the
wild hyena, or the wilder Arab, scattered here and there with those
gigantic relics of a former race, which, while they recall the original
magnificence of the kings, and priests yet mightier than kings, who
ruled of yore with a sway revered and dreaded to the very limits of the
earth in those huge halls, are now avoided, or visited in fear and
trembling by the adventurous traveler, as haunts of the ferocious
Bedouin. Her cities were not then the sinks of mingled filthiness and
luxury; a foreign rule had not then paralyzed her commerce, desolated
her fields, and brutified her men. The Moslem had not then poured upon
her, the garden of the Mediterranean shore, a scourge more foul and
loathsome than the most terrible of her ancient plagues.
Egypt, although even then shorn of a portion of her ancient glories, and
sinking by slow steps into a Roman province, was still the garden, and
the glory of the universe. It was a glorious sight to look upon those
almost boundless plains, or on those wondrous valleys, bounded on either
hand by mountains then clothed with artificial verdure even to their
summits, in the early summer, when the tender herbage of the young grain
had spread them with an interminable carpet of the brightest green, or
in the genial noon of autumn, when the tall wheat and bearded barley
undulated in every breeze, a sea of golden fertility.
It was a yet more wondrous sight, and savoring of enchantment, to view
her thousand cities blazing with the barbaric splendors of the East—her
temples far surpassing in strange, awful magnificence, in gloomy
mysticism, and terrific splendor, the simpler and more classic shrines
of Greece—her groves of palm, her thickets of acacia, her canals
embowered with the broad leaves and lovely blossoms of the azure lotus,
her coppices blushing with the scarlet flowers of the pomegranate, or
rich with the bursting fig—her palaces, her libraries, her quays,
trodden by the mariners of every known realm, her galleys, that had
braved the tempests of the “ocean stream,” and visited, in their
adventurous roamings, the dark and stormy Cassiterides, or yet more
wonderful, had been favored with glimpses of those “Edens of the western
wave,” those islands of the blest, in whose remote and uncertain shores
the imaginative poets of the Greeks had placed the residence of the
departed good.
It was about the period above mentioned, that a war-galley of that
construction which had been recently adopted by the Romans, in
preference to the lofty and cumbrous castles of the deep, only used for
purposes of display and pleasure, was to be seen beating in for the
Egyptian shore. She was a noble trireme, and it would seem that the
builder had exerted his utmost skill to render her not only seaworthy,
and formidable as a ship of war, but rich even to magnificence in her
decorations.
Her upturned prow, with its wonted equipage of brazen beaks, to shatter
the bows of an adversary, and brazen plates to protect her own, all
polished till they flashed back the rays of the summer sun with almost
intolerable brightness, displayed along its bulwarks exquisitely moulded
railings of a richer metal; while high in front stood a statue, the
presiding deity of Rome, a helmed and crested Mars, sculptured with the
utmost finish of the Grecian chisel in pure gold. The shields, suspended
from the channels, were charged with thunderbolts of the same precious
material, upon the dark blue steel of Iberia. The oars were gilded, and
from the castled stern floated beneath a golden effigy of the guardian
wolf and the twin founders of the Imperial City, a broad sheet of silk,
blushing with the crimson effulgence of the Tyrian dye, and, as it was
tossed aloft by the light breath of the sirocco, displaying the initials
at which the universe trembled—those dread initials S. P. Q. R.—the
Senate and People of Rome—at whose edicts the remote Indian and nomadic
Scythian shook with unwonted awe.
Gorgeous, however, as were the decorations, perfect as the entire
equipment of the galley, there was something in her motions which
betrayed even at a nearer inspection, it was evident that while several
of her oars were entirely missing, a yet greater number were sprung, and
so far weakened as to give her that slow and crippled progress through
the water, which the master of the Latin Epic has so aptly compared to
the painful writhings of a wounded serpent.
Her prow was in several places pierced and shattered, the sails bore
evident marks of having met with rougher treatment than under so bright
a sky was likely to have been inflicted by the waves. The breeze though
not exactly favorable was not adverse, blowing freshly on her beam. It
was such a wind as would now be hailed with delight; but, in those days
of imperfect navigation, when all weather was considered foul which
would not allow a vessel to run dead before it—though not actually
contrary, it was looked upon with distrust at least, and deprecated as
producing difficulty at the least, if not danger.
In her disabled state, therefore, this noble galley toiled long and
wearily before the lofty pharos of Alexandria was seen towering, like a
vast column of snow, from the bosom of the placid sea. For many an hour
after this splendid landmark had been visible, did she struggle onward,
ere the quays of Parian marble, the long breakwaters, and gigantic moles
at its base, could be distinguished on the horizon.
Gradually the inner shores of the harbor opened, a vista of pillared
porticoes, architrave and frieze, of Corinthian, Ionic, Tuscan
structure, mingled with massive and fantastic forms of the earlier style
of Egypt, sphynx and colossus, obelisk and pyramid, blended with the
everlasting verdure of the palmy gardens that invested the glorious city
with a belt of aromatic verdure.
High on her prow stood the form of a noble-looking leader, in the very
prime of strength and manhood, his frame displaying all the graces of
Antinous mingled with all the sinewy strength of Hercules. To the first
might be referred the massive brow, the short curled, clustering locks
that shaded it, and the somewhat effeminate cast of his singularly
beautiful features—to the latter, the broad shoulders, the brawny neck,
and the firmness of the muscular development that was displayed at every
motion. His eyes were of that long-cut narrow form which has been
supposed to be typical of a soft luxurious character; but in the dark
orbs themselves there lurked, when they were raised, a sparkle, which
might easily be kindled into lightning splendidly different from the
dream-like softness of their wonted expression.
In the curve, too, of his well-defined and ruddy lips there was that
firmness, that bold decision, which almost belied the dimples at their
corners, and the voluptuous curve of the chin. He seemed a man who
possessed the energy to battle with the universe, to win a world, and
when won, the recklessness to cast it away as worthless. Nor did his
countenance misrepresent the character of the Triumvir.
It was Marc Antony, the glorious winner of the Roman world, and its
reckless loser. It was Marc Antony, returning in defeat—with any other
it had been despair; but his was not a temper to yield even for a moment
to so base a sinking of the spirit—returning with a single trireme from
the half-conquered strife of Actium—hurrying away from his almost
victorious fleet on the very instant of victory in a pursuit of a fair
but faithless mistress; leaving his devoted followers to the mercy of a
heartless conqueror, leaving a world, which another hour would have
rendered irrecoverably his own, to cast its subject diadems at the feet
of young Octavius.
Bravely, fiercely, had he striven, while the humor was upon him; and
farthest into the yielding ranks of the enemy had his brave galley
forced her way, until the fatal cry was heard, that Cleopatra, with her
sixty light-armed ships, had abandoned the conflict, and was flying at
the utmost speed of sail and oar, toward her native shores.
At once, and with a double exertion of valor almost supernatural, he had
forced his retrograde passage through the shattered and reeling galleys
of Augustus, and expending tenfold the quantity of noble blood to lose a
half-won battle, which would have secured to him the empire of the
universe.
Even now, although he knew that his all was set upon a single die, that
he who might have been an emperor, was now a vanquished fugitive,
without a home, a country, a place of refuge, there was no touch of
humiliation or sadness in his mien. His eye was thoughtful, indeed, and
perhaps somewhat melancholy in its expression, but at all events such
was, when unexcited, its usual character.
Moreover, as he neared the quay, as he was gradually enabled to
distinguish the things and persons on the quay, there was a sudden
brightening of the features, an eagerness of expression, an anxious
excitement almost to nervousness of manner, displaying itself clearly in
the quivering of the under lip, and the unconscious play of his fingers
on the sword-hilt, the dark spots of blood upon which denoted how deeply
its blade must have been ensanguined.
The vessel worked up to the wharf. Strong cables were extended from her
head and stern to the massive rings of brass which studded the noble
piers. On the instant, a bridge was extended from the galley to the
neighboring pier; but, ere the quivering planks were steadied, with an
active bound the triumvir had thrown himself over the high bulwarks and
stood in the centre of the eager throng that crowded round to witness
the arrival of a galley from the fleet.
“Ho! by the mother of the gods!” cried an aged man, whose toga proved
him a citizen of Rome, as clearly as did the scars on his bold and
bronzed visage prove him a soldier, “’Tis Antony himself—victorious,
too, by Jupiter! else had we not beheld him here. Shout, comrades,
shout—_Io triumphe! Salve Imperator!_”
“Peace ho! Be silent!” shouted a stern, martial-looking figure on the
prow. “Peace, brawlers! This day is to be marked as black as
Acheron—victory! by Pollux, a rare victory!”
Silently, and unheeding the raised voices and loud queries of the
populace, the noble Roman threaded the crowd. Strange—it was passing
strange, that no word from Cleopatra—no sable-visaged messenger, no
bright damsel of her court, should have met him on his return. “By the
faith of Jove!” he muttered, “but that bitter knave, Horace, was not so
much in the wrong either;” and he hummed in reckless gayety the well
known stanza of the lyric bard—
“At vulgus infidum et meretrix retso
Perjura cedit; diffurgiunt cadis
Cum face siccatis amici
Ferre jugum pariter dolosi.”
“Fie on thee, Antony! hast thou, the veteran of a thousand fields of
Mars and Venus, hast thou been cheated by the honeyed words? the last
stake was a heavy one, by Hercules! That crown, for which great Julius
fell, was worth a higher price than a glance of the brightest eye that
ever beamed with a woman’s tenderness. Fie on’t! ’twas boy’s play—boy’s
play! but to-morrow—be the gods propitious—Soh! ’tis the palace gate
at last, and swart Melancthon at the portals. What ho, Melancthon!
Bestir thee, varlet! Say to Cleopatra, Marcus Antonius sends her
greeting; and never will he rest till he be where she tarries, be that
where it may!”
“Now may the gods avert!” muttered the trembling slave.
“What mutterest thou then? Begone, and speed my bidding, else will I
make thee messenger to Hades! Where is the fair Egyptian?”
“She is _not_, Antony,” faltered the trembling Ethiopian, avoiding with
the wonted superstition of the day, the usage of words deemed ominous.
“_Is not!_ What mean’st thou, paltering with thy double speeches?”
“_Mortua est_—she is dead!” he cried, mustering all his resolution, and
then, as if fearing the wrath of the triumvir, fled hastily into the
palace.
“Dead! Cleopatra dead!” muttered the bold Epicurean, and the whiteness
of his lips told how deeply he was affected by the unexpected news. “Ho,
there!” he shouted. “Bear me a flagon of Falernian hither, and the
jeweled cup of Isis—the old Falernian pressed in the first of Caius
Marius! ’Twill be my last on this side Acheron! A battle—an empire—and
a woman! By the Thunderer! loss enough, methinks, for one day! Lost,
too, forever! The first—that—that might be redeemed—ay, and the
second won—but the woman! By the bright eyes of Aphrodite! he who has
once loved Cleopatra, has loved all womankind! Marc Antony has done with
battles. Ho! the Falernian! ’tis well—ay! pour it till it froth—hence
with the water! Pure—let it be pure! for, this quaffed, I have done
with wine, too. Sweet Cleopatra, this to thee, to thee, in Hades or
Elysium, if the poets’ dreams be true. Now hark thee, slave, say thou to
Ahenobarbus, if Antony hath forgotten how brave men conquer, he hath not
forgotten”—he drained the liquor at a single draught, and hurling the
chased and jeweled chalice against the marble pavement, unsheathed his
sword, still crusted with the blood of Romans—“hath not forgotten how
brave men—die!”
Suiting the action to the word, he buried the massive weapon in his
throat, just above the collar-bone, and over the rim of his embossed and
glittering corslet. The force of the blow was so great, that he was
pitched headlong backward, the cone of his lofty helmet striking fire
from the dinted pavement.
The blood gushed in torrents, not from the wound, for there the massive
blade stood fixed hilt deep, but from ears, eyes, and mouth. After he
fell, not a limb moved, not a pulse throbbed, the last breath rushed
forth half choked in blood, with a fearful gurgling murmur. The broad
chest slowly collapsed—the bravest of the brave had perished for a
woman’s lie!
For Cleopatra was not dead—nor as yet had she even thought to die—but
soon
She dared her fallen kingdom to behold
In dauntless pride of majesty serene;
She dared the coiling reptiles to unfold—
Courting their venomed kiss with dauntless mien.
Sublimely fierce—death full before her eyes—
She spurned the thought, that she could e’er be seen
Swelling the Roman’s pomp, his noblest prize!—
A proud reluctant slave, a crownless queen.
And now the coming sun shone in unclouded brilliancy over the lovely
gardens, that extended for many a mile beyond the marble suburbs of the
Egyptian metropolis, the mightiest work of that famed conqueror, who,
building it in the very wantonness of pride, deemed it, perchance, the
slightest of his wonderful achievements. The roads which issued from
that great city, circulating, like arteries from the human heart, wealth
and prosperity to the extremities of her dominion, wandered among brakes
and thickets of the coolest verdure; nor had the almost tropic sun of
those now scorched and sterile climes the power to pierce the embowering
foliage, which covered those magnificent highways with a continuous
vault of living freshness. The glossy leaves of the dark fig, and the
broad canopy of the aspiring palms, towering a hundred feet aloft to
bask in the full glare of day above his head—a pavement of the
milk-white marble of Canopus, cool as the snows of Atlas beneath his
feet—and the waters, drawn from the distant Nile, glancing and
murmuring in their marble channels on either side the highway—the
wayfarer might travel on his path, enjoying the breezy coolness of more
temperate climes, although he stood beneath the intolerable brightness
of an Egyptian sky.
Far in the depths of those fairy gardens, girdled, as it were, by groves
of almost impenetrable richness, watered by a hundred fountains, drawn
through their secret canals, from the one mighty river, which was to
Egypt what the soul is to the human frame, adorned by luxury that could
be made to minister happiness to the living, stood the mansion of the
dead, the mausoleum of the Ptolemies, the palace-tomb of Cleopatra.
Portico above portico, gallery over gallery, it towered a pile of
snow-white alabaster, more ample in its vast accommodations, more
splendid in its sculptures, more rich in its materials than the proudest
dwelling of a line of kings. The lower stories of the building,
surrounded by triple colonnades of Corinthian architecture, were
constructed of gigantic blocks of stone fitted and dovetailed, as it
were, into each other, with a firmness that might well endure forever.
But in these enormous walls there was no opening—door nor window, nor
the smallest crevice, to admit the blessed light of day to those huge
receptacles of the meanest relics of mortality.
Elsewhere, so singular a form of architecture would have been looked
upon as something utterly unnatural and monstrous; but in Egypt, where
every species of deception, and what we should now call stage effect,
was resorted to in all buildings, and particularly in such as were
intended for religious purposes, it was by no means calculated to excite
astonishment. Near the summit of this strange edifice, sheltered from
the glare of the declining luminary by projecting awnings of muslin, the
fabric of the Egyptian loom, then known as Byssus, was a long range of
windows, on which the sunbeams glittered with a brilliancy which showed
that they were fitted with that most precious of ancient luxuries,
transparent glass.
In a small but airy apartment of this mansion of the dead, there were
now collected a small group of females, whose gorgeous draperies and
jeweled ornaments, would have seemed to denote the proud beauties of
some barbaric court, rather than mourners over the soulless tenement
which had so recently inclosed the spirit of a man.
Situated at the very summit of the edifice, and commanding a prospect
far over the wilderness of aromatic gardens that surrounded it, even to
the distant city, overlooking the wide valley of the Nile, with the
ocean-like channel of its giant river glancing like a stream of molten
gold to the evening sun, and the vast cones of the three great pyramids
distinctly drawn against the deep-blue sky, that chamber might well have
vied with the most beautiful retreats of king or kaisar—nor were its
internal decorations less splendid than the scenery which its windows
opened to the view.
Its walls of the purest alabaster, polished till they reflected every
object with the radiant exactness of metallic mirrors, its pilasters of
the same rich materials, with their Corinthian capitals and bases of
solid virgin gold, its tesselated pavement of a thousand dies, its
couches glowing with the pictured fabrics of the Eastern loom, its
curtains of gauze so delicate that they well nigh justified the
hyperbole which had named them woven air, rendered it a befitting shrine
for the form of beauty which seemed the presiding spirit of the place.
On one of those rich couches there lay a figure of almost superhuman
majesty. The eyes were closed, and the short curls parted from the noble
brow; the features were not more pallid than is often seen in life; a
strangely voluptuous smile still slept upon the well-defined and as yet
unaltered lip, and, but for something of rigidity and constraint in the
position of the limbs, it would never have been believed that the dreams
of that warrior were those which know no waking.
His helmet, embossed with golden sculptures, rested on the ground at the
foot of the low bed, its lofty crest of snow-white horse-hair dancing in
the light air which found its way into the chamber, and casting its
wavering shadows upon the features of the dead; the elaborately
ornamented corslet, which still rested on the massive chest, was stained
in several places with broad plashes of gore; but if blood had stained
the face or the bare neck, it had been washed off with a care which had
removed every sign of violence, every symptom of death.
Perfumes had been liberally sprinkled upon the crisp, auburn locks,
censers were steaming with the smoke of musk and ambergris, and garlands
of the freshest flowers were cast like fragrant fetters over the cold
limbs of the sleeper. But what were all these to a single tear drop from
the mourner who sat beside his bed, gazing with a cold, unmeaning gaze
on the features of him whom she had loved so mightily—betrayed so
madly!
Her hair, the uncurled raven hair of Ethiopia, fell to her very feet in
strange profusion, not in the undulating flow of ringlets free from
restraint, but in straight, shadowy masses, such as we have sometimes
seen, and known not whether to praise or censure, in some sacred
painting of the Italian school. Her lineaments of the Coptic cast,
chiseled in their flowing lines of majesty and softness, were such as
men are constrained to admire despite their judgment; but her form, her
limbs, her swan-like neck, her swelling bust, the rounded outlines, the
wavy motion, were of a loveliness which, while they baffled every
attempt at description, explained at once and justified the passionate
adoration of Julius, the frantic devotion of the wild triumvir.
It was Cleopatra who sat there, mourning in desolate despair over him
whom alone she had _loved_. Him, strange it is to say, she had loved for
himself, for himself alone. No delusion of vanity, no pride of boasting
a second ruler of the universe her slave, had mingled with her deep,
indomitable passion.
The conqueror had been merged in the man, the man in the lover. In peace
or war, in triumph or defeat, absent or at her side, in the flush of
health or in the frail humility of sickness, he had been ever the chosen
idol of her heart; and never perhaps had she loved him more entirely, or
more fervently, than at the very moment of that desertion of his cause,
in the hour of his utmost need, which had terminated in the downfall of
his honor and her happiness.
