[1] It is at last discovered, by searching the chamberlain's books,
which have since been burnt, that our author was the son of James Foe,
of the parish of Cripplegate, London, citizen and butcher; who was
himself the son of Daniel Foe, of Elton, in the county of Northampton,
yeoman; and who obtained his freedom by serving his apprenticeship with
John Levit, citizen and butcher. Daniel Foe, the son of James, was
admitted to his freedom by birth, on the 26th of January, 1687-8. I was
led to these discoveries by observing that De Foe had voted at an
election for a representative of London; whence I inferred, that he must
have been a citizen either by birth or service. But in the parish books
I could find no notice of his baptism; as his parents were dissenters.
[2] In his preface to More Reformation, De Foe complains, that some
dissenters had reproached him, as if he had said, "that the gallows and
the galleys ought to be the penalty of going to the conventicle;
forgetting, that I must design to have my father, my wife, six innocent
children, and myself, put into the same condition. To such dissenters I
can only regret," says he, "that when I had drawn the picture, I did
not, like the Dutchman with his man and bear, write under them, This is
the man; and this is the bear." De Foe expressly admits that he was a
dissenter, though no independent-fifth-monarchy man, or leveller. [De
Foe, Works, edit. 1703. p. 326-448.] His grandfather, however, seems to
have been of different feelings, as he kept a pack of hounds. From this
fact it is inferred by his learned and laborious biographer Mr. Walter
Wilson, that he was of the royal party, as the puritans did not indulge
in that amusement; and also that he moved in a respectable station of
life. De Foe himself thus alludes to his grandfather [Review, vol. vii.
preface], "I remember my grandfather had a huntsman that used the same
familiarity with his dogs, and he had his Roundhead and his Cavalier,
his Goring and his Waller, and all the generals of both armies were
hounds in his pack, till the times turning, the old gentleman was fain
to scatter the pack and make them up of more doglike surnames." It seems
also probable, that the property to which De Foe alludes as possessed by
himself, was inherited from this grandfather. "I have both a native and
an acquired right of election in more than one place in Britain, and as
such am a part of the body that honourable house (of commons)
represents, and from hence I believe may claim a right in due manner to
represent, complain, address, or petition them." [Review, vol. vi. p.
477.] Mr. Wilson corrects the mistake of Mr. Chalmers and other
biographers, as to the date of De Foe's birth, which really took place
in 1661, and not as stated by them in 1663.--ED.
[3] Works, 3rd. edit. vol. ii. p. 276. He was placed there when about
fourteen years old, and appears to have been educated to his own
satisfaction in afterlife. He described it as an academy where all the
lectures, whether in philosophy or divinity, were given in English, and
where consequently "though the scholars were not destitute of the
languages, yet it is observed of them that they were by this made
masters of the English tongue, and more of them excelled in that
particular than of any school at that time." Certainly no man ever
better understood how to use plain, racy, thorough English style, than
De Foe. But still he was not deficient in learning. He boldly asserts
himself on this point, in the passage from which Mr. Chalmers has made
an extract in the text: "I have no concern to tell Dr. Browne I can read
English, nor to tell Mr. Tutchin, I understand Latin; _non ita Latinus,
sum ut Latine loqui_. I easily acknowledge myself blockhead enough to
have lost the fluency of expression in the Latin, and so far trade has
been a prejudice to me, and yet I think I owe this justice to my ancient
father, still living (1705), and in whose behalf I freely testify, that
if I am a blockhead, it was nobody's fault but my own; he having spared
nothing in my education that might qualify me to match the accurate Dr.
Browne, or the learned Observator. As to Mr. Tutchin, I never gave him
the least affront; I have, even after base usage, in vain invited him to
peace; in answer to which he returns unmannerly insults, calumnies, and
reproach. As to my little learning, and his great capacity, I freely
challenge him to translate with me any Latin, French, and Italian
author, and after that, to retranslate them crossways, for 20_l._ each
book; and by this he shall have an opportunity to show the world how
much De Foe, the hosier, is inferior in learning to Mr. Tutchin, the
gentleman." [Review vol. ii. p. 149.] He also vindicated Mr. Morton's
academy from the charge made against it by the Rev. Samuel Wesley,
father of the celebrated founder of Methodism, that antimonarchical and
unconstitutional doctrines were taught there. De Foe especially denies
this. His domestic education seems to have been according to the system
then pursued by the strict and pious dissenters. He mentions that he
began the task performed by many others of that then persecuted body, of
copying the Bible in shorthand, and that he finished the Pentateuch.
[Review vol. vi. p. 573.] He was intended for the ministry; but for what
reason he relinquished that profession is not known. "It was his
disaster," he says, "first, to be set apart for, and then to be set
apart from, the honour of that sacred employ."--ED.
[4] Review, vol. ii. p. 150.
[5] Appeal, p. 51. This was not the first occasion of his appearing in
print. His earliest effort as an author was an answer to Roger
L'Estrange's Guide to the Inferior Clergy, and was intituled, _Speculum
Crape Gownorum_; or, A Looking-glass for the Young Academicks, new
Foyl'd, with Reflections on some of the late high-flown Sermons; to
which is added, An Essay towards a Sermon of the newest fashion. By a
Guide to the Inferior Clergy. _Ridentem discere verum, quis vitat?_ It
was published in 1682. This work, as might be anticipated, was a satiric
attack on the clergy of that day.
De Foe's object in the pamphlet mentioned in the text, was to assert the
policy of defending the house of Austria, then closely and vigorously
attacked by the Turks. The "prevailing sentiment," referred to by Mr.
Chalmers, was a dissatisfaction with the emperor for his cruel
persecution of the protestants in Hungary; and which carried the
national feeling so far as to make any assistance rendered to the
emperor, even against the threatening Turks, extremely unpopular. De
Foe, then very young, took the field on the weaker side, and strenuously
maintained the danger to Christendom arising from the Mahommedan power
being allowed to enter Vienna. Happily, the courage of John Sobieski,
king of Poland, prevented that, once imminent, danger. De Foe, in a late
period of his life, thus refers to his conduct on this occasion. "The
first time I had the misfortune to differ from my friends, was about the
year 1683, when the Turks were besieging Vienna, and the whigs in
England, generally speaking, were for the Turks taking it; whilst I,
having read the history of the cruelty and perfidious dealings of the
Turks in their wars, and how they had rooted out the name of the
Christian religion in above threescore and ten kingdoms, could by no
means agree with, and though then but a young man and a young author, I
opposed it and wrote against it, which was taken very unkind indeed."
[Vide Appeal to Honour and Justice.]--ED.
[6] Appeal.
[7] The title of De Foe's pamphlet, or pamphlets, on this subject, does
not seem to be known, but he more than once in afterlife proudly refers
to his efforts on that important matter. "The next time I differed with
my friends, was when king James was wheedling the dissenters to take off
the penal laws and test, which I could by no means come into. And as in
the first I used to say, I had rather the popish house of Austria should
ruin the protestants in Hungary, than that the infidel house of Ottoman
should ruin both protestant and papist, by overrunning Germany, so in
the other I told the dissenters I had rather the Church of England
should pull our clothes off by fines and forfeitures, than that the
papists should fall both upon the church and the dissenters, and pull
our skins off by fire and fagot." [Appeal to Honour and Justice.] And
again: "I never would have had the dissenters to join with king James,
to take off the penal laws and test. No; no: I thank God I was of age
then to bear my testimony against it, and to affront some who were of a
different opinion." [Review, vol. viii. p. 694.]--ED.
[8] History, vol. ii. p. 37. The following is the passage in Oldmixon:
"Their majesties, attended by their royal highnesses and a numerous
train of nobility and gentry, went first to a balcony prepared for them
at the Angel in Cheapside, to see the show; which for the great number
of liverymen, the full appearance of the militia, and the artillery
company, the rich adornments of the pageants, and the splendour and good
order of the whole proceedings, outdid all that had been seen before, on
that occasion; and what deserved to be particularly remembered, says a
reverend historian, was a royal regiment of volunteer horse, made up of
the chief citizens, who being gallantly mounted and richly accoutred,
were led by the earl of Monmouth, now earl of Peterborough, and attended
there majesties from Whitehall. Among these troopers, who were for the
most part dissenters, was Daniel De Foe, at that time a hosier in
Freeman's Yard, Cornhill." [History of England, vol. iii. p. 36.]
[9] Being reproached by Tutchin, in his Observator, with having been
bred an apprentice to a hosier, De Foe asserts, in May, 1705, that he
never was a hosier, or an apprentice, but admits that he had been a
trader. [Review, vol. ii. p. 149.] Oldmixon, who never speaks favourably
of De Foe, allows that he had never been a merchant, otherwise than
peddling a little to Portugal. [Hist. vol. ii. p. 519.] But, peddling to
Portugal makes a trader.
[10] These views of Mr. Chalmers seem confirmed by De Foe's own severe
comments on the distraction caused to tradesmen by an over-indulgence in
literary pursuits. In his Complete Tradesman, one of the most valuable
practical books that was ever published, and which should be the manual
of every young man beginning business, he says, "a wit turned tradesman!
no apron-strings will hold him; it is in vain to lock him behind the
counter, he is gone in a moment. Instead of journal and ledger, he runs
away to his Virgil and Horace; his journal entries are all Pindarics,
and his ledger is all heroics. He is truly dramatic from one end to the
other through the whole scene of his trade; and as the first part is all
comedy, so the two last acts are always made up with tragedy; a statute
of bankrupt is his _exeunt omnes_, and he generally repeats the epilogue
in the Fleet prison or the Mint." [See ante, vol. xvii.] He is also very
severe against tradesmen who are led away into expensive pleasures and
idle company. But Mr. Wilson vindicates De Foe, in some degree, by
showing from his own statements that he had been the victim of the fraud
of others, as well as of his own imprudent habits. In one of the
Reviews, [vol. iii. p. 70.] he says, that "nothing was more frequent
than for a man in full credit to buy all the goods he could lay his
hands on, and carry them directly from the house he bought them at into
the Fryars, and then send for his creditors, and laugh at them, insult
them, showing them their own goods untouched, offer them a trifle in
satisfaction, and if they refuse it, bid them defiance. I cannot refrain
vouching this of my own knowledge, _since I have more than many times
been served so myself_." Certainly under such a monstrous system of
abuse, an honest tradesman must have been at great disadvantage.--ED.