Dark, indeed, and incomprehensible are the mysteries of a woman’s heart,
impenetrable her motives, unfathomable the sources of her hatred or
affection; often most tender in the heart when coldest in the semblance;
most passionate when most unmoved, most faithful when most insincere.
It might have been from mere womanish caprice, from a desire of probing
the depth of her lover’s feelings, from curiosity to learn and look upon
the conduct of a baffled conqueror; or more likely yet from
jealousy—jealousy that his love of honor and empire should interfere
with his devotion to her beauty, that she had so fatally betrayed him.
She might have overlooked, in the moment of action, the consequences of
her flight—she might have fancied the victory gained, and her desertion
a matter of no moment—a desertion that would wring the heart, without
affecting the cause, of him whom she adored the most, when she most
trifled with his peace of mind.
She might have fancied the defeat, should defeat ensue, not
irreparable—the empire lost to-day recoverable on the morrow—she might
have hoped so to teach the proud triumvir by this reverse, that, when
the government of the world should be conquered by their joint forces,
the world were the gift of Cleopatra.
It might have been one of these motives singly; it might have been the
result of all united—felt, perhaps, but not analyzed even by herself,
that had spurred her on till retreat was impossible and hope desperate.
Still it was love that caused her to betray him, as it was love that
caused her to proclaim herself dead already, ere she had yet thought of
dying, in order to mollify his indignation and awaken his sympathies; as
it was love that now led her to curse the day when she was born, born to
be the fate of Antony.
Her beautiful bosom was exposed to the light, which lingered in a pencil
of mellowed lustre, upon its soft, yet sculptured loveliness. The
delicate veil of fine muslin which should have veiled those secret
beauties, had been violently rent asunder, and hung down in natural
folds below her jeweled cincture. On each of her voluptuous bosoms,
which hardly heaved under the influence of the chill despair which had
frozen up the very sources of her grief, there was a small gout of gore,
a speck such as covers the orifice of the smallest punctured wound; but
beyond those tiny witnesses there was no stain upon her snow-white
kerchief, no trace as of blood which had flowed freely and been wiped
away.
Her hands were folded in her lap, the fingers unconsciously playing with
a chain of mingled strands of golden thread and dark, auburn hair. Her
face was very pale, and cold, and almost stern in its passionless
rigidity—the eye was cast downward, immovably riveted on the
countenance of the mighty dead; but, from the long, dark lashes there
hung no tear. All was composed, silent, self-restrained grief. An
occasional shudder crept, as it were, electrically through her whole
frame, and now and then her lips moved, as though she were communing
with some viewless form; but beyond this there was no motion or no
sound.
At a distance from the miserable mistress sat a group of women, attired,
as has been said, most gorgeously, but their sad and clouded aspects
offered a fearful contrast to their sumptuous garments; near them, and
on a table of the richest porphyry, negligently strewn with instruments
of music, the Grecian lute, the wild Egyptian systrum, and the Italian
pipe, with jeweled tiaras, perfumes, cosmetics, and all the luxuries of
a regal toilet, pateræ of solid emerald, drinking-cups of agate, vases
and flasks of crystal, there stood a plain, country-looking basket,
woven of the slender reeds that grow beside the lake of Mœris, filled
with the dark, glossy leaves and purple fruits of the fig-tree.
To a casual glance it might have seemed that there was nothing in the
contents of the basket beyond the casual offering of some simple
rustic’s gratitude to his queen; but on a nearer view, there might be
seen upon the foliage long, slimy trails, twining hither and thither, as
if left by the passage of some loathsome reptile. At times, too, there
was a slight, rustling sound, a motion of the leaves, not waving
regularly as if shaken by the breeze, but heaving up at intervals from
the life-like motions of something beneath; and now a scaly back, a
small, black head, with eyes glowing like sparks of fire, and an arrowy
tongue quivering and darting about like a lambent flame—it was the
deadly aspic of the Nile, the most fatal, the most desperately venomous
of all the serpents of Africa.
Deeply, fearfully skilled, in all the dark secrets of poisoning and
incantation, the wife and sister of the Ptolemies had chosen this
abhorred way of avenging upon herself the wrongs of Antony; of baffling
the cool malignance of the little-minded man whom Rome’s adulation had
even then began to style the August; of freeing herself from the chains,
not emblematic, of Roman servitude; from the humiliation of being led
along in gliding fetters behind the chariot wheels of the perpetual
consul; from the dungeon, the scaffold, the rod, and the axe, which
closed alike the triumph of the victor and the misery of the vanquished.
Already had the news been conveyed to her—the stunning news that, save
in name, she was no more a queen—but the rumor had fallen on a deaf or
unregarding ear.
An earthquake, it is written, shook the earth unnoticed by those who
fought at Thrasymene, an empire crumbled into ruins unmarked by her who
had lost, who had destroyed, an Antony. After the first burst of agony
was over, when the self-immolated victim was borne to her in place of
the burning, feeling, living lover, she had caused those hated reptiles
to be brought to the tomb, which she had entered while yet alive, in the
very recklessness of dissimulation and caprice; she had applied them to
her delicate bosom, and a thrill of triumphant ecstasy had rushed
through her frame as she felt the keen pang of their venomed fangs
piercing her flesh, and imbuing the very sources of life with the
ingredients of death.
And now she sat in patient expectation, brooding over the ruin she had
wrought, calmly awaiting the agony that she well knew must convulse her
limbs and distort her features from their calm serenity; while her
attendant maidens, with strange and unaccountable devotion, had
needlessly and almost unmeaningly followed the example of her, whom they
were determined to accompany faithfully not merely to the portals of the
tomb, but into the dark regions of futurity. Now, however, when the step
was taken from which there is no returning, the courage, which had
buoyed them up for a moment and impelled them to the fatal measure, had
deserted them.
In the aspect of each, remorse, or pain, or terror was engraved in
fearful variety. One gazed with straining eyes, over the glowing
landscape, gloriously bathed in the radiance of that setting luminary
which would arise, indeed, in renewed splendor but not for her. She saw
the distant hills on which she had sported in the uncontaminated
freshness of her youth, ere she had been acquainted with the sin and
sorrow of courts—the nearer palaces, in whose vaulted halls she had
often led the dance in happy, because thoughtless merriment—and her
whole spirit was absorbed in that long, wistful view of scenes never to
be viewed again.
Another stood, as motionless as the marble column against which she
leaned, staring upon her beloved mistress and the lifeless body; but it
was evident that the images which were painted on her eye were not
reflected on her mind. At intervals a large, bright tear stole slowly
down her cheeks and literally plashed on the Mosaic pavement as it fell.
A third, already sensible of the physical agonies that accompany the
action of poison on the human system, rocked her body to and fro, every
separate nerve writhing and quivering in the extremity of pain, yet
still retained so much mastery over her tortures as to repress all
outward indications of her suffering and approaching dissolution, beyond
a low, choking sob, a fearful and indescribable sound, between a
hiccough and a groan.
It was a scene of horribly exciting interest—a scene on which a
spectator feels that it is terror to gaze; yet feels that, for his life,
he cannot avert his eyes until the agony is over: a scene from which—so
strangely were terror and compassion mingled and interwoven with
curiosity—no human being could withdraw himself, till he had looked
upon the end.
The pale, haughty features of the senseless clay which had wielded and
weaponed, a few short hours ago, the energies of a gigantic soul—the
deeply seated despair of the silent mourner, still full of life and
sensation, but forgetful of herself in the contemplation of her lost
idol, unconscious of physical pain in the abstraction of mental
agony—the wretched girls repenting their rashness, yet repressing their
own anguish lest they should augment hers for whom they had cast life
away; and for whom—could it now have been redeemed—they would but have
cast it away once again: the stillness of that gorgeous room, the hated
reptiles crawling and hissing among the beautiful fruits, the sunshine
without and the gloom within, all uniting to make up a picture so awful,
yet so exciting, as no poet’s pen or painter’s pencil ever yet created.
It was a scene, however, rapidly drawing to its conclusion: the girl on
whose system the venom of the aspic had taken the strongest effect, had
already fallen upon the floor; and it seemed, by the long and gasping
efforts with which she caught her breath, that her very minutes were
numbered. Notwithstanding the miserable plight in which she rolled over
and over in her great agony, so callous had the feelings of her
companions been rendered by the immediate pressure of their own
calamities, that—delicate and tender beings as they were, with hearts
ever melting at the slightest indication of sorrow—each one retained
her station, wholly absorbed by her own awful thoughts, and careless of
all besides.
It was at this crisis, that a shrill and prolonged flourish of trumpets
rose—almost painfully—upon the ear. It was a Roman trumpet. There was
a pause—a brief, but awful pause; such as is often felt between the
first peal of a thunder-storm and the bursting deluge of the shower.
Again it rang—nearer, and nearer yet; and now, beneath the very windows
of the mausoleum.
As the first note sank into silence, the queen had arisen breathlessly
to her feet; and there she stood, motionless as a statue, her eyes still
fixed on Antony; but her lips slightly severed, her head and her whole
frame expressing the earnestness with which she listened for a
repetition of the sounds; but, as the second flourish smote her ear, she
threw her arm aloft in triumph, a flash of exultation kindled that
glorious brow like a sunburst, and her eyes danced in their sockets with
the highly-wrought ecstasy of the moment; but, while her brow and eyes
were radiant with delight, the wide expansion of the nostril and the
curl of the chiseled lip spoke volumes of defiance and contempt.
“It is too late,” she cried, in accents still clear and musical, though
strained far above the natural pitch of her voice. “It is too late, ye
Roman robbers. He whom your sacrilegious trumpets would have but now
aroused to vengeance, from the lightning of whose eye ye would have fled
like howling wolves before the bolt of Jove, whose voice would have
stunned you like the thunders of the Omnipotent—the conqueror of the
universe has fallen asleep, nor can your senseless clangors waken him to
vengeance.”
Even, as she spoke, the rattle of the ladders, by which the legionaries
of the victor were scaling the porticoes of that fortress tomb, the
shouts of the rude veterans, and the clash of their brazen harness were
distinctly audible; and, ere her words were ended, the same wild sounds
were heard echoing along the vaulted passages and spacious halls of the
story next beneath. Another moment, and their steps were heard mounting
the long sloping passages which, in Egyptian architecture, supplied the
want of stairs, affording access to the upper chambers. The door, formed
like the walls of the apartment, of polished alabaster, and invisible
when closed, was evidently forced; and a group of men, whose Italian
complexions and features, prominent and strongly marked, denoted them to
be the victors of the world, the iron men of Rome—stood on the
threshold. All sheathed in complete armor: not decked, like that of the
soft Orientals, with gold and precious stones, but of bronze so brightly
polished that it reflected every object; perfect in the accuracy with
which it was adapted to their frames, in the facility of motion it left
to all their limbs, and in its exquisite finish; with crested casques
and crimson tunics, it would have been impossible to conceive more
martial figures.
Foremost of all, the conqueror of Actium entered the arena of his
triumph; and, in truth, although he could not have sustained a moment’s
comparison with his more fortunate rival, he looked—at least, if he
were not—the hero. No flush of exultation tinged his complexion, no
insolence of victory sparkled in his eye; but, not the less did
exultation, insolence, and cruelty live within his breast, although he
was sufficiently versed in dissimulation to conceal his odious character
beneath a vail of stoical philosophy and magnanimous indifference.
“Hail, emperor!” cried the dying sovereign, confronting him with a
demeanor a thousand times more lofty than his own. “Hail,
conqueror!”—her countenance alone would have expressed the scorn she
felt, had not her tones been such that the cold-blooded despot writhed
beneath them.
“Comest thou hither, puissant lord, noble successor of the mighty
Julius, comest thou hither to violate the ashes of the dead, or to prove
thy virgin valor on a woman? _Macte tuâ virtute!_ On, in thy valor and
thy glory! Why—the dead Cæsar was to thee as Omphale to Hercules! We
are no Amazon to dare thy valor, O, thou second Thesius! Out with thy
broad-sword, Cæsar, _the august_!—and see who first will shrink from
it—I, or my dead, yonder?”
“No—by the Faith of Jove!—we would have the superb Cleopatra our
friend, as she was our uncle’s,” replied the arch dissembler. “Thou art
still free—still Queen of Egypt!”
“By the great gods, I am!—nor is it in thy power to make me other! Free
was I born and royal—free will I die and royal! Cæsar—I scorn your
mercy as I defy your menace! My fathers left to me a crown: crowned will
I go to my fathers! What—think you, Cleopatra will live to be a
slave?—will live to _be at all_, at your bidding? Go—trample on the
subject necks of Romans! The Egyptian spits at your clemency. Why cling
you not to your vaunting motto?—It was Rome’s word of old—
Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos.
And dare you think me subject, or dare you not assail my pride? I tell
you, Roman, you can slay men by thousands at a word; but, for your
empire, you cannot make one woman live. Away—defile not me with your
hangman hands! These are my subjects,” and she pointed to the dying
girls around her, “this my empire—this the sepulchre of my forefathers;
who were sages, priests, and kings, when yours were robbers and
banditti. And this, that but this morning was a man, and now is nothing,
this is my idol and my god! Away—one death like this, is worth a
thousand abject lives like thine; and one dead, a hundred live Octavii,
if ever earth bore aught so base by hundreds. If I betrayed in thy
prime, thou mighty one, most dearly—I, upon myself, have I avenged the
treason. If I sent thee before me, behold! I follow in thy footsteps!
_Manes_ of the dead rejoice—rejoice, ye are avenged!”
Her eyes glared, awful. The death-sweat was already darkening her
brow—the death-foam clammy on her white lip. She must have been
devoured by the fiercest inward tortures, yet she made them subject to
her will; and the veterans of a hundred battles quailed before the edge
of her eloquence, more cutting than the mortal sword. She flung her arm
toward the astonished tyrant in defiance, folded her garments decently
about her limbs, placed the antique diadem of the Ptolmies upon her
raven tresses, and, without another word, composed herself on the couch
beside him toward whom she had proved her love so fearfully, and closed
her eyes for the last time—for ever!
For many minutes longer, while—mute between astonishment, regret at his
frustrated triumph, and admiration of her undaunted valor—the cold
Cæsar watched her silent agonies, the convulsed heavings of her bosom,
and her loud and painful breathings alone told that she lived.
One long and shuddering sigh—one short, sharp spasm—and the dark eyes
opened, but their orbs were glazed and sightless—her jaw fell.
And Egypt never more bowed to a native sovereign.
And Rome was never more uncursed by a Cæsar.
* * * * *
=THE TWO BIRDS.—A STREET LYRIC.=
=BY GEORGE H. BOKER.=
Two birds hang from two facing windows;
One on a lady’s marble wall,
The other, a seamstress’ sole companion,
Rests on her lattice dark and small.
The one, embowered by rare exotics,
Swings in a curious golden cage;
The other, beside a lone geranium,
Peeps between wires of rusty age.
The one consumes a dainty seedling
That, leagues on leagues, in vessels comes;
The other pecks at the scanty leavings,
Strained from his mistress’ painful crumbs.
The lady’s bird has careful lackeys,
To leave him in the cheerful sun;
Upon her bird the seamstress glances,
Between each stitch, till work is done.
Doubtless the marble wall shines gayly,
And sometimes to the window roam
Guests in their stately silken garments;—
But yon small blind looks more like home.
Doubtless the tropic flowers are dazzling,
The golden cage is rare to see;
But sweeter smells the low geranium—
The mean cage has more liberty.
’Tis well to feed upon the fruitage,
Brought from a distant southern grove;
But better is a homely offering,
Divided by the hand of love.
The purchased service of a menial
May, to the letter, fill its part;
But there’s an overflowing kindness
Springs from the service of a heart.
Hark! yonder bird begins to warble:
Well done, my lady’s pretty pet!
Thy song is somewhat faint and straitened,
Yet sweeter tones I seldom met.
And now the seamstress’ bird—Oh, listen!
Hear with what power his daring song
Sweeps through its musical divisions,
Striking each note in rapture strong!
Hear how he trills, with what abundance
He flings his varied stores away!
Bursting through wood and woven iron
With the wild freedom of his lay!
Cease, little prisoner to the lady,
Cease, till the rising of the moon;
Thy feeble song is all unsuited
To the full mid-day glare of June.
Cease, for thy rival’s throat is throbbing
With the fierce splendor of the hour:
His is the art that grasps a passion,
To cast it back with tenfold power.
Cease, until yonder feathered poet
Through all his wondrous song has run,
And made the heart of wide creation
Leap in the glory of the sun!
* * * * *
=MISS HARPER’S MAID.=
It had been a day of boisterous excitement. The gravity of the ship had
been strangely disturbed. We had “crossed the line” in the morning, and
there had been the usual saturnalia on deck. Of these, as I was
returning to India, after a sick furlough, I had been only a spectator;
but still, when the evening came, and the fun was at an end, I felt
sufficiently weary with the heat and excitement, to enjoy a quiet
_causerie_ in my own cool cabin.
My companions were a bottle of “private” claret, and the “chief officer”
of the ship. Now this chief officer was an excellent fellow; I think
that I never knew a better. His name was Bloxham. He was about
eight-and-twenty years of age, with a round, fresh-colored, but
intelligent face; bright, laughing eyes, and the whitest teeth in the
world. There was in him a rare union of the best parts of the old and
the new race of merchant seamen; that is, he had all the openness and
frankness, the seaman-like qualities of the old men, without their
coarseness and vulgarity; and he had the more refined and gentleman-like
manners of the new, without their dandyism and effeminacy. He was in my
eyes the very pink and perfection of a sailor.
We discussed the incidents of the day, and discoursed upon the character
and objects of the Saturnalia, or rather, as we agreed, the Neptunalia,
which we had been witnessing. I have no intention of describing what has
been so often been described before. But there is one part of the
ceremony on which I must say a few words. Before the unhappy neophyte
who has to be initiated into the mysteries of the equator is finally
soused in the tub of water, which by a merciful dispensation is made to
follow on the begriming and befouling operation of the shaving, he is
asked by the operator if he has been “Sworn at Highgate.” Now, to be
sworn at Highgate, is to undertake not to do certain things, when you
can do better, as “never to drink small beer when you can get strong,
_unless_,” (there is always a saving clause,) “unless you like small
beer better than strong.” I do not remember all the obligations, though
they are not many, named in the recital. But one I have every reason to
recollect. Bloxham, with his smiling face and joyous manner, was talking
over this part of the ceremony; and when he repeated the words of the
Highgate oath, “Never to kiss the maid, when you can kiss the
mistress—_unless_, you like the maid better than the mistress,” I could
see a significant twinkling in his eyes, which stimulated my curiosity.