[11] The Mercator, No. 101.
[12] Reply to Lord Haversham's Vindication.
[13] Mr. Wilson has some valuable observations on this subject, which
justice to the memory of De Foe requires us to transcribe. "The failure
of this speculation seems to have been owing rather to the want of
encouragement upon the part of the public, than to any imprudence in the
projector. Pantiles had been hitherto a Dutch manufacture, and were
brought in large quantities to England. To supersede the necessity of
their importation, and to provide a new channel for the employment of
labour, the works at Tilbury were laudably erected; and De Foe tells us
that he employed a hundred poor labourers in the undertaking. The
capital embarked in the concern must also have been considerable; for he
informs us that his own loss by its failure was no less a sum than three
thousand pounds. But besides so serious a misfortune to himself, it was
no less so to the public; not only by the failure of an ingenious
manufacture, but for the sake of the numerous families supported by it,
who were now turned adrift in the world, or thrown upon some other
branch of trade. De Foe continued the pantile works it is believed until
the year 1703, when he was prosecuted by the government for a libel, and
being deprived of his liberty the undertaking soon came to an end." Mr.
Wilson adds an extract from one of the Reviews, (March, 1705,) in which
De Foe indignantly refers to this undertaking and its calamitous issue.
"Nor should the author of this paper boast in vain, if he tells the
world that he himself, before violence, injury, and barbarous treatment
destroyed him and his undertaking, employed a hundred poor people in
making pantiles in England, a manufacture always bought in Holland; and
thus he pursued this principle with his utmost zeal for the good of
England; and those gentlemen who so easily persecuted him for saying
what all the world since owns to be true, and which he has since a
hundred times offered to prove, were particularly serviceable to the
nation, in turning that hundred of poor people and their families a
begging for work, and forcing them to turn other poor families out of
work to make room for them, besides three thousand pounds damage to the
author of this, which he has paid for this little experience."--ED.
[14] The sentence in italics is part of the passage in De Foe's Appeal
to Honour and Justice, (in which he gives a summary of his life, and
vindicates his conduct throughout it,) which particularly refers to this
period. We give the whole. "Misfortunes in business having unhinged me
from matters of trade; it was about the year 1694, when I was invited by
some merchants with whom I had corresponded abroad, and some also at
home, to settle at Cadiz, in Spain; and that with the offer of very good
commissions. But Providence, which had other work for me to do, placed a
secret aversion in my mind to quitting England upon any account, and
made me refuse the best offers of that kind, to be concerned with some
eminent persons at home, in proposing ways and means to the government
for raising money to supply the occasions of the war, then newly begun."
[Vide Appeal to Honour and Justice.]
[15] Besides the topics mentioned by Mr. Chalmers, De Foe suggests
various improvements in road-making, and an asylum for idiots. He also
warmly advocates a great improvement in the system of education, and
especially of females. Before the publication of the next work mentioned
by Mr. Chalmers, De Foe took part in a controversy then very warmly
agitated, viz., of Occasional Conformity. The Dissenters differed on
this subject; one party being willing to comply outwardly with the
ceremonies of the church, when in certain offices, and the other party
objecting to that compliance as a sinful and dastardly desertion from
their principles of dissent. De Foe adopted the latter view, and, in
1697, maintained it with his accustomed warmth, in An Inquiry into the
Occasional Conformity of Dissenters in Parliament. He also vigorously
took the field against the vices and social abuses of the times; and, in
1698, published The Poor Man's Plea in relation to all the
Proclamations, Declarations, Acts of Parliament, &c., which have been or
shall be made or published, for a Reformation of Manners, and
suppressing Immorality in the Nation.--ED.
[16] 10 and 11 Wm. III. ch. 18.
[17] De Foe says himself, that he had published nine editions fairly
printed upon good paper, and sold at the price of one shilling, and that
it had been printed twelve times by other persons without his
concurrence. We must presume it to have produced a great effect. De Foe
himself says, many years afterwards, "National mistakes, vulgar errors,
and even a general practice, have been reformed by a just satire. None
of our countrymen have been known to boast of being true-born
Englishmen, or so much as to use the word as a title or appellation,
ever since a late satire upon that national folly was published, though
almost thirty years ago. Nothing was more frequent in our mouths before
that, nothing so universally blushed and laughed at since. The time I
believe is yet to come for any author to print it, or any man of sense
to speak of it in earnest; whereas before you had it in the best
writers, and in the most florid speeches before the most august
assemblies, upon the most solemn occasions." [Use and Abuse of the
Marriage Bed, p. 400.] The object of the poem is thus stated by the
author in the preface: "The intent of the satire is pointed at the
vanity of those who talk of their antiquity, and value themselves upon
their pedigree, and being true-born; whereas it is impossible we should
be true-born; and if we could, should have lost by the bargain. These
sort of people who call themselves true-born, and tell long stories of
their families, and like a nobleman of Venice, think a foreigner ought
not to walk on the same side of the street with them, are owned to be
meant in this satire. What they would infer from their long original, I
know not, nor is it easy to make out, whether they are the better or the
worse for their ancestors. Our English nation may value themselves for
their wit, wealth, and courage, and I believe few nations will dispute
it with them; but for long originals and ancient true-born families, I
would advise them to waive the discourse. A true Englishman is one who
deserves a character, and I have nowhere lessened him that I know
of."--ED.
[18] p. 13. We add the remaining part of this passage, which is
extracted by Mr. Chalmers from the Appeal to Honour and Justice; "And is
only mentioned here as I take all occasions to do, for the expressing
the honour I ever preserved for the immortal and glorious memory of that
greatest and best of princes, and whom it was my honour and advantage to
call master as well as sovereign, whose goodness to me I never forget,
and whose memory I never patiently heard abused, and never can do so;
and who, had he lived, would never have suffered me to be treated as I
have been in this world."--ED.
[19] This pamphlet was published before the poem of the True-born
Englishman, viz., in 1698, and was an answer to one by Mr. Trenchard,
"showing that a standing army is inconsistent with a free government,
and absolutely destructive to the constitution of the English monarchy."
It is supposed that De Foe wrote another pamphlet on this subject,
entituled, Some Reflections on a pamphlet lately published, entituled,
&c. (Mr. Trenchard's pamphlet.) 1697. But there is great doubt as to
this work being De Foe's.--ED.
[20] Subsequently to the publication of the pamphlet referred to in the
text, in the year 1700, the indefatigable De Foe was again in the
political arena. The Spanish king had just died, bequeathing the crown
to the duke of Anjou, grandson of Lewis XIV. and Europe was anxiously
awaiting the French monarch's decision. He subsequently broke through
the partition treaty, and placed his grandson on the throne of Spain. In
the meanwhile, however De Foe published, a pamphlet, entituled, The Two
Great Questions Considered: 1. What the French king will do with respect
to the Spanish monarchy? 2. What measures the English ought to take. In
the same year, he published The Danger of the Protestant Religion, from
the present Prospect of a Religious War in Europe. His object is to
point out the powerful front presented by the popish party, and to warn
and arouse England to the danger and defence of protestantism.--ED.
[21] Mr. Polhill, of Cheapstead-place, in Kent, whose father, Mr. David
Polhill, was committed to the Gatehouse, and thereby gained great
popularity, was so good as to communicate to me the curious anecdote of
De Foe's dressing himself in women's clothes, and presenting the Legion
paper to the speaker. De Foe says himself in his Original Power of the
People, p. 24: "this is evident from the tenor and yet undiscovered
original of the Legion paper; the contents of which had so much plain
truth of fact; and which I could give a better history of, if it were
needful." When De Foe republished his works, in 1703, he thought it
prudent to expunge this passage, that too plainly pointed out the real
history of the Legion paper, which is not mentioned by the Commons
Journals. Mr. Wilson thinks Mr. Chalmers mistaken in supposing that De
Foe delivered the petition disguised as a woman. He says, "such a report
was certainly current at the time, but the true history of it seems to
be that which is related in the history of the Kentish petition; it was
said it was delivered to the speaker by a woman, but I have been
informed since, that it was a mistake, and it was delivered by the very
person who wrote it, guarded by about sixteen gentlemen of quality, who
if any notice had been taken of him, were ready to have carried him off
by force." The Remonstration is too long a paper to be here reprinted,
but the general tone and object of it will be gathered by the
conclusion. "We do hereby claim and declare:--
"1. That it is the undoubted right of the people of England, in case
their representatives in parliament do not proceed according to their
duty, and the people's interest, to inform them of their dislike, disown
their actions, and direct them to such things as they think fit, either
by petition, address, proposal, memorial, or any other peaceable way.
"2. That the house of commons, separately, and otherwise than by bill
legally passed into an act, have no legal power to suspend or dispense
with the laws of the land, any more than the king has by his
prerogative.
"3. That the house of commons has no legal power to imprison any person,
or commit them to custody of sergeants, or otherwise, (their own members
excepted,) but ought to address the king, to cause any person, on good
grounds, to be apprehended, which person so apprehended, ought to have
the benefit of the Habeas Corpus act, and be fairly brought to trial by
due course of law.
"4. That, if the house of commons, in breach of the laws and liberties
of the people, do betray the trust reposed in them, and act negligently,
or arbitrarily and illegally, it is the undoubted right of the people of
England, to call them to an account for the same, and by convention,
assembly, or force, may proceed against them as traitors and betrayers
of their country.
"These things we think proper to declare, as the unquestionable right of
the people of England, whom you serve, and in pursuance of that right,
(avoiding the ceremony of petitioning our inferiors, for such you are by
your present circumstances, as the person sent is less than the sender,)
we do publicly protest against all your aforesaid illegal actions, and
in the name of ourselves, and of all the good people of England, do
require and demand:--
"1. That all the public just debts of the nation be forthwith paid and
discharged.
"2. That all persons illegally imprisoned, as aforesaid, be either
immediately discharged, or admitted to bail, as by law they ought to be;
and the liberty of the subject recognised and restored.
"3. That John Home, aforesaid, be obliged to ask his majesty's pardon
for his vile reflections, or be immediately expelled the house.
"4. That the growing power of France be taken into consideration; the
succession of the emperor to the crown of Spain supported; our
protestant neighbours protected, as the interest of England and the
protestant religion requires.
"5. That the French king be obliged to quit Flanders, or his majesty be
addressed to declare war against him.