I asked him what he was thinking of, and he said that he “could believe
it very possible to like the maid better than the mistress,” and I said
so too. “At all events,” added Bloxham, “it often happens that the maid
is the better worth kissing of the two.”
I could see plainly enough from my friend’s manner, that I had not got
at the bottom of this roguish twinkling of the eye. His whole face was
indeed one bright smile, and there was a world of meaning dancing
beneath it. I was determined, as sportsmen say, to “unearth” it; so I
said at once, that I should enjoy my claret all the more, if he would
impart to it the relish of a good story. Then I took the bottle off the
swinging tray, filled our glasses, and told him to “leave off making
faces and begin.”
“Well,” he said, making himself comfortable in a corner of my couch, “I
must acknowledge that ‘thereby hangs a tale.’ ‘Never kiss the maid when
you can kiss the mistress, _unless_, you like the maid better than the
mistress.’ At the risk of your thinking me a low fellow, I’ll give you a
chapter of my own experiences, illustrative of this portion of our
sailorly interpretation of being sworn at Highgate.
“After the last voyage but one, our good ship went into dock for a
thorough refitting, and I had a longer spell at home than I had enjoyed
for many years. I would not change this way of life for any in the
world; but I was glad for once to stretch my legs fairly on dry land,
and see something of green fields, brick and mortar, and my shore-going
friends in the neighborhood of Canterbury.
“Among the families in which I was most intimate was that of a Mr.
Harper. He had made a comfortable fortune by trade, and now was enjoying
his _otium cum dignitate_ in a good house on the outskirts of the city.
An only daughter kept house for him; for he was a widower. Now Julia
Harper, when I first knew her, was a fine, handsome girl of
two-and-twenty; tall, well-made, but on rather a large scale, with
bright, restless eyes, and a profusion of dark hair. She had a great
many admirers in Canterbury, some of whom, there is every reason to
suppose, admired the old gentleman’s money as much as the young lady’s
eyes, but they met with no great encouragement. Miss Harper, it was
whispered, had determined not to marry a Canterbury man. She wished to
see more of the world. Her tastes inclined toward the army or the navy;
and it was predicted that some fine day a young officer from one of the
regiments in garrison, with an eye to the paternal guineas, would
succeed in carrying off the prize. Everybody, however, said that she was
heart-whole, when I was first introduced to her, and some of my more
intimate friends jestingly said that there was a chance for me. I
confess that I was a good deal struck by the girl. The artillery of her
bright eyes soon began to do some execution. I liked her open, bold
manner. I had very little experience of the sex, and I thought that her
candor and unreserve betokened a genuineness of character, and a
truthfulness of disposition, very refreshing in such an age of shams. I
think I liked the old gentleman, too—I know I liked his dinners and his
wines—I was certainly a favorite with Mr. Harper. Whether he ever
contemplated the probability of his daughter and myself becoming
attached to one another, I do not know; but if he did contemplate it,
and with pleasure, it must have been pleasure of the most unselfish
kind, for of all his daughter’s admirers, in point of worldly
advantages, I must have been the least eligible. However, he had been
heard to say, that he did not look for a rich son-in-law, as his
daughter would have plenty of money of her own; so, sometimes, I thought
it possible that the old gentleman would not close his paternal heart
against me, if I were to offer myself as a suitor for the fair Julia’s
hand, and a claimant to her heart.
“I often met with Julia at the house of mutual friends. I certainly
liked the girl; and my vanity was flattered, because, with so many
admirers around her, she showed me, as I thought, a decided preference.
She seemed to be never tired of talking about the sea. She wearied me
with questions about it; and on more than one occasion said—very
unguardedly—that she thought a voyage to India would be the most
delightful thing in the world. Of course, I made fitting answer, that
with a congenial companion, a voyage anywhere would be delightful; and,
more than once, opportunity being favorable, I was on the point of
declaring myself, when an internal qualm of conscience arrested the
dangerous avowal.
“Affairs were in this state, when an accident befell me which brought
matters to a crisis. There was a steeple-chase one day in the
neighborhood of Canterbury, which I attended on foot. During the
excitement of the race, I attempted a difficult cut across the country,
failed at a leap which was beyond my powers, and had the misfortune to
sprain my ankle. The injury was a very severe one, and I was laid up for
many weeks in my lodgings. You have often laughed at me for taking every
thing so coolly. I assure you that I did not take this coolly at all. I
chafed, indeed, like a lion in the toils; and was continually arresting
the progress of my recovery, by putting—in spite of repeated
prohibitions—the crippled member to the ground. At last, I began to
learn a little philosophy, and resigned myself to the sofa with a groan.
“The loss of my liberty was bad enough; but the loss of Julia’s society
was a hundred times worse. Her father came often to see me, and brought
me kind messages from his daughter; but, if I had had no more
substantial consolations, I believe that I should have gone mad. Julia
did not actually come to see me; but she wrote me repeated notes of
inquiry, and often sent me flowers, and books, and other tokens of
womanly kindness. The messenger employed on these occasions was Miss
Harper’s maid—”
“Ah! sworn at Highgate,” I interrupted; “we are coming to it now.
Another glass of claret to improve the flavor of the story.”
He tossed off the bumper I had given him, as though he were drinking
devoutly to some lady’s health, and then continued with increased
animation.
“The messenger employed on these occasions was Miss Harper’s maid. She
was generally enjoined to deliver the letters and parcels into my own
hands, and sometimes to wait for an answer. She came, therefore, into my
drawing-room, and if she had occasion to wait, I would always desire her
to be seated. The girl’s name was _Rachel_. She might have been old, or
ugly, or deformed, for any thing I cared, or, indeed, that I knew about
her. I had a dim consciousness that she had a very pleasant manner of
speaking; but I give you my word that, after she had been half-a-dozen
times into my room, I should not have known her if I had met her in the
streets: I regarded her only as an appendage to the fair Julia, whose
image was ever before my eyes, shutting out all else from my view.
“This, however, did not last forever. It happened one day, that when
Rachel brought me a parcel, I—in my lover-like enthusiasm—started up
from the sofa, and incautiously planted my injured foot on the ground.
The result was a spasm of such acute pain, that I fell back upon my
couch with an involuntary cry, and a face as colorless as marble. Rachel
immediately stepped forward; and, with a cordial expression of sympathy,
asked if she could do any thing for me, and proceeded, with a light,
gentle hand to arrange the pillows under my crippled limb. I felt very
grateful for these ministrations, and as I gave utterance to my
gratitude, I looked for the first time inquiringly into Rachel’s face.
Though she bore a Jewish name, she did not bear by any means a Jewish
cast of countenance. She had dark hair and dark eyes, it is true—but
her face was round, her nose short, and if any thing, rather
_retroussé_; and she had the sweetest little mouth in the world. I
thought that, altogether, she was a very pretty girl, and moreover a
very genteel one. I observed now, what I had never observed—indeed, had
had no opportunity of observing—that she had a charming little figure.
Her shawl had fallen off whilst she was arranging my pillows, so that I
could now see her delicate waist, and the graceful outline of her
lightsome form; and there was something in her movements that pleased me
better than all. I was interested in her now for the first time; and was
sorry when she took her departure, with the expression of a hope that I
might not suffer further inconvenience.
“I hoped that she would come again on the following day, and I was not
disappointed. She came with a note and a _boquet_ from Julia; but,
before delivering either, she inquired after me, with—what I
thought—genuine concern. I answered kindly and gratefully; and before
opening her mistress’s note, asked her several questions, and drew her
into conversation. The more I saw of her the better I liked her. She was
at first a little reserved—perhaps embarrassed; but, after a few more
visits, this wore off, and there was a quiet self-possession about her,
which pleased me mightily. I could not get rid of the impression that
she was something better than her social position seemed to indicate; at
all events, she was very much unlike all the waiting-maids I had ever
seen. I soon began to delight in her visits. She came almost every day
with some letter or message from her mistress. I looked forward to the
time of her coming, and felt duller when she was gone. I thought that it
would be very delightful to have such a handmaiden always about me, to
smooth my pillows, and bring me my meals, and talk to me when she had
nothing better to do.
“I was interested in Rachel, and enjoyed her visits; but, believing
still in Julia Harper’s fidelity, I was faithful to the core myself. But
circumstances soon occurred which shook my faith, and then my love began
to dwindle. The first of these was a mere trifle—but it was a
suggestive one. Rachel brought me, one day, a note, and a little bundle
of flowers, unusually well-arranged. I read the note, and to my
astonishment there was a postscript to it in these words—‘I am sorry
that I cannot send you a boquet to-day; there is positively not a flower
in the garden.’ I mentioned this to Rachel, and asked whence the flowers
had come. She blushed, and said with some confusion of manner, that she
had picked them in the garden herself.
“The next was something still more demonstrative of the fair Julia’s
disregard of truth. Rachel brought me a note one day, and a parcel
containing a pair of worsted-work slippers, which her mistress said she
hoped I would wear for her sake until I was able to leave my room. She
did not actually say, but she implied that she had worked them for me
herself. When I said something to Rachel about the time and trouble Miss
Harper—I never said ‘your mistress’ now—must have expended on them, I
observed a very curious and significant expression on the girl’s face. I
had observed it once or twice before, when I had said something
indicative of my confidence in Julia’s sincerity. It was an expression
partly of pity—partly of disgust; and seemed to be attended, for I
could see the compressure of her little mouth, with a painful effort to
repress the utterance of something that was forcing its way to her lips.
I was thinking what this could mean, when a piece of folded paper fell
from the parcel: I picked it up, and found it was a bill—a bill for my
slippers, which Miss Harper had bought at the Berlin Repository in the
High Street. I knew now the meaning of the look. Rachel saw that I had
got a glimmering of the truth, and I thought that she seemed more happy.
“She had wished me ‘good morning,’ and was about to depart, but I told
her that I could not suffer her to go. It was altogether a deplorable
day, what we call in the log _squally_. There was a great deal of
wind—a great deal of rain; and, just at this moment, the latter was
coming down in torrents. After some persuasion, she consented to remain.
Then I asked her if she would do something for me; and, with a bright
smile, she answered—‘Yes.’ I had a new silk neckcloth waiting on the
table to be hemmed. She took it up, and then turning to me, asked
naively how she was to hem it without needle and thread. To this
question—for which I was well prepared—I replied, that in the other
table-drawer she would find something containing both. She searched, and
found a very pretty Russian-leather case, silver-mounted, with all the
appliances a seamstress could desire. Then I begged her acceptance of
it—said that I had ordered it to be made on purpose for her use, and
that I should be bitterly disappointed if she did not accept of it. And
she did accept it with undisguised pleasure. And every pleasant thing it
was to lie on the sofa, and watch her neat little white hands plying the
needle in my behalf. I had been longing to see the hand without the
glove, and I was abundantly satisfied when I saw it.
“She had hemmed one side of the handkerchief, and we had conversed on a
great variety of topics, when the weather began to clear up, and the sun
to shine in at the windows. Rachel rose at once to depart. I said that I
was quite sure it must be dreadfully wet under foot, and that I was
certain she was thinly shod.
“‘Not very,’ she said.
“But I insisted on satisfying myself, and would not be content until she
had suffered to peep out beneath the hem of her gown one of the neatest
little patent-leather slippers I had ever seen in my life. I said that
they were very dainty little things, but altogether fine-weather shoes,
and not meant for wet decks. But I remembered presently that I had seen
in her hand, when she entered the room, a pair of India-rubber
overshoes, and I reminded her of them.
“‘They are my mistress’s,’ she said: ‘I had been desired to fetch them
from the shop.’
“‘Wear them,’ I said, ‘all the same—they will be none the worse, and
will keep your little feet dry.’
“‘But how can I?’ she answered with a smile; ‘they will not fit me at
all.’
“‘Too _small_?’ I said, laughing.
“‘Yes, sir,’ she said, with another smile, even more charming than the
first. I told her that I should not be satisfied until I had decided
that point for myself; and at last I persuaded her to try. The little
rogue knew well the result. Her feet were quite lost in them.
“If I have a weakness in the world, my good fellow, it is in favor of
pretty feet and ankles; so, when Rachel insisted on taking her
departure, I hobbled as well as I could to the window to see her pick
her way across the puddles in the Close. I satisfied myself that the
girl’s ankles were as undeniable as her feet; and she was unequivocally
_bien chaussée_. I could not help thinking of this long after she was
gone. And then it occurred to me that Julia Harper was certainly on a
rather large scale. She had a good figure of its kind, and she had fine
eyes; but Rachel’s were quite as bright, and much softer; and as for all
the essentials of a graceful and feminine figure, the mistress’s was far
inferior to the maid’s. I kept thinking of this all the evening, and
after I had gone to bed. And I thought, too, of the very unpleasant
specimen of Julia’s insincerity which had betrayed itself in the case of
the slippers. But it is astonishing how little it pained me to think
that Julia might not be really attached to me, and that our almost
engagement might come to naught after all.
“I am afraid that if I dreamt at all about female beauty that night, it
was less in the style of the mistress than the maid. Morning came, and
with it an eager hope that I should see Rachel in the course of the day;
but she did not appear. I never kept such long watches in my life. I got
horribly impatient. I left my couch, and seated myself at the window,
with a sort of forlorn hope that I might see Rachel pass; but I saw only
a distressing number of clumsy feet and thick ankles, and no one
remotely resembling Miss Harper’s spicy little maid. Night closed in
upon me savage as a bear. But the next day was a more auspicious one.
Looking prettier than ever, Rachel came with a note from her mistress. I
was in no hurry to open it, you may be sure. I asked Rachel a great
number of questions, and was especially solicitous on the score of the
wet feet, which I feared had been the result of her last homeward voyage
from my lodgings. She had by this time habituated herself to talk to me
in a much more free and unembarrassed manner than when first she came to
my apartments; and the more she talked to me, the more charmed I was;
for she expressed herself so well, had such a pleasant voice, and
delivered such sensible opinions, that I soon began to think that the
mental qualifications of the mistress (none of the highest, be it said)
were by no means superior to those of the maid. Indeed, to tell you the
truth, my good fellow, I was falling in love with little Rachel as fast
as I possibly could.
“This day, indeed, precipitated the crisis. We had talked some time
together, when Rachel reminded me (I thought that there was an
expression of mock reproachfulness in the little round face) that I had
not read her mistress’s letter. I opened it in a careless manner; and
had no sooner read the first line, than I burst out into loud laughter.
‘Bravo! Rachel,’ I exclaimed. ‘You are a nice little messenger, indeed,
to carry a young lady’s _billets doux_. You have given me the wrong
letter.’ She took up the envelope, which had fallen to the ground, and
showed me that it was directed to ‘_Edward Bloxham, Esq._’ ‘All the
better, Rachel,’ I said; ‘but this begins ‘_I am so delighted, my dear_
_Captain Cox_—’ Hurrah, for the envelopes!’
“I looked into Rachel’s face. It was not easy to read the expression of
it. First she seemed inclined to laugh—then to cry. Then she blushed up
to the very roots of her hair. She was evidently in a state of
incertitude and confusion—puzzled what course to pursue. I folded up
the letter, placed it in another envelope—not having, of course, read
another word of its contents. What was the cause of Julia’s excessive
delight I am not aware up to this moment; but I could not help asking
Rachel something about Captain Cox. One question led to another. Rachel
hesitated at first; but at last, with faltering voice and tearful face
told me the whole truth. She said that she had felt herself, for some
time, in a very painful and embarrassing situation. She recognized her
duty to her mistress, who had been kind and indulgent to her—but she
could not help seeing that much which had been done was extremely wrong.
She had all along been ashamed of the duty on which she was employed,
and had more than once hinted her disapprobation; but had been only
laughed at as a prude. She had often reproached herself for having been
a party to the fraud which had been practiced on me. She had not at
first fathomed the whole extent of it; but now she knew how bad a matter
it was. The truth was, that Miss Harper had for some time been carrying
on something more than a flirtation with Captain Cox. But her father
disliked the man, who, though very handsome and agreeable, bore any
thing but a good character—and, therefore, Julia had acted cautiously
and guardedly in the matter, and had feigned an indifference which had
deceived Mr. Harper.
“When I first came to anchor at Canterbury, Captain Cox was on ‘leave of
Absence;’ and, as he had gone away without making a declaration, it had
appeared to Julia that an overt flirtation with me in the captain’s
absence—something that would certainly reach his ears—might stimulate
him to greater activity, and elicit an unretractable avowal. Her
flirtation with me was intended also, to impress on Mr. Harper’s mind
the conviction that she was really attached to me, and he ceased,
therefore, to trouble himself about Captain Cox. He liked me, and he
encouraged me, on purpose that the odious captain might be thrown into
the shade. Such was the state of affairs at the outset of Julia’s
flirtation with me. But Rachel assured me that I really had made an
impression on the young lady’s heart, though she had not by any means
given up the gallant captain.
“I asked Rachel how this could be—how it was possible that any heart
could bear two impressions at the same time. She said, that she supposed
some impressions were not as deep and ineffaceable as others. At all
events, she believed that to Miss Harper it was a matter of no very
vital concernment whether she married Captain Cox or Mr. Bloxham; but
that she was determined to have one or other. The fact is, the girl was
playing a double game, and deceiving both of us. All this was very clear
to me from Rachel’s story. But she told me it was her own belief, that
Julia would determine on taking me, after all—and that for the very
excellent reason that Captain Cox was engaged elsewhere. At least, that
was the story in the town since his return to barracks.
“Poor Rachel shed a great many tears whilst she was telling me all this.
She said that, having betrayed her mistress, she could not think of
remaining with her. She was decided on this point. With warm expressions
of gratitude, I took her little hand into mine, and said that I would be
her friend—that she had done me an inestimable service—that I was glad
to be undeceived—that the little incident of the flowers and that of
the slippers, had shaken my belief in Miss Harper’s truth, that
altogether my opinions had changed, and that I knew there were worthier
objects of affection. Then I spoke of her own position—said that of
course her determination was right—but that she would confer a very
great favor on me, if she would do nothing until she saw me again. This
she readily promised; and it was agreed that on the following day, which
was Sunday, she should call on me during afternoon service. I pressed
her hand warmly when I wished her goodbye, and with greedy eyes followed
her receding figure across the Close.
“She came at the appointed hour, looking prettier and more lady-like
than ever. She was extremely well-dressed. I shook hands with her and
asked her to seat herself upon the couch beside me; and then asked her,
laughingly, ‘What news of Captain Cox?’ She said there was not the least
doubt that Captain Cox was engaged to be married to a lady in London;
and that Miss Harper, on the preceding evening, not before, had been
made acquainted with the fact. I then asked Rachel what the young lady
had said on receiving back her letter to the captain; and learnt that
she had been greatly excited by the discovery, and had been very eager
to ascertain how much of the letter I had read. When Rachel told her
that I had read only the words, _I am so delighted, my dear Captain_
_Cox_, she somewhat recovered her spirits, but this morning she had
pleaded illness as an excuse for not coming down to breakfast, and had
not since left her room.
“There was at this time lying unopened on my table, a note from Miss
Harper, which had been brought by her father, an hour before. I asked
Rachel to give it to me, saying ‘Now let us see, Rachel, whether any new
light is thrown upon the subject.’ I think her hand trembled when she
gave it to me. I opened and read—
“‘My dear Mr. Bloxham,—Very many thanks to you for your promptitude in
returning the note, which, stupid little bungler that I am’ (‘Not so
very little, is she, Rachel?’ I paused to remark) ‘I sent you by
mistake—I am very glad that I had not sent _the other_ to Captain
Cox—for, although it does not much matter if one’s letters to one’s
acquaintance fall into the hands of one’s friends, it is not at all
pleasant if one’s letters to one’s friends fall into the hands of one’s
acquaintance. I wrote to Captain Cox only to tell him how delighted I
was to hear of his engagement—for he is going to be married to a Miss
Fitz-Smythe—a very lady-like girl, who was spending some time here with
the Maurices; and was really quite a friend of my own.’
“I had not patience to read any more. I knew it to be all a lie. So I
tossed the letter into the middle of the room, and said, ‘We have had
enough of that.’ I was ineffably disgusted. One thing, however, was
certain; that Julia Harper, with her £15,000, was now to be had by me
for the asking. But I would not have asked, if the money had been told
over twenty times.
“I had other views for my humble self. Rachel, I found on inquiry, was
the daughter of a Mrs. Earnshaw, the widow of an officer in the
Preventive Service. The widow’s means of subsistence were slight, and
her daughter had obtained a situation as, what people called, Miss
Harper’s maid.
“My good fellow, I can hardly tell you what happened after this; I have
a confused recollection of having looked inquiringly into Rachel’s face,
read whole chapters of love in it; then threw my arms round her waist,
pressed her fondly to my bosom, and whilst I untied her bonnet strings,
and removed the obtrusive covering from her head, said to her, ‘We
sailors have all been sworn at Highgate—all sworn never to kiss the
maid when we can kiss the mistress—_unless we like the maid better
than_ _the mistress_, and heaven knows how much _I_ do!’
“After the lapse of two or three weeks, and very delightful weeks they
were, too—Rachel Earnshaw became Rachel Bloxham, and I the happiest
husband in the world. I have got the very best of little wives, and
never, I assure you, for one moment, though we have little enough to
live upon, and I cannot bear these long separations, have I deplored the
loss of Miss Harper and her fifteen thousand pounds, or regretted that I
availed myself of the _saving clause_, when I proved that I had been
Sworn at Highgate.”
* * * * *
=“WHATEVER HE DOETH SHALL PROSPER.”=
=BY MRS. MARY ARTHUR.=
I read the records of passing life,
With a careful, earnest eye—
And smiled or wept, as my pulses leapt,
To the scenes that hurried by;
From the busy play of infancy
To the busier care of age—
And nothing so fair as an upright soul
Was traced on the glowing page.
“Whatever he doeth shall prosper well”—
“In his darkness ariseth light”—
So—softly and sweetly a whisper fell,
Like the smile of an angel bright.
Though he win not the glitter of gold or fame,
Yet his wealth shall be far above;
He shall coin it freely of precious words
From the treasure of God’s deep love.
“Whatever he doeth shall prosper well,”
Though his path may be rough awhile,
Enough for him is the lights of truth
And his Father’s ceaseless smile.
He shall grow like a tree by the river-side,
And if tempests sweep around—
Then proved and tried by their searching wrath
Shall the ripened fruit be found.
“Whatever he doth shall prosper well,”
(For he waiteth his Father’s will,)
Though it seems not so in this outer world,
In a better and brighter still.
His leaf shall not wither—it keepeth fair,
Through the cold or gusty blast;
And his fruit shall ripen to holiness
When the season comes at last.
* * * * *
=THE USEFUL ARTS.=
=THEIR ORIGIN AND THEIR EARLIEST HISTORY.=
=BY CHARLES WILLIAMS.=
The origin of the useful arts is not like a spring gushing forth from
the earth, a simple and indivisible cause of diversified results; it
rather resembles the noble river, whose waters arise and increase from a
large confluence of streams.
I. _Endowments for Labor._
How greatly, for instance, are the arts attributable to the human hand!
The paw of the beaver is admirably adapted to its habits of masonry, but
immensely superior is the organ of prehension with which we are gifted,
which readily applies itself to, and securely grasps, bodies of every
form and size, capable of being moved by the arms of man. Had the hand
been undivided, it could only have held such a portion of any mass as
was equal to itself; but now, by separating the fingers, it can
encompass one larger than itself; and by compressing two of them
together, it can safely hold a minute object. And as some bodies are too
large to be held by one hand alone, we are endowed with two, inclining
toward, and precisely adapted to, each other. The highest advantages of
a single hand of much larger dimensions is therefore gained, without any
of the discomforts that would arise from a different arrangement.
The admirable division of the hand, and the exquisite adjustment of its
several parts, are consequently indispensable to its perfection. Only
take from it one of them, and the efficiency of the whole is seriously
impaired. The Roman soldier deprived of his thumb was regarded as unfit
for service; and there have been instances in England and other
countries of such self-mutilation, as an effectual security against a
martial life. The thumb is, indeed, of special use. It is neither
situated directly opposite to the fingers, nor in the same plane with
them, but obliquely, that it may be brought at pleasure to bear on them
all, or on each finger separately. How manifestly superior is it to the
rudimental thumb of the ape, which is designed for no such services! In
strong contrast to the hand, also, as examination will show, is the
lion’s paw, which, though consisting of four fingers and a thumb, is
only adapted to very different purposes. In the human feet, where extent
of surface is required for support, all the toes, unlike the fingers,
are arranged in the same plane.
Were the tips of the fingers of bone, instead of flesh, we could not
take up such minute bodies as a millet seed, a thorn, or a hair, which
we can now do so readily from their being soft and round. Less soft, or
more soft, equal difficulty would arise: the fingers have precisely the
degree of consistence which is adapted to their intended use. And that
they may hold hard bodies, they are provided with nails, admirable
indeed for structure and position: were these placed on the tips of the
fingers, power would be lost; but they occupy exactly the situation, and
are of just the length, which will insure their utmost efficiency. In
almost every art where nicety of execution is required, the nails are
continually called into action. Who can, indeed, overrate the value of
the hand? Smoothness and roughness, fineness and coarseness, heat and
cold, are among the many sensible qualities of matter which it enables
us to recognize, from the nerves with which it is so abundantly
supplied, while its uses defy enumeration. The cuticle, indeed, becomes
hard, thickened, and almost horny, thus suffering a loss of sensibility
from years of labor; but in this there is a wise and kind law of
Providence, by which the laboring man is fitted for his daily and useful
toil. Did his hands thrill with every impression, he would be constantly
exposed to pain, and restrained by fear from pursuing as he does now his
rugged work. But early use has inured him to labor; he therefore wields
the axe, strikes in the spade, or swings over his head the huge hammer,
almost unconscious of effort; or, equally unharmed, dips his vessel into
the furnace of molten metal when it has attained the intensity of a
dazzling and scorching whiteness.
Complicated as the mechanism of the hand appears, when the attention is
restricted to its surface, it proves still more so when there is a
careful examination of its internal structure; while its complexity can
only be adequately regarded as other parts of the physical system are
duly considered. The wrist, which forms the base of the hand, is
composed of eight small bones compacted together; and having little or
no motion, they constitute a solid mass. The wrist is joined to the
bones of the fore-arm, the radius, and the ulna, which lie alongside
each other, and touch only toward the ends. Only one of them is joined
to the upper arm, at the elbow; the other only to the hand, at the
wrist. The former, by means of a hinge-joint at the elbow, swings
backward and forward, carrying with it the whole fore-arm. As often,
too, as there is occasion to turn the palm of the hand upward, the
radius rolls upon the ulna by the help of a cavity near each end of one
bone, to which, in the other, there is a corresponding tubercle.
Other arrangements are equally worthy of consideration. The bones of the
shoulders not only give firm attachment to the upper extremity of the
frame, but supply origins to the muscles of the arm and fore-arm. The
free use of the hand, and the square form of the chest, are alike
greatly owing to the clavicle, or collar-bone, which runs across from
the breast-bone to the top of the shoulders. The scapula, or
shoulder-blade, which is flat and triangular, lies on the ribs, is
cushioned with muscles, shifts and revolves in its place with every
movement of the arm, and has the power of moving upward and downward,
backward and forward, so that when these motions succeed rapidly, the
arm is rotated. The upper arm consists of a single bone, the head of
which is hemispherical; standing obliquely backward from the bone, and
received into a cavity with which the scapula is provided, it forms a
ball and socket-joint. In this arrangement there is a provision for the
rotating of the arm-bone on the scapula: thus the guards are made in
fencing, and various similar movements are performed. In others the
wrist has a finer and easier rolling, but this is from the motion of the
radius and the ulna. How exquisite and wondrous, then, are the
complicated, yet harmonious arrangements of the organic structure, by
which the endless diversity of our manipulations is so effectually and
happily secured!
Nor must we pause even here; for what is it that directs the hand? It is
the mind. The instruments of sense with which we are provided are
employed by a being capable of volition. We thus pass from the palpable
to the invisible. For that which feels and acts must be distinct from
the body, unless the body itself feels and acts. But in as far as the
body possesses a distinct organization of nerves for distinct purposes,
as sympathy, feeling, and motion, and all the frame does not act
together in feeling and volition, something besides the body must exist
and operate. And it is mind which enables the man not only to contrive,
but to execute. Without it, how useless; with it, when under the power
of disease, how injurious, were the hand! But when mind is in healthy
play, much may be effected by one hand, or even when the hands are never
possessed or lost. On its due exercise the elevation of man is
instrumentally and entirely dependent.
Inferior creatures are endowed with an amazing power. We stand
astonished and confounded at the phenomena of instinct. But that power
is at once perfected.
“The winged inhabitants of Paradise
Wove their first nests as curiously and well
As the wood-minstrels of our evil day.”
In the first exercise of instinct, the comb of the bee, the habitation
of the beaver, and the web of the spider, like the nest of the bird,
were not to be surpassed. The dog, or the elephant, justly renowned for
sagacity, could not by any effort be taught to fabricate or use the
simplest implements. But man is destined to progression. Not only may he
be raised from a savage state to the elevation of civilized life, but
urged forward from that position through a career of indefinite
advancement. “Onwards! Onwards!” is the characteristic motto of
humanity. And hence, while man has a hand to be directed by his mind, he
has a mind on which circumstances operate; and of these art is the
offspring. Sometimes it evinces only a slight or transient stimulus; at
others, the stimulus is powerful and continuous. As invention consists
in new combinations, its exercise will be inconsiderable when the mind
has only few objects to combine, and proportionately great when such
objects are numerous. In savage life, invention flags—its exercise is
rare; but it is frequent in a highly civilized condition. The history of
the arts, therefore, is that of man’s physical and intellectual
progress. One art rises after another before our view, as the successive
memorials of a triumphal course. Who can describe by anticipation the
appropriate insignia of man’s ultimate achievements!
II. _The Hunter._
In accomplishing our present purpose, we shall glance at man in
exceedingly diversified circumstances. The pursuit and capture of the
fowls of the air and of the beasts of the field, and the taking of fish
from the waters, for example, were early means of obtaining sustenance
to which the human race must have had recourse. Long before hunting
became a sport, such employments were necessarily a prime business of
life. Men must, therefore, have soon invented and constructed a net; the
Hebrew name of which, signifying “to shut up,” suggests that it arose
from the net being contrived to inclose the prey. Nets were used in
taking birds in distant times, to an extent of which we can now form no
adequate conception. Of clap-nets there were several kinds, but the most
common consisted of two sides or frames, over which the net-work was
spread. At one end was a short net, which the fowlers fastened to a
bush, or a cluster of reeds, and at the other end one of considerable
length, which being pulled as soon as the birds were seen feeding in the
area within, the two sides instantly collapsed. According to Sir J. G.
Wilkinson, the nets of the ancient Egyptians were very similar to those
still used in Europe, except that they were usually of a larger size.
From these, it is probable that the fishing-nets of the Hebrews did not
materially differ. Indeed, the nets and the fishers of Egypt are more
than once mentioned in Scripture; and we know that the common
fishing-nets of this people are of a long form, with floats on the upper
and weights on the lower side.
At the present day, the Arabs, knowing that the birds become fatigued
and languid after having been put up two or three times, hastily run in
upon them, and knock them down with their bludgeons. They also
frequently use a net, placing within it a cage containing some tame
birds, that by their chirping and calling they may bring down others; a
mode by which numbers of these creatures are and have been destroyed.
Other devices are, moreover, adopted, which may, most probably, be
traced to a very remote date.
In hunting, a space of considerable size was sometimes inclosed with
nets in the vicinity of the water-brooks to which animals repaired in
the morning and evening. Here the hunters anxiously waited, taking
precautions for observing them unseen; sometimes driving them into the
nets, and at others inclosing the prey. On other occasions smaller nets,
when employed in a smaller space, proved equally effective. Of Esau we
read, in patriarchal times, as being engaged in the chase. Impelled by
the ardor of his spirit to seek in the toils, adventures, and perils of
hunting, not only his occupation but his sustenance, he appears to have
gained high repute by his daring and his skill. And yet the weapons he
employed were very simple; for his aged father, when he longed for
venison, told Esau to take his “quiver and his bow,” that it might be
obtained. To these, however, great power may be given. How much do the
aborigines of the North American continent owe to these weapons!
III. _Pastoral Life._
Other means of subsistence are observable in the primitive condition of
man. Such are those of Pastoral Life. Abel, the second son of Adam, was
“a keeper of sheep;” Jabal, a descendant of Cain, a son of Lamech and
Adah, is described as “the father of such as dwell in tents and have
cattle;” thus intimating that he was the first who adopted that nomade
life, which is still followed by numerous Arab and Tartar tribes in
Asia. In primitive times, some branches of the human family tended their
flocks and herds on the banks of the Euphrates and its tributary
streams; while, during succeeding ages, the descendants of Abraham
followed the same employment amidst the fertile pastures of Canaan.
The Oriental shepherd and his family, just as their remotest ancestors
did, occasionally take up their abode in caves, with which some parts of
the East abound. So capacious are some of these caverns as to admit the
master and the whole of his property. In times of great peril, the
inhabitants of towns and villages retire, with their wives and children,
their flocks and herds, into these dark recesses; which have served as
an asylum for those exposed to danger or tyranny, from time immemorial.
Some of the caves of Syria are ascribed chiefly to the erosive effect of
limestone rocks charged with free carbonic acid; but others are more
artificial, consisting of natural fissures enlarged or modified for some
particular purpose. Of this we are reminded as we read, that “because of
the Midianites, the children of Israel made them the dens which are in
the mountains, and caves, and strongholds;” and many excavations formed
by human hands are described by Oriental travelers.
But there was a continual migration of ancient tribes, of which we have
still mementos:
“The weary Arabs roam from plain to plain,
Guiding the languid herd in quest of food;
And shift their little home’s uncertain scene
With frequent farewell: strangers, pilgrims all,
As were their fathers.”
To this mode of existence the tent was peculiarly adapted, consisting
only at first, like the common Arab dwellings of the East, of a pole or
two in the middle, with a covering of skin, and afterward of hair-cloth,
which, though mean and coarse, effectually repels the rain and the dew.
The erection of this light and fragile habitation was only the work of a
few minutes. No sooner was a suitable spot found for a halting-place,
than those on whom that duty devolved hastily unpacked the covering, and
addressed themselves to the setting up the pole which forms the centre
of the house; another party ran to mark out the space of ground which it
was to cover; while a third stood ready to spread out the canopy and tie
its extremities to the wooden pins, which the hands of a fourth had just
driven into the ground with a huge mallet. Tents were sometimes, as they
are still, of an oblong figure, supported, according to their size, by
one or more pillars, while a curtain let down occasionally from each of
these divisions turned the whole into so many separate apartments.
In the coverings and curtains of the tent we have an exercise of art
worthy of special notice. A mingling of hair, wool, or fur plaited
together, and fastened down by some natural threads, as hairs of greater
length than usual, blades of tough grass, or other vegetable fibres
separated from trees and plants, was probably the first advance toward
such a fabric. Or it might be after the fashion of a net, so early in
use, only with meshes unusually minute. Or hairs of fur, or down, bound
about the feet, to prevent inconvenience, would thus become pressed
together, and might suggest a somewhat solid and yet elastic fabric. But
the idea, however obtained, of a cloth-like substance produced by fibres
pressed together, would doubtless lead to efforts to produce it, and
here the arts of spinning and weaving take their rise; and the coverings
and curtains of the tent stand in relation to the dresses of the people.
An early mode of providing them would, doubtless, be to stretch a number
of long threads side by side, and then to pass another alternately above
and below them, so that with them this thread might be interwoven. The
attempt made on a large scale might lead to another on a smaller, and
this to others still more minute. In like manner, the primary use of
broad pieces might suggest the employment of narrower ones, till small
fibres were used for the same purpose. A mat-mantle was usually worn by
the secondary chiefs of the South Sea islands prior to the introduction
of European clothing. This article was carefully prepared from the
hibiscus bark; that of the young shoots being preferred, which having
been slit into shreds, were woven at the top by the hand with singular
neatness; and the sight of one of these mat-mantles in the British
National Museum, may well suggest similar processes as passed through in
times of primitive simplicity.
The Oriental shepherd is, at the present day, very simply attired, as
were those of patriarchal times. He puts on his garment, consisting of a
single piece, by making his left elbow fast in one of its folds, and
then throwing it several times round his body. Light and easy in itself,
it is also a firm and secure defense, well adapted to a wandering life;
preserving the shepherd from the falling rain, the dewy grass, the
coldness of the season, or the hard ground on which he finds his bed. In
other instances he wears a cloak, which is altogether shapeless,
resembling a square sack with an opening in front, and slit at the sides
to let out the arms, and which is his sleeping-dress at night. The dress
of the women was, most probably, of a lighter fabric than that of the
men in primitive times; but on it much obscurity rests. All accorded,
however, with extreme simplicity. Wooden bowls and dishes, sacks made of
hair-cloth, and bottles formed of a goat, kid, or calf’s skin, stripped
off, without an opening; the apertures made by cutting off the tail and
legs being sewed up, and when filled tied about the neck, are still the
principal furniture of an Eastern shepherd’s tent. A rod or staff, an
ox-goad, a sling, a bow, a javelin, are, at the same time, all his
implements and weapons.