"6. That suitable supplies be granted to his majesty for the putting all
these necessary things in execution, and that care be taken that such
taxes as are raised, may be more equally assessed and collected, and
scandalous deficiences prevented.
"7. That the thanks of this house may be given to those gentlemen who so
gallantly appeared in the behalf of their country with the Kentish
petition, and have been so scandalously used for it.
"Thus, gentlemen, you have your duty laid before you, which it is hoped
you will think of; but if you continue to neglect it, you may expect to
be treated according to the resentment of an injured nation; for
Englishmen are no more to be slaves to parliaments, than to kings.
"Our name is Legion, and we are Many."
De Foe seems to have written a History of the Kentish Petition. And in
the following year, 1702, he is supposed to have written Legion's
Newspaper; being a Second Memorial to the Gentlemen of the late House of
Commons.--ED.
[22] This pamphlet was in reply to sir Humphrey Mackworth's Vindication
of the Rights of the Commons of England; and recent events, arising out
of Stockdale's proceedings against Mr. Hansard for publishing a report
of the house of commons, have made both sir Humphrey's and De Foe's
pamphlets extremely interesting to the political world. De Foe maintains
four general propositions as the foundation of his argument.
"1. That all government is instituted for the protection of the
governed.
"2. That its constituent members, whether king, lords, or commons, if
they invert the great end of their institution, the public good, cease
to be; and power retreats to its original.
"3. That no collective or representative body of men whatever, in
matters of politics or religion, have been infallible.
"4. That reason is the test and touchstone of laws, which cease to be
binding, and become void, when contradictory to reason." He also
maintains that no power has a right to dispense with the laws, and
deduces that when such a right is assumed by either of the three powers,
the constitution suffers a convulsion, and is dissolved of course. This
tract has had considerable reputation. Mr. Wilson tells us, "that during
the contest between the house of commons and the celebrated Mr. Wilkes,
who was refused his seat, although repeatedly returned by his
constituents, it was judged seasonable to reprint this work. It was
accordingly published in 8vo. in 1769, by R. Baldwin, accompanied by
some distinguished characters of a parliament man, by the same author,
and is stated in the title-page to be the third edition. Prefixed to the
work is a spirited dedication to the right honourable the lord mayor,
the aldermen, and commons, of the city of London." [The dedication,
amongst other things, states, "the reprinting of this excellent piece of
the celebrated Daniel De Foe, who seems to have understood as well as
any man the civil constitution of the kingdom, wherein the nature of our
own constitution is set in the clearest light, upon self-evident
principles, and the original power of the collective body of the people
asserted, seemed to be altogether seasonable and fitting. It is with
propriety addressed to the body of men which has always stood, like Mars
in the gap, against all encroachments on the liberties of the people,
and to which the nation hitherto owes its freedom and prosperity," &c.]
The chief magistrate at that time was the patriotic alderman Beckford,
who has a noble statue erected by his fellow-citizens in their
Guildhall, to commemorate his worth. De Foe's work was reprinted, for
the fourth time, at the logographic press, and included in the
"Selection" from his writings published by the late Mr. John Walker, in
1790. [Life of De Foe, vol. i. p. 436.]
[23] This pamphlet was published before the events mentioned in the
preceding paragraph of the text. It was preceded by another pamphlet of
our indefatigable author, entituled, Six Distinguishing Characters of a
Parliament man. As the pamphlets of De Foe illustrate not only the
character of the author, but the spirit of the times, we give a summary
of the 'Distinguishing characteristics' of the member of the house,
desired by De Foe. 1. He must be a thorough partisan of the revolution,
neither papist nor Jacobite. 2. A man of religion, of orthodox
principles, and moral practice. 3. "A parliament man," says the sensible
and experienced author, "ought to be a man of general knowledge,
acquainted with the true interest of his country as to trade, liberties,
laws, and common circumstances, especially of that part of it for which
he serves. He ought to know how to deliver his mind with freedom and
boldness, and pertinently to the case; to understand when our liberties
are encroached upon, and be able to defend them: and to distinguish
between a prince, who is faithful to liberty, and the interest of his
country, and one whose business it is to invade both liberty and
property." 4. He should be a man in years. 5. And of thorough honesty.
6. And of morals. This pamphlet was followed by the one mentioned in the
text, and that again almost immediately by The Villany of Stock-jobbers
detected; and the Cause of the late Run upon the Banks and Bankers
discovered and considered.--ED.
[24] The author of De Foe's life in the Biographia Britannica, Dr.
Towers, says, "in this piece De Foe wrote against the views and conduct
of the court, and against what then seemed to be the prevailing
sentiment of the nation. He appears however to have been perfectly
right, to have exhibited on this occasion great political discernment,
and to have been influenced by no motives but those of public spirit."
Many opponents entered the field against De Foe upon this subject.--ED.
[25] De Foe frequently vindicates the memory of William III., but more
especially in his Reviews. In 1702, he published The Mock Mourners, a
satire by way of elegy on king William. By the author of the True-born
Englishman. De Foe's summary of William III.'s character in the reviews
is as follows:--
"It may, perhaps, be thought by some people a digression too remote from
my present pursuit, when I launch out into the crimes of a party; but,
if I am carried into extremes when the memory of king William is
touched, I am altogether careless of making an excuse; and I acknowledge
myself less master of my temper in that case, than in anything I can be
touched in besides. The memory of that glorious monarch is so dear, and
so valuable in the hearts of all true protestants, that have a sense
both of what they escaped and what they enjoy by his hand, that it is
difficult to retain any charity for their principles that can forget the
obligation. His name is a word of congratulation; and 'The immortal
memory of king William,' will be a health, as long as drinking healths
is suffered in this part of the world.