To provide water for the flock is a duty of the first importance. There
is an abundant supply from the living fountain and the flowing stream;
but these are not always to be found. Happy is the shepherd, then, who
sees in the expanse before him the clear waters of a pool or lake, at
which his flocks and herds may eagerly slake their thirst. But these may
fail to be enjoyed; what appeared to be water may prove to be only the
mirage—emblem of forbidden pleasures, exciting hope to entail only
bitter disappointment. There remains, then, but one alternative—to dig
a well; a process indispensable in the earliest days of human history.
The well was often covered with a great stone, which being removed, the
person descended some steps to the surface of the water, and on his
return poured into a trough that which he had brought up. But as this
could only be applicable when the well was not deep, other contrivances
still employed in the East, and some of which appear on the Egyptian
monuments, must have been of high antiquity. “Sir, thou hast nothing to
draw with, and the well is deep,” were words which give additional
probability to this supposition. The shadoof, consisting of a tapering
lever, unequally balanced upon an upright body, and from the small end
of which the bucket is suspended by a rope, has long been the most
simple and common of all the machines employed to raise water in the
East.
In pastoral regions we have the art of music in its primitive form. To
Mercury the invention of the pipe was ascribed in pagan mythology; and
with this rustic instrument the shepherd often amused and solaced his
leisure hours. Apollo was celebrated as the inventor of the harp; and
the hand of the shepherd frequently swept its strings while he rested
with his flocks at noontide, or watched and guarded them during the
lonely hours of the night. For his skill on this instrument the son of
Jesse was distinguished in early life among the shepherds of Palestine.
In the antediluvian age, however, Jubal lived—“the father of all such
as handle the harp and organ;” the one being, probably, a kind of lyre,
and the other a bundle of reeds.
“Thus music’s empire in the soul began:
The first-born poet ruled the first-born man.”
IV. _Agriculture._
Agriculture is an art which has ever been a source both of the
necessaries and conveniences of life. Moses, following the example of
the Egyptians, made it the basis of the state. Accordingly, he
apportioned to every citizen a certain quantity of land, and gave him,
not only the right of tilling it himself, but also of transmitting it to
his heirs. The custom of marking the boundaries of lands by stones,
which had prevailed in earlier times, he perpetuated by an express law;
and against him who removed them without authority a curse was
denounced. Joshua divided the whole country, of which he had taken
possession, among the individual Hebrews, running it out with the aid of
a “measuring line.”
The occupation of the husbandman was held in honor, not only for the
profits it brought, but from its being supported and protected by the
fundamental laws of the State; security being an indispensable element
of human progress. All who were not set apart for sacred duties, as the
priests and levites, were regarded by the laws, and were, in fact,
agriculturalists. It is true that the rich and the noble did not place
themselves on a level with their inferiors; but none were so
distinguished as to disdain the culture of the soil. Elisha the son of
Shaphat was ploughing with twelve yoke of oxen when Elijah passed by and
cast his mantle upon him. Of Uzziah, king of Judah, it was said—“He
loved husbandry.” And it became natural to speak of a man, engaging in
the highest and noblest service, as “putting his hand to the plough.”
This implement was at first extremely simple, the turning up of the soil
being effected by means of sharp sticks. The plough, strictly so called,
as observed by many recent travelers, is generally a branch, or small
tree, cut below the bifurcation; the share is of wood, and the point of
iron. As the husbandman guides the plough, he carries a rod, armed at
the extremity with a sharp piece of iron, with which he clears away the
weeds from the share of his implement, or goads his oxen. So light is
the whole apparatus, that he has to press hardly on it in the upturning
of the soil; and he often carries his plough home on his shoulder on
returning from the fields at night. The only harrow seems to have been a
thick clump of wood, borne down by a weight, or a man sitting upon it,
and drawn by oxen over the ploughed field: the same which the Egyptians
use at the present time. In this way the turfs were, and still are,
broken in pieces, and the fields leveled.
In harvest, the Hebrews used the sickle, so that the stubble remained in
the earth. The crops, when bound in bundles, were conveyed by hand, on
beasts of burden, or in wagons, to the threshing-floor. This was in some
elevated part of the field, and was nothing more than a circular space
thirty or forty paces in diameter, where the ground had been leveled and
beaten down. At first the grain was thrashed with sticks; but afterward
this mode was adopted only in respect to the lesser kinds of grain, and
in beating out small quantities. At a later period, it was trodden out
by the hoofs of oxen, as it is in the East to this day.
These allusions to agricultural pursuits recall to the mind the words of
the prophet—
“Give ye ear, and hear my voice; hearken, and hear my speech.
Doth the ploughman plough all day to sow? Doth he open and break
the clods of his ground?
When he hath made plain the face thereof,
Doth he not cast abroad the fitches, and scatter the cummin,
And cast in the principal wheat, and the appointed barley, and
the rye, in their place?
For his God doth instruct him to discretion, and doth teach him.
For the fitches are not threshed with a threshing instrument,
Neither is a cart-wheel turned about upon the cummin;
But the fitches are beaten out with a staff, and the cummin with
a rod.
Bread-corn is bruised; because he will not ever be threshing it,
Nor break it with the wheel of his cart, nor bruise it with his
horsemen.
This also cometh forth from the Lord of hosts,
Which is wonderful in counsel, and excellent in working.”
Isaiah mentions four ways of threshing: the staff or flail, which was
used for the smaller seeds; the drag, formed of strong planks, the lower
part of which was made rough with stones or iron; the cart, having
wheels furnished with iron edges or teeth; and the feet of oxen driven
over the corn when laid on the floor. The grain was winnowed by being
thrown against the wind with a shovel.
The traditions of ancient times ascribe many of its arts to the visions
and instructions of superior beings. Among these stands forth with
special prominence the legend of “the fire-bringing Prometheus,” as
depicted by Æschylus with extraordinary power. He appears chained to the
mountains of Caucasus; and why is he thus doomed to suffering? For
disobedience to the power that rules the world, in bestowing fire on the
human race. “Laboring for the people,” and intent on giving them
“all-working fire,” it is to restrain him from “his man-loving turn of
mind,” that he is cast forth from society, and that the far-distant and
barren rock is his inexorable destiny.
How man received the gift of fire we have no means of knowing. It is a
Moslem fable that the angel Gabriel brought it to our first parents.
Poetry says that the winds blew through the grove, that two trees became
ignited from continued attrition, and that Adam beholding the lighted
copse fled, turned back, caught the glow of the flame, and then tried
various means to obtain it. Again, it tells us that a flint-shaft, aimed
at a beast, ground against a rock, and elicited sparks of fire, which
led Adam to rub stones together over dry leaves, while Eve gently
cherished the kindling flame. More than one ancient people ascribe it to
the rubbing of two pieces of wood together, a practice still adopted
among barbarous tribes. But however this might be, fire must have been
possessed in earliest times for the preparation of human food, as well
as for the practice of those arts which are ascribable to the fatherhood
of Tubal-Cain.
The presence of the metals, and particularly iron, must have become, in
various ways, too obvious to allow the art of smelting the ores to have
remained long undiscovered. The detection of virgin fragments, or the
accidental effect of fires on the more fusible ores, accounts at once
for the strange fictions which existed among the ancients on this
subject, especially that of the accidental conflagration of a forest,
and the consequent fluxion of some of the metal, from ores lying exposed
on, or near the surface. It is a natural conjecture, that in a little
time after the deluge, and long before the earth could have been peopled
by the posterity of Noah, a large part of it must have become covered
with wood. Its removal from many spots would, therefore, be
indispensable. Now, the most obvious method of clearing any space from
wood is the setting it on fire: and as in the most mineral countries
there are veins of metallic ores lying contiguous to the surface of the
earth, these being fused while the woods growing over them were burning,
might have suggested the first idea of the process of smelting. To adopt
a poet’s notion—
“Thus powerful gold first raised its lofty head,
And brass, and silver, and ignoble lead:
When shady woods on lofty mountains grown,
Felt scorching fires, whether from thunder thrown,
Or else by men’s design the flames arose—
Whatever ’t was that gave these flames their birth,
Which burnt the towering trees and scorched the earth;
Hot streams of silver, gold, and lead, and brass,
As nature gave a hollow, proper place,
Descended down, and formed a glittering mass.”
Nor is this merely a poetic fiction: it is sustained by the testimony of
many ancient historians, who speak of silver and other metals being
melted out of the earth, during the burning of the woods on the lofty
Alps and Pyrenees. A similar circumstance is said to have happened at
Croatia, not two centuries ago. A large mass of mixed metal, composed of
copper, iron, tin, and silver, was fluxed during the conflagration of a
wood which was accidentally set on fire.
The structure and use of the bellows may be traced to a very remote
period. Rosellini exhibits it, as it was employed in ancient Thebes. Men
appear heating a vessel over a charcoal fire, to each side of which is
applied a pair of bellows worked by the feet, each operator standing
upon and pressing them alternately, while he pulls up the exhausted skin
by a string which he holds in his hand. In one representation, the man
has left the bellows, which are raised as if full of air, and imply a
knowledge of the valve. The common bellows, made of two boards joined
together by a piece of leather, was known very early to the Greeks. How
serviceable this machine would be in the practice of the arts will be at
once perceptible.
Wool, in its native whiteness, was peculiarly suited for clothing to the
circumstances of the Israelites, whose economy required so many
sprinklings and cleansings. This substance was used for garments, both
by those of humbler and of higher grade, until accompanied or superseded
by other fabrics.
Among the wild flowers of our rural districts, the eye is sometimes
attracted—for example—by the blue flowers of the flax-plant. This
vegetable product is so little affected by soil and climate, that one
species, with all its characteristics unaltered, flourishes in the cold
as well as the temperate regions of the globe. There is scarcely a
plant, not even excepting the corn-plants, which can be regarded as of
more service to mankind than the flax. Its free use in ancient Egypt is
abundantly proved, while many representations are extant of the various
processes through which it passed. One of these is found in a very
ancient tomb at Beni Hassan, in Middle Egypt. On the right is seen a
boiler, an irregularly-shaped vessel. The hieroglyphic inscription
means, “The boiling of the knot, bundle of flax.” The three men who
complete the picture are beating the flax-stalks, thus prepared, with
wooden mallets, in order to deprive it of its outer skin. The
hieroglyphic inscription above reads, “Pickling, or hackling the thread
of the knot of flax.”
In some of the ancient statues, Minerva is represented with a distaff,
to intimate that she taught our progenitors the art of spinning. The
Egyptians ascribe this gift to Isis; and the Mohammedans to a son of
Japhet. In all countries, from the earliest times, the distaff was
accompanied by the spindle. The material employed—being duly
prepared—was rolled into a ball, loose enough for the fibres to be
easily drawn out by the hands of the spinner. Into the ball the upper
part of the distaff was thrust, while the lower was held in the left
hand under the left arm, so as to be most convenient for the process.
The fibres were drawn out, and at the same time spirally twisted,
chiefly by the fore-finger and thumb of the right hand, and the thread
so produced was wound on the spindle. The spindle was a stick ten or
twelve inches long, having at the top a slit or catch in which to fix
the thread, so that the weight of the spindle might continually carry
down the thread as it was formed. Its lower extremity was inserted into
a small wheel of wood, stone, or metal, the use of which was to keep the
spindle more steady, and to promote its rotation: for the spinner, who
was commonly a female, every now and then twirled round the spindle with
her right hand, so as to twist the thread still more completely; and,
whenever—by its continual prolongation—it let down the spindle to the
ground, she took it out of the slit, wound it upon the spindle, and
having replaced the thread in the slit, drew out and twisted another
length. The Arab women twirl the spindle in the same manner to this day.
A still simpler process is passed through by the women of the Tartar
tribes. They use a reel, which is connected with some silk, cotton, or
wool, fastened at the girdle. This reel is spun round and let fall, and
as it goes toward the ground it spins out the thread; when it approaches
the ground it is taken up, the thread is wound around the reel, which is
then set spinning again, and so on, till it has acquired as much thread
as it can carry. This may seem very slow work, but habit gives a
dexterity of manipulation which renders it less so than would be
ordinarily supposed.
In ancient Egypt great skill must have been obtained in spinning. The
threads used for nets, for instance, were remarkable for their fineness.
Pliny says, so delicate were some of them that a net could pass through
a ring, and a single person could carry a sufficient number of nets to
surround a whole wood. He tells us that one of the governors of Egypt
had some of these nets, each string of which contained 150 threads; and
that the Rhodians preserved to his day, in the Temple of Minerva, the
remains of a linen corslet, presented to them by Amasis, king of Egypt,
the threads of which were individually composed of 365 fibres.
The tomb at Beni Hassan, already referred to, supplies a representation
of ancient weaving. The warp is strained vertically on a frame, which
seems to be attached by wooden tenons to the wall or roof of the
dwelling. Beneath, the roller appears on which the web is wound. Two
females, crouching in a posture not uncommon in the East, are at work
upon it. The alternate threads of the warp are stretched apart by means
of two smooth sticks, one end of which is held by each worker. The woof
was then passed by the hand from one to the other. The shuttle does not
appear to have been known at that time. The beam was introduced between
the threads, perhaps fixed at one end by a slight metal catch; and, when
thus fastened, the leverage would enable another woman to press the woof
home with considerable force. The beam must have been withdrawn and
re-inserted at every turn of the woof. Exceedingly clumsy as this
instrument was, yet an extremely beautiful cloth was produced by it.
The Hebrew loom was most probably the counterpart of those still
observed by our Eastern travelers. One of them noticed its use in
Jerusalem, where the worsted was not worked in, but woven into the
piece, and the pattern of the weaving changed, so that the color of the
thread was completely thrown out, forming a triple fringe, through which
the weft could not be seen. “In two of our specimens,” says Mr. Wilde,
“we find twelve thick threads crossing the piece, and the tassels tied
exactly as they are at the end of a piece of modern Irish linen. But the
slipping of the weft is prevented by a curious process, performed by
tying the threads of the warp together, so that each is secured to the
thread at each side of it. This process forms a slight ridge at the end
of the piece, and is rather ornamental. This fringe appears to be
alluded to in that passage of Scripture, where the Israelites were
directed to make fringes in the borders of their garments, and that they
put upon the fringe of the borders a ribbon of blue. I have seen a
species of mummy-cloth in Egypt corresponding to this description
precisely. Such was, probably, ‘the hem of the garment.’”[1]
Many of the Egyptian stuffs presented various patterns worked in colors
by the loom, independently of those produced by the dyeing or printing
process, and so richly composed, that they vied with cloths embroidered
by the needle. The art of embroidering was commonly practiced by that
people. The Israelites, when in the wilderness, used the skill which
they acquired in their captivity, for they made a rich “hanging for the
door of the tent, of blue, and purple, and scarlet, and fine twisted
linen wrought with needlework;” “a coat of fine linen” was embroidered
for Aaron; and his girdle was “of fine-twined linen, and blue, and
purple, and scarlet, of needlework.”
In connection with these manufactures of different kinds there is a
process of great interest; it is that of bleaching: for cloth washed and
exposed to the sun and air assume an unwonted whiteness. We are in
ignorance as to the origin of this process; but, in some way or other, a
certain degree of putrid fermentation was observed to carry off coloring
matter from vegetable fibres. The practice must therefore have arisen of
macerating cloth in water mixed with putrescent animal matter, which has
continued to the present day from the earliest times. The secret was
also found out by many nations of antiquity, that natron, the nitre of
Scripture, combined with and carried off the coloring matter with which
cloth is stained; and the substance is still used for the same purpose.
According to Pliny, the ancient Gauls knew the use of a lixivium formed
from the ashes of burnt vegetables as a detergent, and also how to
combine it with oil so as to form a soap. In one of the tombs of Egypt
we have a representation, as the hieroglyphic inscription denotes, of
the washing or fulling of cloth. One man is seen rubbing the fabric in a
vessel containing some liquid, and another is shaking it out, preparing
it for the next process, which is often depicted—its being well wrung
out, stretched lengthwise, and fully exposed to the air.
Another process of great importance is that of dyeing. It is based on
the natural attractiveness of color. How often is the infant’s eye first
caught by some bright hue! The blue sky and the verdant carpet of nature
have a loveliness for all; while these, with the roseate tints of the
morning, the golden sheen of noon, and the rich, empurpled dyes of
evening, have furnished epithets freely lavished on the topics they have
adorned, by the poets of every age. Even Herodotus says of a nation on
the borders of the Caspian—“They have trees whose leaves possess a most
singular property; they beat them to powder, and then steep them in
water: this forms a dye, with which they paint on their garments figures
of animals. The impression is so very strong that it cannot be washed
out: it appears to be interwoven with the cloth, and wears as long as
the garment.” Strabo, in his account of the Indians, mentions on the
authority of Nearchus the various and beautiful dyes with which their
cloths were figured. Pliny says of the Egyptians, that they began by
painting on white cloth with certain drugs, which in themselves
possessed no color, but had the property of attracting or absorbing
coloring matters. That these cloths were afterward immersed in a heated
dyeing liquor of a uniform color, and yet when removed from it soon
after, they were found to be stained with indelible colors, differing
from one another according to the nature of the drugs that had been
applied to different parts of the stuff.
Purple is well known to have been a color of high repute. Moses, under
Divine instruction, used purple stuffs for the furniture of the
tabernacle and the dress of the high-priest. Purple raiment was worn by
the kings of Midian; and a garment of fine linen and purple was given to
a favorite by the Monarch Ahasuerus, whose palace was furnished with
curtains of this color, on a pavement of red, and blue, and white
marble. The Jews made a decree that Simon should wear purple and gold,
in token that he was their chief magistrate; and that none of the people
should wear purple or a buckle of gold, without his express permission.
And Homer thus describes a king—
“In ample mode,
A robe of military purple flowed o’er all his frame.”
There is a story that the celebrated Tyrian dye was discovered by
accident. A dog having broken one of the shells of the rock-whelk,
stained his mouth with the color it contains, and thus led to the
examination of this mollusc. It was then found that near to the head,
and lying in a little furrow, is a white vein, yielding the beautiful
purple tint which was long so highly esteemed.
It might be supposed that such processes as that of dyeing could only be
conducted in an advanced state of society; but to this it is not
exclusively confined. There is no doubt that, even during the captivity
in Egypt, the Israelitish women became acquainted with them. For
scarcely had they entered the wilderness than we hear that “the
wise-hearted among them” did not only “spin with their hands,” but
“brought that which they had spun, both of blue, and of purple, and of
scarlet,” as well as “of fine linen.”
We even find another process analogous to dyeing, in circumstances in
which we should not expect it to be discovered. In some of the islands
of the South Sea elegant small ferns grow in abundance, and with these
the native women impress figures, in divers colors, upon their
cloth—literally, a method of printing, which is but one remove below
the boasted invention of the Chinese, by means of engraven blocks,
before the art was discovered in Europe. Its resemblance to calico
printing is even more striking. For the old method, still continued for
certain parts of the work, were by blocks of sycamore, on the surface of
which the pattern was cut in relief, in the common method of wood
engraving.
Vessels to hold water would be an early requirement of the human race.
The shells of some vegetable productions, as those of gourds and the
larger kinds of nuts, would readily occur to the mind as adapted to this
purpose. The skins of animals taken in the chase would form another
resource. The bowls and dishes of the common Arabs are, and have been,
made of wood; but, for their production, some tools must be possessed,
as well as some dexterity in their use. It is a singular practice of
some tribes to cast stones made hot into the fluids contained in wooden
bowls, in order to raise their temperature; but the discovery that
certain substances could be made to resist the action of fire would at
once cause them to have the preference. Who made the discovery—the
brickmaker or the potter—we have no means of knowing.
The art of the potter was especially necessary at an early period, from
the scarcity of fuel in some parts of the East. Hence we are told of
people “who make in their tents a hole about a foot and a half deep,
wherein they put their earthen pipkins or pots, with the meat within,
closed up, so that they are in the turf above the middle. Three-fourth
parts thereof they lay about with stones, and the fourth part of which
is left open, through which they throw in their dried dung, which burns
immediately, and gives so great a heat, that the pot groweth so hot as
if it had stood in the middle of a lighted coal-heap; so that they boil
their meat with a little fire, quicker than we do ours with a great one
on our hearths.” As the Israelites must have had as much occasion to be
sparing of their fuel as any people, and especially while journeying in
the wilderness, it has been supposed that they must have had some such
practice. It is certain that we read in the Levitical law of “ranges of
pots,” thus showing their use at that period. It became still more
familiar in after times.
“I went down,” says the Prophet Jeremiah, “to the potter’s house, and
behold he wrought a work on the wheels.” The name of the inventor of
this simple, yet effective machine, has been lost for ages, if indeed it
was ever made known. It consists merely of two wheels or round plates
placed horizontally, to which a rotary motion is given. If, then, on the
upper one be heaped a mass of clay, it is evident that a tendency to a
centrifugal motion will be given to it, which will greatly facilitate
the action of the potter’s fingers, in forming out of the rude lump
whatever vessel he pleases. With his thumbs separated from the fingers,
and held on the clay as it revolves, the rapid motion will enable him
readily to mould a hollow vessel.
Of earthenware, jars and drinking-vessels were chiefly made; and, it is
probable, from the unvarying character of Eastern customs, that they had
the same shapes as those still in use. Vessels formed of clay hardened
by the sun, of a globular shape, and large at the mouth, not unlike the
vitriol-bottles used in this country, but somewhat smaller, have been
observed by modern travelers as borne by females going down to the well
to fetch water; while their resemblance to the vessels used at the
marriage of Cana in Galilee was exceedingly interesting.
In Egypt and Western Asia the inhabitants have in common use vessels of
porous clay, lightly baked, and rather thin in proportion to the size of
the vessels. The water they hold constantly oozes through the minute
pores of the vessel, forming a thick dew or moisture on the outer
surface, the rapid evaporation of which reduces the temperature of the
vessel and of the water also much below that of the atmosphere, so that
the inhabitants enjoy a perfectly cool and refreshing draught. The
vessel forms, at the same time, a most effectual filter. The work of the
potter continues to be, as it was, extensive in the East. The people are
accustomed to break their earthen vessels when they become defiled, just
as they were required to do under the Levitical law.
-----
[1] Wilde’s Travels.
V. _Settlers in towns._
While, however, these various branches of art were advancing with
greater or lesser speed, while the number of the people was increasing,
a division of property arose, and the desire was naturally kindled in
the bosom of families to dwell apart: a dissatisfaction would therefore
arise with the tent, and an effort be made to collect other materials,
and to construct separate and more durable dwellings. In the time of
Job, and probably for ages afterward, the houses of all ranks in the
land of Uz appear to have been built of mud; for of some transgressors
he says—“In the dark they dig through houses which they had marked for
themselves in the day-time.” We read of others who “dig through” houses
“and steal;” thus suggesting to us those clay-built dwellings, which,
though not substantial like edifices of later date, were still
sufficiently so to require that he should _dig_ through them who would
gain a forcible entrance.
On men determining to become settlers in towns, more stable materials
were rendered available. The manufacture of bricks ascends to the
earliest time of historical record. The first building of which there is
any mention after the deluge is the Tower of Babel. Considerable
progress appears to have been made, not only in this but the city before
“the confusion of tongues” took place. It is expressly stated that
well-burned brick was used, instead of stone, in these structures, and
that slime, which is generally understood to be bitumen, was employed
instead of mortar. Other edifices were reared from bricks formed of
earth, and then burned in furnaces or kilns.
The manufacture of bricks was familiar to the ancient Egyptians. In
this, as is well known, the children of Israel were greatly oppressed.
The circumstance of the bricks they made being mixed with chopped straw,
renders it probable that they were not burned, but merely dried in the
sun. Herodotus records of Asychis, one of the kings of Egypt, that he
built a pyramid of bricks, made of the mud or silt dredged up from the
bottom of the Nile. In one compartment of a tomb in Thebes the whole
process of brick-making is portrayed. Some persons appear carrying the
clay in vessels from the field, others beating it with spades, others
taking the bricks out of the mould, and others bearing away the dried
bricks, making a balance over their shoulders with ropes attached to a
beam.
The first effort of those who would rear a town would be to mark out the
extent of the ground they required, including not only a desirable space
for building, but pasture-lands for flocks and herds, and also fields
for the produce of grain. A wall would now be necessary at the boundary
line, as a defense from the assaults of ravenous beasts, or the
incursions of hostile bands. This would at first be formed of any stones
that could be dug out or collected, and then heaped together; a strong
and stable, but rude protection.
The earliest houses would probably be only one story in height: all of
them having a similarity in general appearance. But the chief would soon
require that his dwelling should accord with his personal elevation, and
obedience to his mandate would result in the rudiments of a palace. The
sound knowledge or the superstition of the sovereign and his people
would give rise to the structure of a temple, and in the course of time
to the multiplying of edifices accounted sacred. Other distinctive
circumstances would inevitably arise. To walls rendered increasingly
massive would be added towers, gradually acquiring a military character;
and places of security to which the inhabitants might retire in seasons
of peril. On an assault being made, the men who tilled the ground, and
those who carried on the business of the town, would unite in its
defense; but as attacks continued to be threatened, or were actually
experienced, there would be the organization of a martial force, and the
population be divisible into the civil and the military; the latter
class being supplied with weapons and trained to the exercises of
assault and defense.
The implements of the carpenter, like those of other artisans, were long
both few and simple. It does not follow that the axe was first formed of
iron. As a spear-head of hard wood serves the purpose of some of the
South Sea Islanders, so does still an axe of green jade. If to this
there was a resemblance in early times, a sharpened piece of iron with a
wooden helve would naturally succeed. We know that celebrity might be
acquired in its use; for “a man was famous according as he had lifted up
axes upon the thick trees.” When Solomon was about to build the Temple,
he conveyed his wish to the King of Tyre for a supply of timber, knowing
as he said, “there is not among us any that can skill to _hew_ timber
like unto the Sidonians.”
In early times, the trunks of trees were split with wedges into as many,
and as thin pieces as possible; and if they were required to be still
thinner, they were hewn on both sides to the proper size. Much advantage
was therefore gained by the invention of the saw. As it could only be
made of metal, this would occur at a far later period than that to which
it is just to ascribe the origin of the axe. That the Egyptians
possessed the saw is manifest from their sculptures. David, on the
subjugation of the Ammonites, appears to have put them to labor with
different implements, among which was the saw. The use of this was not
confined to wood; for parts of Solomon’s palace were formed of “costly
stones, according to the measure of hewn stones, sawed with a saw.”
The art of the locksmith is nowhere apparent in early times: the bolt,
the lock, the key, were all of wood, as they are in the metropolis of
Egypt to the present day. To produce these, therefore, the carpenter
must have been employed. The Orientals looked to watchmen as their chief
means of defense.
The lamp-maker must have been, however, in great request. Metals were
often employed in the structure of lamps. The one commonly used in Cairo
is of palm-tree wood; the glass that hangs in the middle is half-filled
with water, and has oil on the top, about three fingers in depth. The
wick is preserved dry at the bottom of the glass, and ascends through a
pipe. Such Lamps are very convenient, from their being easily removed
from place to place.
And here we are reminded of a valuable substance not yet noticed.
According to Pliny, some storm-beaten mariners were boiling their food
at the mouth of the river Belus—a small stream running from the foot of
Mount Carmel—where the herb kali was growing abundantly, when they
perceived that the sand—when incorporated with the ashes of the
plant—melted, and ran into a vitreous substance. Nor is the supposition
unnatural; for the sand at this place was well adapted to the
manufacture of glass; and it is scarcely possible to produce a fire of
sufficient heat for metallurgical operations without vitrefying part of
the bricks or stones of the furnace. Strabo and Josephus alike supported
the statement of Pliny, and probably from the spot referred to, the
material was obtained that was used in the glass-works of Tyre and
Sidon. At Beni Hassan, glass-blowers are represented at work: glazed
pottery was used by the Egyptians; they also made glass bugles and beads
for necklaces, and a sort of network with which they covered the
wrappers of mummies, so as to form by their various hues numerous
devices and figures, resembling those that are made in our bead-purses.
The chief articles of that people were, however, bottles, vases, and
other utensils, though they must have had great skill in the manufacture
of glass, as they counterfeited amethysts, emeralds, and other precious
stones, and were practiced in cutting glass and gems. A pane of glass,
and numerous fragments of broken glass bottles were discovered on the
excavation of the city of Pompeii. And Mr. Layard has found that the
people of Nineveh had also acquired the art of making glass. Several
small bottles, or vases—of elegant shape—in this material, were found
at Nimroud and Kouyunjik. One bears the name of the Khorsabad king. The
gems and cylinders still frequently found in ruins, prove that the
Assyrians were also very skillful in engraving on stone.
Not very long after the rise of the arts we discover the practice of
working in gold. The golden ear-ring presented by Abraham’s steward to
Rebekah weighed half a shekel, and the two bracelets for her hands were
ten shekels’ weight of gold. The ark of the covenant, though made of
wood, was to be overlaid with pure gold, within and without. It was also
to have a crown of gold round about, and rings of gold in the four
corners. Even the staves were to be overlaid with gold. Similar
directions were given as to the table of shewbread and the altar of
incense. And Solomon garnished the house of the Lord with gold.
The Egyptians appear to have been familiar with the manufacture of gold.
The gold-leaf still found in and about mummy-cases, some thousands of
years old, proves not only that they had an abundant supply of the
precious metal, but were acquainted with the art of gilding. Their
making of golden ornaments and golden vases, of large size and beautiful
workmanship, might be inferred from various incidental notices in
ancient writers; but, it is placed beyond all doubt by the
representations of Rosellini. Among these are numerous vases of a golden
color, many of them showing not only manual dexterity, but also
considerable taste. A picture in the tomb of Rameses IV. contains a
golden vase of great beauty, supported by two Philistines.
There is no mention of silver in Scripture till the time of Abraham. It
then appears in the form of money, estimated by weight: “Abraham weighed
to Ephron the silver which he had named in the audience of the sons of
Heth, four hundred shekels of silver, current money with the merchant.”
Jeremiah paid for the field of Hanameel in the same way. The shekel and
the talent indeed do not appear to have been originally fixed and
stamped pieces of money, but merely weights used in traffic. So general
did this become, that the Jews usually had scales attached to their
girdles for weighing the gold and silver they received in payment, while
the Canaanites carried them in their hands. Silver was so abundant in
the days of Solomon that it was “nothing accounted of;” for “the king
made silver to be as stones in Jerusalem.”
The mention of brass which occurs in ancient writers must often be
understood as meaning copper, either in its pure state or alloyed with
tin, rather than the metallic compound with which we are familiar. It is
stated that the chief sources of the wealth of the Pharaohs were the
mines of the neighboring countries of Nubia and Ethiopia, which were
abundantly productive of copper.
The mirrors which were in possession of the Israelitish women when they
left Egypt are said to have been of brass, for the laver and the foot of
it were made of that metal. Such were all the mirrors made in ancient
times. Many metallic mirrors may be observed in our collections of
Egyptian antiquities. They are nearly round, but varied in form,
according to the taste of the artisan, and are inserted in handles of
wood, stone, or metal. Their substance is chiefly copper, but mixed with
other metals, most carefully wrought and highly polished. In the
Egyptian Museum at Paris, there are several mirrors of a metal which
looks like brass.
David provided an immense quantity of copper for the use of the Temple.
Of this substance all sorts of vessels were made for the Temple, as they
had been for the Tabernacle; and to these may be added weapons, more
especially helmets, armor, shields, and spears. Hiram of Tyre was
celebrated as a worker in brass. The larger vessels, and the pillars for
architectural ornaments, were moulded in foundries; but it appears that
this art, even in the time of Solomon, was little known among the Jews,
and was peculiar to foreigners, particularly the Phœnicians.
Mines of copper occur in the mountains of Kourdistan, which appear to
have been worked from remote antiquity. They formed the chief source
from which copper, iron, and lead were obtained by the ancient
Assyrians. A disused copper-mine, nearly blocked up with earth and
rubbish, and only known to a few mountaineers, was visited by Mr.
Layard. He found the metal in various states. Inscriptions on copper,
various utensils, and figures of lions in solid metal, have been exhumed
from the ruins of Nineveh. Tools, daggers, arrow-heads and armor, were
formed from the ore, as was commonly the case among Asiatic nations,
while the metal in powder was used to color the bricks and ornaments in
the Assyrian palaces.
The general style of building in the East, with which our modern
travelers are so familiar, accords with that which is traceable to the
remotest ages. Fronting the street, which is usually narrow, as
providing a better defense from the sun, and sometimes with a range of
shops on one or both sides, dead walls appear, here and there only
broken by a window, to which a grotesque frame of lattice-work serves as
a guard. The house is entered by a porch or gateway, which conducts into
a quadrangular court paved with stone or marble, and is generally
surrounded by a cloister; over which, when the house has a number of
stories, a gallery, having a balustrade, or else a piece of carved or
latticed work, is erected of the same dimensions as the cloister. The
apartments are approached by doors from the quadrangular court. When
houses are built close together, the staircase is placed in the porch,
or at the entrance into the court, and continued through one corner of
the gallery or another to the top of the house; but when the houses are
not contiguous, the staircase appears to have been conducted along the
outside of the building. The roof is always flat; it is often composed
of branches of wood laid across rude beams, and is covered with a strong
plaster of terrace, to defend it from injury in the rainy season. It is
surrounded by a parapet or a wall breast high, serving as a protection
to those who go on the roof for various purposes, and also as a means of
separation from the adjacent houses. Such a battlement was expressly
required by the law of Moses, intimating probably, that terraced houses
were at that time less common in Syria than they were in Egypt.
In the survey of ancient buildings, the use of immense masses of stone
cannot fail to be observed. It appears from recent discoveries that they
were cut from the quarries by a number of metal wedges, placed in a
line, and struck simultaneously with a wooden mallet; or that a mass was
split by wedges of highly-dried wood saturated with water, and thus
acquiring a great expansive force. They were sometimes hewn, either
roughly or with greater care. They were raised aloft by means still
employed in India, as mounds, or inclined planes, or others equally
simple. In all the remains of ancient Egypt we have no trace of any
machinery being employed in building; a fact not a little remarkable
when we consider how vast and stupendous were many of its edifices.
In the language of the Hebrews, the name of a garden was given to every
place where plants and trees were cultivated with greater care than in
the open field. Such inclosures are generally defended, as they have
been for ages, by loose stones, a wall, or a hedge formed of the wild
pomegranate tree, or of thorns mingled with rose-bushes, adorned in
their season with their lovely flowers, and giving forth their
delightful fragrance. Within, however, but little design or beauty is
apparent, the whole commonly presenting only a confused medley of
fruit-trees, with beds of esculent plants, having even plots of wheat
and barley sometimes interspersed. Solomon could say, “I made me gardens
and orchards, and I planted trees in them of all kinds of fruits;” but
then he had not only an unusual knowledge of the vegetable tribes, but
also vast resources as a sovereign. And travelers still tell us of the
supposed remains of the works he constructed, when he said, “I made me
pools of water, to water therewith the wood that bringeth forth trees.”
Particular attention appears to have been bestowed on the culture of the
vine by the Israelites and other Oriental people. The site for this
purpose was carefully selected in fields of a loose, crumbling soil, on
a rich plain, on a sloping hill, or where the acclivity was very steep,
or on terraces supported by masonry; the whole being inclosed by a wall.
How luxuriant was the produce of Palestine is evident from the fact,
that on the return of the spies they passed through the valley of
Eshcol, where they were so much struck by the size and beauty of the
vines, that they broke off a branch to take with them to the camp, and
to prevent the attached and rich clusters from being bruised, bore it
between two on a staff. That the vine was cultured in Egypt, and that
the juice of the grape was expressed from its clusters, is apparent, not
only from Scripture, but the paintings and sculptures of that country,
in which are often and strikingly depicted the vineyards and
vine-arbors, the gathering of the grapes, and the treading of the
wine-press.
On the construction of military machines we do not enter; we dwell
rather on the arts of peace. Music, to which allusion has been made, in
connection with pastoral life, has, however, in all ages furnished a
powerful stimulus to men when engaged either in assault or defense. The
ancient inhabitants of Etruria used the trumpet for this purpose; the
Arcadians, the whistle; the Sicilians, the pectida; the Cretians, the
harp; the Lacedemonians, the pipe; the Thracians, the cornet; the
Egyptians, the drum; and the Arabians, the cymbal.