"Let the ungrateful wretch that forgets what God wrought by his hand,
look back upon popery coming in like a flood; property trampled
underfoot; all sorts of cruelties and butcheries in practice in
Scotland, and approaching in England! Let him review the insolence of
the soldiery, the inveteracy of the court party, the tyranny, perjury,
and avarice of governors; and at the foot of the account let him write,
Delivered by king William. Then let him look back on the prince: How
great, how splendid, how happy, how rich, how easy, and how justly
valued by friends and enemies! He lived before in the field glorious,
feared by enemies of his country, loved by the soldiery, having a vast
inheritance of his own, governor of a rich state, blessed with the best
of consorts, and as far as this life could give, completely happy.
Compare this with the gaudy crown we gave him. Had a visible scheme been
laid with it, of all the uneasinesses, dangers, crosses,
disappointments, and dark prospects which that prince found with it, no
wise man would have taken it off the dunghill, or come out of gaol to be
master of it.
"Unhappy Englishmen! Is this the man you reproach? Had he any failing
but that he bare too much with the most barbarous usage in the world?
Had he not the most merit and the worst treatment that ever king in
England met with?
"Who can hear men tell us, they helped to make him king, and were not
considered for it? You helped to make him king! Pray what merit do you
plead, and from whom was the debt? You helped to make him king? That is,
you helped to save your country, and ruin him; you helped to recover
your own liberties and those of your posterity, as you ought to have
been blasted from heaven if you had not, and now you claim rewards from
him! I will tell you how he rewarded you fully: he rewarded you by
sacrificing his peace, his comfort, his fortune, and his country, to
support you. He died a thousand times in the chagrin, vexation, and
perplexity he had from the unkindness and treachery of his friends, and
the numberless hazards of the field against the enemy. And yet all would
not satisfy a craving generation, an insatiable party, who thought all
the taxes raised for the war, given, not to the nation, but to the king,
and endeavoured to blot the best character in the world with the crimes
of those whom they themselves recommended him to trust." [Review, 1707,
vol. iv. p. 77.]
[26] See note [15], p. 11-12.
[27] Life of Mr. John How, p. 210.
[28] A Letter to Mr. How, by way of Reply to his Considerations, &c.
1701.
[29] De Foe afterwards described the effect produced by this book. "The
soberer churchmen, whose principles were founded on charity, and who had
their eye upon the laws and constitution of their country, as that to
which their own liberties were annexed, though they still believed the
book to be written by a high-churchman, yet openly exclaimed against the
proposal, condemned the warmth that appeared in the clergy against their
brethren, and openly professed that such a man as Sacheverell and his
brethren would blow up the foundations of the church. But either side
had scarce time to discover their sentiments, when the book appeared to
have been written by a dissenter; that it was designed in derision of
the standard held up by Sacheverell and others; that it was a satire
upon the fury of the churchmen, and a plot to make the rest discover
themselves. Nothing was more strange than to see the effect upon the
whole nation which this little book, a contemptible pamphlet of but
three sheets of paper, had, and in so short a time too. The most
forward, hot, and furious, as well among the clergy as others, blushed
when they reflected how far they had applauded the book; raged that such
an abuse should be put upon the church; and as they were obliged to damn
the book, so they were strangely hampered between the doing so, and
pursuing the rage at the dissenters. The greater part, the better to
qualify themselves to condemn the author, came earnestly in to condemn
the principle; for it was impossible to do one without the other. They
laboured incessantly, both in print and in pulpit, to prove that this
was a horrible slander upon the church. But this still answered the
author's end the more; for they could never clear the church of the
slander, without openly condemning the practice; nor could they possibly
condemn the practice without censuring those clergymen who had gone such
a length already as to say the same thing in print. Nor could all their
rage at the author of that book contribute anything to clear them, but
still made the better side the worse. It was plain they had owned the
doctrine, had preached up the necessity of expelling and rooting out the
dissenters in their sermons and printed pamphlets; that it was evident
they had applauded the book itself, till they knew the author; and there
was no other way to prevent the odium falling on the whole body of the
church of England, but by giving up the authors of those mad principles,
and openly professing moderate principles themselves." [Present State of
Parties, p. 18.]
[30] On the 25th of February, 1702-3, a complaint was made in the house
of commons, of a book entituled The Shortest Way with the Dissenters:
and the folios 11-18 and 26 being read, resolved, That this book, being
full of false and scandalous reflections on this parliament, and tending
to promote sedition, be burnt by the hands of the common hangman,
to-morrow, in New Palace-yard. 14 Jour. p. 207.
[31] He who is desirous of reading the proclamation, may be gratified by
the following copy from the London gazette, No. 3879:--
"St. James's, Jan. 10th, 1702-3.
"Whereas Daniel De Foe, _alias_ De Fooe, is charged with writing a
scandalous and seditious pamphlet, entituled The Shortest Way with the
Dissenters: he is a middle-sized spare man, about forty years old, of a
brown complexion, and dark-brown coloured hair, but wears a wig, a
hooked nose, a sharp chin, grey eyes, and a large mole near his mouth;
was born in London, and for many years was a hose-factor, in
Freeman's-yard, in Cornhill, and now is owner of the brick and pantile
Works near Tilbury-fort, in Essex: whoever shall discover the said
Daniel De Foe to one of her majesty's principal secretaries of state, or
any of her majesty's justices of peace, so as he may be apprehended,
shall have a reward of fifty pounds, which her majesty has ordered
immediately to be paid upon such discovery."
[32] The next paragraph of the passage further explains De Foe's object.
"The 'Sermon preached at Oxford,' the 'New Association,' the 'Poetical
Observator,' with numberless others, have said the same things in terms
very little darker; and this book stands fair to let these gentlemen
know, that what they design can no further take with mankind, than as
their real meaning stands disguised by artifice of words; but that, when
the persecution and destruction of the dissenters, the very thing they
drive at, is put into plain English, the whole nation will start other
notions, and condemn the author to be hanged for his impudence. He
humbly hopes, he shall find no harder treatment for plain English
without design, than those gentlemen for their plain design, in duller
and darker English. The meaning then of the paper is, in short, to tell
these gentlemen that it is nonsense to go round about and tell us of the
crimes of the dissenters, to prepare the world to believe they are not
fit to live in a human society; that they are enemies to the government
and the laws, to the queen, and the public peace, and the like; the
shortest way and the soonest, would be to tell us plainly, that they
would have them all hanged, banished, and destroyed."
[33] At his trial he was treated by the then attorney-general, sir Simon
Harcourt, in the style of sir Edward Coke. He complained himself
bitterly of the conduct of his own counsel. He was sentenced to pay a
fine of two hundred marks to the queen, to stand three times in the
pillory, be imprisoned during the queen's pleasure, and find sureties
for his good behaviour during seven years! Well may the learned and
candid biographer, in the Biographia Britannia, exclaim, "The very
infamous sentence reflected much more dishonour upon the court by which
it was pronounced, than upon De Foe upon whom it was inflicted." But
when he stood in the pillory, instead of suffering an ignominious
punishment, he appears rather to have enjoyed a striking triumph. He
says, "The people, who were expected to treat him very ill, on the
contrary, pitied him, and wished those who set him there were placed in
his room, and expressed their affections by loud shouts and acclamations
when he was taken down." [Consolidator.]
[34] The Hymn was published in 1703, and ran rapidly through several
editions. In 1702, before his prosecution, he published a satiric poem
on the vices of the age, entitled "Reformation of Manners." During his
imprisonment, he continued the subject in another poem, entituled, "More
Reformation. A Satire upon himself."--ED.
[35] The collection contains the following pieces: 1. The True-born
Englishman. 2. The Mock Mourners. 3. Reformation of Manners. 4.
Character of Dr. Annesley. 5. The Spanish Descent. 6. Original Power of
the People of England. 7. The Freeholders' Plea. 8. Reasons against a
War with France. 9. Argument on a Standing Army. 10. Danger of the
Protestant Religion. 11. Villany of Stock-jobbers. 12. Six
Distinguishing Characters of a Parliament Man. 13. Poor Man's Plea. 14.
Inquiry into Occasional Conformity; with a Preface to Mr. How. 15.
Letter to Mr. How, by way of Reply to his Considerations on the Preface.
16. Two Great Questions considered. 17. Two Great Questions further
considered. 18. Inquiry into Occasional Conformity. 19. New Test of the
Church of England's Loyalty. 20. Shortest Way with the Dissenters. 21.
Brief Explanation of the Shortest Way. 22. Shortest Way to Peace and
Union. In the year 1705, another and fuller edition of his works was
published. In 1703, and before the publication of the Review, next
referred to by Mr. Chalmers, De Foe wrote More Short Ways with the
Dissenters, a pamphlet chiefly intended to vindicate the system of
education then pursued among the dissenters, and which had been impugned
for its alleged disloyalty by the Rev. Samuel Wesley. It was in this
work that De Foe so generously alluded to his old master, Mr. Morton, in
the passage we have referred to, supra, p. 3, note [2]. During his
confinement he engaged with his usual warmth in the controversies of
that time. The old dispute of Occasional Conformity still occupied him.
He replied to Mr. Owen's pamphlet, Moderation a Virtue, &c., in The
Sincerity of the Dissenters vindicated from the Scandal of Occasional
Conformity; with some Considerations on a late book, entituled,
Moderation a Virtue. 1703. Several other controvertists took the field.