The transmission of persons and goods on the surface of the water would
appear to be desirable in a very remote age. How the idea of doing so
arose we know not. It is, however, certain that man did not
“Learn of the little nautilus to sail;”
for that this mollusc has no membrane that it can elevate to catch the
wind, has been satisfactorily demonstrated. It is manifest, in other
ways, that very different vessels from any having sails were first used.
The raft, constructed of rude timbers lashed together, would, for
example, be devised at an early period. The means employed to this day
on the Euphrates must also have been adopted in a very distant age. The
kelck is composed of goat or sheep skins, inflated and fastened close
together, on which cross-pieces of wood are placed. The skins, of which
great care is taken lest they should burst from becoming dry, are
examined and inflated afresh during a voyage. Floated down by the
strength of the current, with the occasional use of rudely-formed oars,
the materials of the raft are sold on the cargo being discharged, while
the skins, exhausted of air, are carried back overland, to be used on
the next voyage.
The Arabs, male and female, still cross the Euphrates, or pass upon it
to a considerable distance, for agricultural and other purposes, by
means of inflated skins; which were probably employed by the patriarch
Jacob when he fled from Padan-aran, and “carried away all his cattle and
all his goods.” In after times armies crossed rivers by inflated skins,
and other contrivances. And among the sculptures of Nineveh obtained by
Mr. Layard, is one representing three warriors passing a river: one
struggles with the current, the others are sustained by inflated skins.
The ark of bulrushes prepared by the parents of Moses for their beloved
child, presents another type of ancient modes of conveyance. Egypt is
described by the prophet Isaiah as sending “ambassadors by the sea;”
“And in vessels of papyrus on the face of the waters.”
That the ancients were accustomed to make light boats or vessels of this
substance is well known. Theophrastus, describing the papyrus as useful
for many things, says, “for from this they make vessels,” or ships;
while Pliny observes, “from the papyrus they weave vessels.” Herodotus
speaks of covered coracles, or basket-boats, their ribs being formed of
poplar, united and lined within with reeds, covered without with
leather, and worked by two men, each having a paddle, as common in his
day. Similar vessels, excepting only that a covering of bitumen is
substituted for one of leather, are still to be seen floating on the
bosom of the Euphrates. But to these Egyptian art was not restricted.
Herodotus describes boats formed of planks laid together in the manner
of bricks, and fastened by an outer layer of deals, the joinings of
which were stopped up by cement.
Large vessels, capable of performing long and distant voyages, appear
also to have been constructed in early times. They were impelled by
oars, or by these combined with sails. Not venturing into the high seas,
the mariners merely cruised along the coast, so that in stress of
weather a port might easily be gained. Slow and tedious were those early
voyages, as they could be directed only by an observation of the stars,
which a hazy atmosphere would effectually obscure. In winter no progress
could be made; the vessel was then laid up in harbor until the return of
the sailing season.
VI. _Inhabitants of Cities._
If, in conclusion, we turn to the contemplation of man in the city, we
shall observe the arts at their greatest elevation. It is worthy of
remark that the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates, and also of the
Nile, as well as of Syria, from the sea-coast eastward to the great
desert that parts it from Mesopotamia, were occupied by highly-civilized
nations, clothed in fabrics of cotton, linen, and wool; while the
grassy, treeless plains, extending from the Arab sea westward, as far as
the mouths of the Danube, and along the northern borders of the Caspian
and Euxine seas, and the intervening chain of the Caucasus, were
traversed by independent tribes, clothed in skins and furs. Commercial
intercourse and visits took place, as well as hostile excursions, and
thus the manufactures of Babylonia were exchanged for the native
productions of the Scythian plains and of the interminable forests on
their northern boundary.
The Jews seem to have been precluded by the Mosaic law from the
preparation and use of fur; and the Greeks and Romans considered the
skins of animals badges of rusticity and barbarism; but the finer kinds
of fur were known and esteemed by the nobles of Babylon. Ælian, who
wrote about the year 110, states that a certain species of mice are
found in the district of Teredon, in Babylonia, the soft skins of which
are taken to Persia, where they are sewn together into garments
remarkable for their warmth.
Of the use of fur both among civilized and barbarous people there are
many traces. Thus we have notices of the employment of the skins of
sables, ermine, and squirrels, with various contrivances to produce a
variegated surface. The practice is supposed to be of Oriental origin,
and the tent of Sapor to supply the earliest instance of this
parti-colored arrangement. Tacitus, however, describes the same fashion
of variegating furs to have been in use among the German tribes at a
still earlier period.
The costume of the people who live in cities attains to the highest
elegance, splendor, and gorgeousness of which it is capable. Here we
discover all that properly belongs to rank, with the means of appeasing
an insatiable vanity. Oriental women, in every age, have been
distinguished by a passion for dress, personal decoration constituting
one of the chief occupations and pleasures of their life. Variety
becomes, therefore, an element of delight as well as splendor. But rare
and costly garments are also highly prized by the other sex, who
frequently regard an immense wardrobe as indicative of rank and taste.
“Solomon made for himself a chariot of the wood of Lebanon. He made the
pillars thereof of silver, the bottom thereof of gold, and the covering
of it of purple;” and the city is traversed by the varied equipages of
an opulent people, in which many of the arts are clearly discernible.
War-chariots, observable among other nations, were not to be seen among
the forces of the Hebrews, whose great men used them chiefly for
purposes of state.
Even the tents in which the modern princes of the East often spend the
season of summer are arrayed in beauty and magnificence, of which such a
fabric might scarcely be deemed susceptible. One belonging to a late
king of Persia is said to have cost two millions of money. It was called
“the house of gold,” because it was everywhere resplendent with the
precious metal. An inscription on the cornice or the antechamber
described it as “the throne of the second Solomon.”
The Dewan Khass of the far-famed Shah Allun is a building situated at
the upper end of a spacious square, elevated upon a terrace of marble.
In former times it was adorned with excessive magnificence. It is about
a hundred and fifty feet in length, and forty in breadth. The flat roof
is supported by numerous columns of fine white marble, which have been
richly ornamented with inlaid flowered work of different colored stones,
the cornices and borders having been decorated with a frieze and
sculptured work. Formerly the ceiling was encrusted, throughout its
whole extent, with a rich foliage of silver. The compartments of the
walls were inlaid with the greatest delicacy. Around the exterior of the
cornice are the following lines, written in letters of gold, on a ground
of white marble—“If there be a paradise upon earth, it is this, it is
this.”
In some Oriental edifices, the lower part of the walls is adorned with
rich hangings or damask, tinged with the liveliest colors, and investing
the apartments “with purpureal gleams.” In the royal garden at Shushan
there were “white, green, and blue hangings, fastened with cords of fine
linen and purple to silver rings and pillars of marble.” Ingenious
devices, as wreaths and festoons in stucco and fretwork, are the
ornaments of the upper part of the walls. In the days of Jeremiah, we
read of apartments “ceiled with cedar and painted with vermilion;” and
since then, costly and fragrant wood, on which exquisite decorations in
colors and gold are displayed, have been frequently employed. Painted
tiles or slabs of the finest marble have formed the floors, reminding us
of the palace of Ahasuerus, where “the beds,” or couches “were of gold
and silver, upon a pavement of red and blue, and white and black
marble;” and all the furniture of the house was in full accordance with
the imperial state of the sovereign.
Some of the edifices of the East are thus associated in our minds with
the greatest splendor and magnificence. The choicest marble, granite and
porphyry form their walls, columns, and floors; silver and gold supply
some of their decorations, while others are adorned with the costliest
gems. The effect of light falling on such resplendent materials is
indescribably dazzling and imposing. The allusions to such buildings in
the prophecies of Isaiah, and the Revelation of “the beloved disciple,”
will at once occur to those who are familiar with the Scriptures.
The remains of the departed greatness of Egypt, which the congeniality
of its climate has contributed so remarkably to perpetuate, consist
generally of places for civil assemblies and religious ceremonies. In
Upper or Southern Egypt, the site of almost every memorable city is
marked by the ruins of a temple, or palace-temple, which was
appropriated to both these purposes. The visitor cannot fail to be
struck by the vastness of the edifice, or the solemn air by which its
ruins are pervaded. The walls bear upon them the records of the past.
Covered with reliefs, which are generally colored, the idols appear
receiving the homage of the sovereign who founded the structure,
together with the battles, sieges, and other events of the wars, out of
the spoils of which the majestic pile was reared. Sometimes the king is
portrayed returning as a conqueror in triumph, and dragging a long
series of captives of different nations to the feet of the presiding
divinity. These pictures frequently cover a large extent of surface, and
are crowded with figures in action, executed with great spirit and
fidelity; the peculiar features and color of the different people being
strictly preserved. Explanatory inscriptions in the hieroglyphics of
Egypt accompany these reliefs. Some of these halls are six hundred feet
both in length and breadth, and are crowded throughout their entire area
with massive columns of majestic height. On first surveying the immense
cavern temple at Ipsambul, in Nubia, the spectator might well imagine,
from the whiteness of its walls, the sharpness of its figures, their
brilliant hues, and especially from the parts where the tracings and
first outlines appear, showing that this stupendous edifice was never
completed, that the artists had only just left their work. But as his
eye falls on the deep, black dust, covering the rocky floor on which he
treads, into which have mouldered the doors, the door-posts, and all the
inner fittings of the temple, he feels that ages have rolled away since
the artisans were numbered among the dead.
The art of design, whether apparent in painting or sculpture, was used
in Egypt, as must already have appeared, not to excite the imagination,
but to inform the understanding. According to Clement of Alexandria, an
Egyptian temple was “a writing,” addressing itself, like a volume, to
the mind. Accordingly, their artists imitated nature only so far as to
convey the intended idea clearly and precisely; generally they did not
aim at beauty and grace. When, however, they wished to give a portrait
of any particular individual, we find so exact a representation that the
features of several of the Pharaohs may be easily recognized. But it is
evident that they were ignorant of perspective, and that they did not
feel the necessity of studying light and shade in the use of colors.
Analogous to the practice of the Egyptians is that of the Chinese, in
reference to the rooms of their dwellings, in our own day; for they are
adorned with pictorial characters, conveying wise sayings and moral
precepts; combining in the person of one artist the work of the scribe,
the painter, and the engraver.
Recent discoveries enable us to call up before the mind Nineveh, that
“exceeding great city,” where the arts of life attained their utmost
elevation. Passing a ponderous and richly-sculptured gate, we see, at
certain distances within the walls, other gates flanked by towers
adorned by sculptures, or gigantic figures, as winged bulls or lions.
Lofty pyramidal structures arise, which served as watch-towers. Tents,
often visible within the walls of Oriental cities, occupy open spaces.
Other spaces, without the great public edifices, are covered by private
houses, standing in the midst of gardens, and built at a distance from
each other, or forming streets, which inclose gardens and even arable
land, and stretch out to a vast extent.
Distinguished from all other residences is a palatial edifice: its
doorways are formed by gigantic winged lions or bulls, or by figures of
guardian deities, and lead into apartments which again open into more
distant halls. The pavement of these rooms is of sunburnt bricks, or
alabaster slabs, of a color agreeable to the eye; and the ceilings are
divided into square compartments, inlaid with ivory, adorned with gold,
and richly painted with flowers. The tables, seats, and couches are made
of metal and wood, some being inlaid with ivory; the legs of the chairs
are tastefully carved, and terminate in the feet of a lion or the hoofs
of a bull, made of gold, silver, or bronze.
In the walls of the chambers, as in those of the hall, are alabaster
slabs, used as panels, with various scenes depicted upon them, and
painted in gorgeous colors. _Here_ appears the colossal figure of a
king, in the act of adoring his chief divinity, or of receiving from his
eunuch the holy cup; the robes of the sovereign and his attendants being
painted with brilliant colors, and adorned with groups of animals,
figures and flowers. _There_ is a scene of a different character: the
king, attended by his eunuchs and warriors, is entering into alliance
with other monarchs, or receiving the homage of his captives. And
beneath this range there is still a different spectacle: the siege—the
battle—the triumph, are all sculptured by the artist’s hand, and
decorated with rich and glowing tints, while under each picture are
engraved in characters filled up with bright copper, the descriptions of
the various objects that are portrayed.
But as we survey building after building, the vast city teems with life.
Myriads of rational and intelligent beings occupy its habitations and
crowd its streets. Here are the architects, of consummate skill and
taste—the builders who can rear edifices of the loftiest proportions
and of real grandeur—the sculptors, who cannot only decorate with
exquisite ability, but chronicle to coming ages events of the highest
interest in the annals of Assyria—and the painters, who array their
productions with the liveliest and brightest hues. Here, too, are the
artisans, who work with ingenuity, taste, and skill, in wood, silver,
copper, gold, lead, ivory, and glass—supplying the costume of the
people, the furniture of their houses, their chariots, and missiles of
war, and all that is required for the comfort, indulgence, luxury,
defense, and enterprise of Nineveh’s vast, energetic, and prosperous
population.
But imagination only calls up the spectacle.
“Her walls are gone; her palaces are dust;
The desert is around her, and within
Like shadows have the mighty passed away!
So let the nations learn, that not in wealth,
Nor in the grosser pleasures of the sense,
Nor in the glare of conquest, nor the pomp
Of vassal kings and tributary lands,
Do happiness and lasting power abide;
That virtue unto man’s best glory is,
His strength and truest wisdom; and that guilt,
Though for a season it the heart delight,
Or to worst deeds the bad man do make strong,
Brings misery yet, and terror, and remorse;
And weakness and destruction in the end.”[2]
There is yet, however, one art, to which, in conclusion, a brief
reference must be made; it is that by which thought is embodied in
written and “winged words.” We look with interest on the historic
paintings of the Mexicans, on the hieroglyphics of Egypt, and on the
cuneiform characters of Assyria and Persia; but we must not forget the
fact, that the people of Israel—to whom we have frequently had occasion
to refer throughout this paper—are distinguished from all other nations
by the authentic history which they possess of their origin and of the
most remarkable events of their subsequent progress, as well as by the
predictions that regard their future lot. The most ancient books in the
world were written, under Divine inspiration, by the hand of Moses; and
Herodotus, “the father of history,” was a contemporary of Malachi, the
last of the prophets.
In general literature Egypt attained the earliest pre-eminence. To that
country many went athirst for wisdom, while none of its children sought
it in other climes. At Thebes was its library of sacred books, over
which was the inscription, “The Remedy for the Soul;” while the
hieroglyphics above the heads of “Thoth” and “Safk,” as deciphered by
Champollion, denote that the one was the “Lady of Letters,” and the
other the “President of the Library.” Where, then, are we to look for
the origin and early history of the arts associated with letters? Before
the time of the patriarch Abraham the Egyptians were furnished with the
scroll, or papyrus, and with the pen dipped in ink, with which its
characters were inscribed. All the implements required for the process
are exhibited in pictures of the remotest date. Even the Arabic numerals
are older than any of the pyramids.
Small as is the number of our alphabetic signs, they are proved to be
capable of more than six hundred thousand millions of billions of
different horizontal arrangements. What a power is thus entrusted to the
hand at the dictate of the mind—a power which, whether its range, its
variety, or its permanence be considered, is alike unparalleled! When
the costliest fabrics are moth-eaten, and the colors of the picture have
fled, and the marble statue is defaced, and the proud and towering
edifice is hurled into ruins, the written words may live, retaining all
their power to strike on the mind, to touch the inmost chords of the
soul. “Words,” it has been said, “are the only things that last for
ever.” “The images of men’s wits,” says Lord Bacon, “remain unmaimed in
books for ever, exempt from the injuries of time, because capable of
perpetual renovation. Neither can they properly be called images,
because they cast forth seeds in the minds of men, raising and producing
infinite actions and opinions in succeeding ages; so that if the
invention of a ship was thought so noble and wonderful, which transports
riches and merchandise from place to place, and consociates the most
distant regions in participation of their fruits and commodities—how
much more are letters to be magnified, which, as ships passing through
the vast seas of time, connect the remotest ages of wits and inventions
in mutual traffic and correspondence!”
To write is therefore the noblest of the arts of life, and fearful is
the responsibility of its exercise. Happy is he who constantly remembers
it; and whose maturest thoughts, fixed in the palpable and deathless
form of words, enlighten, elevate, and bless, even when the verdant
grass is flourishing over his ashes.
-----
[2] Atherstone.
* * * * *
=TO A WHIP-POOR-WILL=
=SINGING IN A GRAVE-YARD.=
=BY E. ANNA LEWIS.=
Why, melancholy singer,
Dost thou hover here at eve,
Like one who loves to linger
Around the dead and grieve?
Why, in the night-time only,
Do we hear thy pensive lay?
Why art thou ever lonely—
Why shunnest the garish day?
Art thou minstrel born from Heaven,
Who comest to our earth,
At the silent hour of even,
To mock the voice of mirth;
And to soothe the sad and weary,
Who steal away to weep,
In the church-yard lone and dreary,
Or by the mountain-steep?
Art thou spirit of a maiden,
That restless roam’st the air,
With sorrow heavy laden,
And breathing thy despair?
Or one loved, but long departed,
That nightly dost draw near,
To soothe the broken-hearted,
Who are weeping, pining here?
I know not, solemn singer,
What thy deep grief may be;
Nor why thou here dost linger,
But oft thou seem’st like me—
A lonely one each morrow,
Apart from all the throng,
Whose deep and hidden sorrow
Bursts forth in plaintive song.
* * * * *
=HESPERIUS—A VISION.=
=BY WM. ALBERT SUTLIFFE.=
“Whither, sweet lady, whither? the night is chill;
Weary and worn, say, whither tend thy feet?”
“Stranger! I come o’er moor and steepy hill,
To hear the beat
Of ever-toiling billows—and to sail
The midnight deep with daring canvas spread;
To seek some isle where storm may not prevail—
Where tombs are never shaped for loved ones dead—
Where palmy summits lay
Their shadows in clear fountains all the day,
Where lilies lave
Their shining tresses in the resting wave;
Thither, kind stranger, through the night at rest,
I chase the stars down-sloping to the west.”
“Lady, sweet lady, let me guard thee thither!
The wave is treacherous, shivered oft by storm,
And many an ambushed wind quick-bringeth cloudy weather,
And towering thunder-mist with secret lightnings warm;
Many unseemly rocks love human prey,
And devious currents often thrust astray;
A thousand maelstroms sing harsh Runic rhyme,
And sturdy gales beleaguer any time.
Let us be twin in hope, in weal or wo,—
Sweet lady, let me go!”
She smiled a quiet smile, and “Come,” she said—
We entered in, our scanty sail we spread;
And as thin mists that creep
Out of a dingle deep,
Where zephyrs dally,
And, wind-caught, float across the dewy lawn,
When comes the dawn;
So we before the breeze, that then did rally
Its powers to bear us on;
While she, wrapt up as from the night’s cool kiss,
Lay like a chrysalis.
Westward we bore through that propitious night—
Through the slow-creeping hours the moonshine lay
Upon her alabaster breast and tresses bright,
Like furbished silver—Houri gone astray
From Mahomet’s heaven seemed she—gloriously
Shone her deep eyes, till down the silvered west
Pale Dian hid her shield in Ocean’s breast.
And now Apollo
Sprang, golden-sandaled, from his orient bed,
And quick his upward wonted path ’gan follow
While westward still we sped.
Apollo clomb
The star-deserted dome,
And, at the zenith sat, a noontide king;
There with his outspread hands,
Flaring upon the lands,
Watched our white sail in the wind shivering.
Apollo sank
Adown the west, where many a cloudy bank
Waited his coming, as the down, a king—
While careful shades ’gan clamber,
Out of the night’s dim chamber,
Night of the many eyes and dusky wing.
“Farewell, Apollo!”
The lady sang, “we follow
Thee to thy home, thy golden-curtained West;
Amid the occident seas,
Seeking Hesperides,
Floating, we chase thee o’er the rippled breast
Of Ocean in his rest.
“Come Venus from thy lair,
Up through the stirless air,
Quivering with Love’s young heat and sweet despair;
As thou wast wont to quiver
Upon my childhood’s river,
Where all the pendulous willows thrilled to bear
The breeze, as men do, care.
“Come out ye many stars!
The liberal night unbars
Your doors impalpable, that ye may see,
And gaze a twinkling fill
On human good and ill,
Till daybreak’s irksome goad compelleth ye
Behind the azure sea.
“We come, we come,
Seeking an islet home,
Whose breezes all are balm, whose seas are calm;
Where, when the eyes grow dim,
Fair myths forever swim
About the inward vision, and no harm
E’er spreads a palsying arm.
“Here would we lie
Amid this tremulous beauty till we die;
Here would descry
Through roofing orange-boughs the pleasant sky,
And silently decay in rapturous ease,
When death so please.”
She ceased; and now we slid along a sea
Of tinted wavelets, such as ne’er before
Had blest my seeing; on one side a shore
Slipt past us backward, thickly over-bowed
With flowered shrubs and trees, all such as flee
Harsh Boreal bitings where the North blows loud.
And now a quay we neared, whence led aback
Full many a leafy-hung, nymph-haunted track.
Then, slow-ascending a white marble stair,
A grove we entered in, all carpeted
With rarest moss, and every way there led
Dim paths ’mid obelisks and fountains fair,
And sculptured graces, and some streamlets fled
All day and night down to the circling sea,
Singing fore’er in music’s earnest glee.
Up ’mid the boughs the zephyrs went a-playing,
Making the stars like swinging cressets seem;
And from the east came silver arrows straying
Of Dian at her moonrise; while a stream
Of melody, the Bulbul, rose-embowered,
Incessant through the dew-tipt leaflets showered,
Sweeter than any dream.
No earthly night,
Mantled with dismal light
This paradise; but a broad lovely moon,
Made a glad twilight here,
Unsoiled by any fear,
Or harsh intruding doubt, that comes too soon,
And lays our bright-eyed hopes upon a cypress bier.
Anon, emerging from the woody maze,
There sudden sprang upon the pleased vision,
Glimpses of far Elysian,
Green meadows glowing through a golden haze,
And far-meandering walks, that rose and fell
’Twixt bedded asphodel.
And purling brooks went leaping here and there
Over the flowered slopes all in a foam,
Pealing like vesper bells that win the prayer—
Or silver voices calling loved ones home;
And many bees enringed the fragrant thyme,
And windy melodies stirred every full-leaved lime.
Here flowers grew in circles round and round,
With broad, rich petals for queen’s gathering,
There fountains sprang up with a clear, quick sound
From vases, such as Babylonian king
Ne’er saw the like of; and their spray did fling
O’er pure white statues having marble care
Over the showered pearls and moistened air.
And ever as we past there ever grew
Wondrous variety to stir the sense,
Begetting impotence
Of fond expression, but a rapture true
Claspt all the spirit in a dreamy fold
Of ecstasy and gold.
Until, through shady ranges of tall trees,
Threaded by every breeze,
And well-determined beds of every hue,
Orange, vermeil, and blue,
A central, templed hill, was near espied,
Down-slanting to the sea on every side,
With greensward terraces and blooming meet,
Sloped even to our feet.
Over the lawns were Dryads tripping far,
And Hamadryads peeping from the wood,
And now and then a Naiad, like a star;
And all were clothed in a merry mood—
For not a care there was o’er which to solely brood.
Upon the summit, soothed with lasting ease,
Sat the Hesperides
Beneath the orchard trees—
Sipping the beakered nectar seasoned well,
And temperate hydromel;
And tasting luscious fruitage, such as fell
From boughs ’neath which the scaly dragon rolled,
Lay glaring fold in fold.
“O can we herein bide!” the lady said,
“I feel my head doth swim—
My weary eyes are dim—
With too much pleasure is the sense o’erfed;
How can we herein bide,
And not some ill betide!”
Then said a voice, “Ye may not herein stay!
But immortality
May here incloséd be;
And ye are mortals—ye must hence away,
Or ere the night unwombs the clearer day.
“And ye must wait the riving of the chain
That gives surcease of pain,
And linger lone upon the evening shore
Till ye be ferried o’er.
But now the nymphs shall cease their merriment,
Ere yet your stay be spent,
And music shall be struck—shall charm and please
You to contented ease.”
Then dropt a quiet o’er the enhancéd glee,
As when a Boreal night dusks o’er a frigid sea.
Next grew a hymning sonnet, worded well,
Up ’mid the oaken boles, whose listening green
Tented the Dryad scene,
Wavering across the silence with a spell
Worthy to sink the yesty broil of waves,
And bid huge winds creep into airless graves,
In barred Æolian caves.
“We sing, we sing,
The sweet lyre fingering
On every vibrant string;
The sisters of the sea,
Whose silken dynasty
Holds us in light, and long, and glad captivity.
“We sing, we sing,
The sweet lyre fingering
With sound like Hermes’ wing—
Of nectarous draughts and deep,
Wooing the gods asleep,
What time the crystal honey-dews of heaven weep.
“We sing, we sing,
The sweet lyre fingering
Till windless woodlands ring;
How rich the lofty chime,
When gods converse in rhyme,
And far Olympian peaks reëcho all the time.
“We sing, we sing,
The sweet lyre fingering
With notes that ever cling,
The blue and airy dome
That floors the godly home
Where thunderous Jove is throned, and Here dwells at home.
“We sing, we sing,
With silver vibrating
Of every tuneful string,
The effervescing wine,
In beakers most divine,
By Hebe overbrimmed for whom the half-gods pine.
“Ah, well! ah, well!
Our island home we tell,
Where peace for aye doth dwell;
Where, from the drowsy deep,
A gilded mist doth creep
Up all the sanded shore to shrine us in our sleep.
“Away, away!
Our fingers cease to play
For alien ears our lay;
But, by the sea’s low moan,
Sportive we go alone;
Our lyre’s notes are dead—our measured hymn is done.”
Then died the hymning sonnet, worded well,
Adown the oaken boles that pillared all the dell.
* * * * *
Then all a day and night athwart the sea—
A day and night complete we backward sped—
And as the dawn grew red—
Our half-moon prow slid upward easily
Upon the margent of the ocean foam
That murmured by our home.
* * * * *
=THE PEDANT:=
=OR CHAPTERS FROM A LIFE SPENT PARTLY IN CAROLINA.=
=BY HENRY HOLM, ESQ.=
(_Continued from page 24._)
CHAPTER V.
And as they oft had heard apart,
Sweet lessons of her forceful art,
Each, for Madness ruled the hour,
Would prove his own expressive power.
Collins.
The reason why I came home without completing the tour of Europe was
that my worthy father died insolvent. The little severalty which I had
from my grandfather Winston, was in that most unmanageable of realties,
which Randolph of Roanoke used to describe as the designation of a
Virginian estate—“plenty of woolly-heads, plenty of gullies, but ne’er
a shilling of coin.” I managed, however, by favor of a young friend, an
attaché of the Marshall and Pinckney legation at Paris, to go freely
into the Low Countries, and as far up the Rhine as Heidelberg and the
Schwarzenwald.
At the borders of Holland and Germany I lingered awhile, in the flat
country near the Lippe, in the house of a licentiate in physic, who was
about to emigrate to Philadelphia, and who was eager to learn English.
In my turn I took some lessons in German. Pfeiffers was a smoker, and so
was I. He was a violinist, and I played the flute. He loved to read
aloud, and I loved to loll and listen, among the lindens of a low-lying
but verdant village on the Rhine.
The book which engaged him just then, was a publication of Goethe’s,
translated from Diderot, entitled _Rameau’s Nephew_. I mean Rameau the
great musical composer. The original French I could never alight on; but
the version was irresistibly comic, as I find on reperusal many years
since. Diderot used to frequent the _Café de la Régence_, then as now,
the resort of chess-players. There he found Légal, Philidor, and Mayot.
And there he encountered the Nephew aforesaid, an odd mixture of pride
and meanness, a man of drunken eloquence, venomous sarcasm, and
music-mad enthusiasm.
“Dialogue.
“Ah, Monsieur Philosophe, so I meet you again! What are you after here
among idlers? Do you likewise lose your time in peg-pushing? (Thus he
denominated chess and draughts.)
“_I._—No, but when I have nothing else to do, it is a momentary
diversion to see whether they move aright.
“_He._—A singular diversion, indeed. Leave out Philidor and Légal—the
others know nothing.
“_I._—And Monsieur de Bussi; what say you to him?
“_He._—As chess-player, that he is what Mlle. Clairon is as actress;
both know as much of their play as one can learn.
“_I._—You are hard to please. I observe that none but preëminent men
meet your approbation.
“_He._—Ay, at chess and draughts, poetry, eloquence, music, and such
like trumperies. Who wants mediocrity in these cases?
“_I._—I almost agree with you. But many must attempt these arts in
order that the man of genius may overtop them. Thenceforth he is one
among many. But I have not seen you for an age. I never think of you but
when I see you. Yet I am rejoiced whenever I recover you. What have you
been about?
“_He._—That which you and the others are about—good, bad, and naught.
I have moreover, hungered and eaten if occasion served. Then I was
sometimes athirst, and often drank; yes, and my beard grew and I was
shaved.
“_I._—There you were wrong; for the beard is all you lack in order to
be a sage.
“_He._—Quite so! My brow is large and wrinkled, my eye flashes, my nose
is high, my cheek is broad, my eyebrows brown and heavy, the mouth
well-disclosed, lips well-turned, and the face square. Take notice, this
huge chin, if covered by a long beard, would look well in brass or
marble.
“_I._—Beside Cæsar, Marcus Aurelius, Socrates?
“_He._—No! I would rather stand betwixt Diogenes and Phryne. I am as
shameless as one, and would gladly visit the other.
“_I._—You are always in good case?
“_He._—Yes, usually; but not particularly so to-day.
“_I._—What! with this rotundity of Silenus, and a countenance—
“_He._—A countenance that— Do you consider that the bitter humor which
shrivels up the uncle, makes the nephew fat?
“_I._—_Apropos!_ Your uncle. Do you see him often?
“_He._—Yes, often passing in the street.
“_I._—Does he render you no service?
“_He._—If he serves any body, it is without knowing it. He is a
philosophe in his way; he thinks only of himself, and the rest of the
world he regards as his bellows-hand. His wife and daughter may die for
all that he cares, provided the bells that toll them to their grave ring
in just twelfths and seventeenths. A lucky man is he! and I know how to
reckon this quality in your men of genius, that they are good at one
thing, and over and above this nothing. Nothing know they of being
citizens, fathers, mothers, kinsmen or friends. _Inter nos_, one would
crave to be like them; only wishing that the growth should not become
too common. We must have men—not men of genius. No, surely no! These
are they who turn the world upside down, and the folly of individuals
runs so high at present that one can’t repress them without
manœuvre.—No! the monk’s wisdom, in Rabelais, is the true wisdom for
our peace, and the peace of others. To do duty, as far as may be, to
speak well of the prior, and to let the world wag as it will. And things
go right well, for the mass is content with this. If I knew history, I
would prove to you, that all the ills on earth come of your men of
genius; but history I know none, because I know nothing. Confound me if
I ever learnt any thing, and I find myself none the worse off. One day I
was at the table of a royal minister, who had mind enough for a dozen.
He proved, as plain as two and two make four, that nothing is more
useful to nations than lies, and nothing more hurtful than truth. I
can’t recall his argument, but it followed as clear as a sunbeam, that
men of genius are utterly abominable, and that if a man discerns in his
child a token of this perilous gift of nature, he should strangle or
drown him.
“_I._—And yet the people who deem thus of genius all think they possess
it.”
Such is an introduction to this odd creation, on which the merry
Frenchman dwells for a hundred and fifty pages. Some of the passages
which my host gave with energy, between the gusts of his meerschaum, are
altogether untranslatable. And yet am I tempted to essay one of the
vagaries of the mad satirist.
“_I._—There is some reason in all that you say. [He had been enlarging
on the French music of that period.]
“_He._—Reason? So much the better. That comes seasonably. Think you I
am like the musician in the _cul-de-sac_, as my uncle showed himself?
For my part, I make a hit. A collier ’prentice shall talk better of his
trade, than an academy and all the Duhamels on earth.
“Here he paced up and down, murmuring airs out of the _Ile des Fous_,
the _Peintre amoureux de son modèle_, the _Maréchal ferrant_, the
_Plaideuse_—while ever and anon he would stretch hands and eyes and
cry, ‘Is that fine? Heavens, is that fine! Can a man have two ears on
his head and ask such a question?’ Upon which he would become
sentimental again, sing softly, and then elevate his voice as he grew
more passionate. Then came grimaces, twists of visage, and contortions
of body. Said I to myself, ‘Well, he is losing his wits, and some new
scene is coming.’ And in fact he burst out afresh, singing, _Je suis un_
_pauvre miserable—Aspettar e non venire_, etc. etc. He collected and
confounded thirty airs, Italian, French, tragic, comic, of every sort
and character. Now, with a deep basso he would sink down to the shades;
then, contracting his throat, he would rend the heights of air with a
pipe-like note, imitating with gait, _pose_, and motions, different
musical personages, by turns raving, melted, beseeching and derisive.
Now he is a little maid, weeping, and he represents all her petty
blandishments. Then he is a priest, a king, a tyrant; he threatens,
prays or rages—again, he is a hearkening slave. He grows tender, he
despairs, he bewails and laughs, always in tune, in time, in full sense
of the words, character and action.
“All the chess-players had left their boards and gathered around him;
the windows of the café were besieged outside by passers-by attracted by
the noise. The laughter was a peal which threatened the roof. But he
perceived nothing, but ran on, carried away by such an alienation of
mind and an enthusiasm akin to mania, that it is doubtful whether he
would have come to himself, or have to be thrown into a hackney coach
and carried to a mad-house singing a snatch from the lamentations of
Jomelli.
“Anon, with the utmost precision, truth and incredible warmth, he
repeated the finest passages of that portion; the beautiful obligato
recitative, where the prophet depicts the desolation of Jerusalem, till
he drew a flood of tears; there was not a dry eye. There was nothing
more to be desired in tenderness of singing, or force of expression and
of grief. He dwelt especially on the places where the artist most
evinced himself the great maestro. He abandoned the vocal part, flew to
the instrument, and then returned in an instant to singing, so hurrying
this transition, that the connection and unity of the whole were
maintained. Was I astonished at him? Yes, I was astonished. Was I moved
to sympathy? I was, indeed, so moved, but with a dash of the comic
mingling with the emotion and modifying its nature.
“But you would have broken into laughter at the way in which he imitated
the different instruments. With swoln, out-puffed cheeks, and a rough,
obtuse tone, he represented horns and bassoons; with a crying, nasal
tone the oboes; with incredible quickness he hurried his voice to mimic
stringed-instruments, trying most exactly to give their respective
sounds; piping for the piccolos, cooing for the flutes, screaming,
chanting with the looks of a maniac, and representing solo the danseurs
and danseuses, the men-singers and women-singers, a whole orchestra, a
whole opera-house, splitting himself into twenty different roles,
hastening, retarding, with the mien of one ’rapt, with eyes winking and
mouth in a foam.
“The heat was overpowering, and the moisture, following the furrows of
his brow and the length of his cheeks, mingled with his hair-powder, and
drizzled the upper part of his coat in gutters. What did he not attempt?
He cried, he laughed, he sighed, he gave looks of tenderness, quiet and
rage. Now it was a woman, sinking in wo, a wretch yielding to despair, a
lofty temple, or birds losing themselves in the silence of eve. Then it
was brooks of water, gurgling in some cool and lonesome place; or a
torrent dashing down from mountains; a tempest; the wailing of dying
men, mingled with the whistling of the wind; the roar of thunder; then
night with its darkness, stillness and shade—he even represented
silence by sounds. He was entirely beside himself. Exhausted by effort,
like a man awakened from sleep or a long swoon, he remained motionless,
heavy and stunned. He cast glances around, like one bewildered who tries
to recognize the place in which he comes to himself. Awaiting the return
of his forces and his senses, he mechanically dries his face. Like one
who, awaking, finds his bed surrounded by a great number of persons, in
utter forgetfulness and deeply unconscious of all he has been doing, he
exclaims at the first moment—‘Now, Messieurs, what is this? Why this
mirth? What are you wondering at? What is the matter?’ . . . Then he
adds, ‘This is what they call being a musician! But, indeed, some of
Lulli’s songs are not to be despised. The scene _J’attendrai l’aurore_
can’t be bettered, unless you alter the words. I challenge any man. No
man shall condemn certain passages of Campra, his military marches, the
violin-pieces of my uncle, his gavottes, his priestly and opera parts,
_Pâles flambeaux, Nuits plus affreuses que les ténèbres. . . . Dieu du_
_Tartare, Dieu de l’oubli._’ . . . (Here he strengthened his voice and
sustained the tone with power. Neighbors thrust their heads through the
windows; we put our fingers in our ears.) ‘For this,’ said he, ‘one must
have lungs, a great organ, and plenty of air. But Ascension is arrived,
Lent and the Three Kings are over, and yet they do not know what to set
to music, nor consequently what benefits the composer. Lyric poesy is
yet unborn; but they already approach it, if they give head enough to
Pergolesi, to the Saxon, the Terradeglids, Traetta and others; and if
they only read Metastasio often enough, they have already attained it.’”