In the course of the same year, anxious to put an end if possible to the
furious disputes between the church and dissenters, he published, A
Challenge of Peace, addressed to the whole Nation, with an Inquiry into
Ways and Means of bringing it to pass; and afterwards replied to sir
Humphrey Mackworth's Peace at Home, in a pamphlet entituled, Peace
without Union. He also reasserted the great principles advocated in his
former work on the Original Power of the People, in another published in
1704, which he called Original Right: or the Reasonableness of Appeals
to the People: being an Answer to the First Chapter in Dr. Davenant's
Essays, entituled, Peace at Home and War Abroad. In this same year,
1704, he had again to vindicate the dissenters, which he did in his
pamphlet, The Dissenters' Answer to the High Church Challenge; and
honoured the memory of his royal benefactor, William III., by bearing
his testimony to his religious principles, which he did in a pamphlet
entitled, Royal Religion. He also maintained the claims of the Scotch
dissenters, in a pamphlet called The Liberty of Episcopal Dissenters in
Scotland truly stated, 1703. And he had to wield his unwearied pen on
behalf of the Irish dissenters, against a bill introduced avowedly to
prevent the growth of popery, in which were contained some stringent
provisions against the protestant dissenters. De Foe ironically headed
his pamphlet, The Parallel: or Persecution of Protestants the Shortest
Way to prevent the Growth of Popery in Ireland. 1704.--ED.
[36] Mr. Wilson observes of the Review, "That it did not outlive its
day, may be attributed to the great proportion of temporary matter with
which it abounded. There are to be found in its pages, however, many
instructive pieces of a moral and political nature, besides others
devoted to amusement, and also some useful historical documents. A
complete copy of the work is not known to be in existence. It deserves
to be remarked that De Foe was the sole writer of the nine quarto
volumes that compose the work, a prodigious undertaking for one man,
especially when we consider his other numerous engagements of a literary
nature." Mr. Wilson then refers to an able eulogium by Dr. Drake.
[Essays on the Tatler, vol. i. p. 23.] "Contemporary with Leslies'
Remains, came forward, under a periodical dress, and of a kind far
superior to anything which had hitherto appeared, the Review of Daniel
De Foe, a man of undoubted genius, and who, deviating from the
accustomed route, had chalked out a new path for himself. The chief
topics were as usual, news foreign and domestic, and politics; to these,
however, were added the various concerns of trade; and to render the
undertaking more palatable and popular, he with much judgment instituted
what he termed, perhaps with no great propriety, a 'Scandal Club,' and
whose amusement it was to agitate questions in divinity, morals, war,
language, poetry, love, marriage, &c. The introduction of this club, and
the subjects of its discussion, it is obvious approximated the Review
much nearer than any preceding work to our first classical model." The
first number of the Review was published Feb. 19th, 1704, as A Weekly
Review of the Affairs of France, purged from the Errors and Partiality
of Newswriters and Petty Statesmen of all sides. It was at first a
weekly publication, but afterwards came out twice a week, as it was
changed to half a sheet from a whole one. The price was one penny. Mr.
Wilson, in his valuable Life of De Foe, gives long extracts from the
Review, a work, he observes, now very difficult to be met with. "A
considerable portion of the first volume," observes that gentleman, "is
devoted to foreign politics, more particularly the power and grandeur of
the French monarchy, for the reduction of which within reasonable limits
the principal nations of Europe were then embroiled in an expensive war.
In estimating the powers and resources of France, which had attained
their summit under Louis XIV., he was anxious to guard his countrymen
against the folly of despising such an enemy." Mr. Wilson then gives
copious and interesting extracts from the Review, to which we must refer
the reader to his able biography, [vol. ii. ch. 10.] The volume closed
in one hundred and two numbers, in February, 1705, and had the following
title prefixed: A Review of the Affairs of France, and of all Europe, as
influenced by that Nation: being Historical Observations on the Public
Transactions of the World; purged from the Errors and Partiality of
Newswriters and Petty Statesmen of all sides. With an Entertaining Part
in every sheet; being Advice from the Scandal Club to the Curious
Inquirers, in answer to Letters sent them for that purpose.
[37] The following is the account of this storm by a contemporary
historian:--
"About the middle of the night, a violent wind arose, which blew down
the steeples of churches, tore off the tiles, and rolled up the leads of
houses, tossing them through the air to great distances, rooted up the
largest trees, or broke them off short, carried hayricks and stacks of
corn to great heights, scattered them abroad, and beat down the chimneys
in divers places, to the destruction of many people in the towns. The
ships which lay in the mouth of the Thames and other parts, were driven
foul of one another. The sailors, not knowing what to avoid, or which
way to steer, abandoned themselves to despair, expecting every moment to
be their last. Some ships having broke their cables, and lost their
anchors, drove before the wind, without helm or steerage, and either
dashed one another to pieces, or were swallowed up in the raging deep.
Some were driven out to sea, without any rigging; and others run upon
the sands, rocks, and shores. The admiral was driven to sea without mast
or anchor, from the Downs, and lost together with his ship; and other
ships which had been in his squadron were driven to the coast of Holland
in five hours' time, with their masts broken, without any art or
direction, and others to other places. The watch-towers, with the
watchmen, were overthrown together; and the destruction which this storm
occasioned was long remembered with awe and horror. In the space of one
tempestuous night, a gallant English fleet was reduced to nothing: and
it is incredible what a dismal appearance there was at London and other
towns. The mathematicians observed that the force of this tempest did
not extend further south than the river Loire, in France, nor further
north than the river Trent, in England." [Cunningham, vol. i. p. 356.]
[38] By his Appeal, in 1715.
[39] Before the publication of this Hymn, he published a poem on
himself, An Elegy on the Author of the True-born Englishman. In the
preface to this poem he bitterly complains of the slanders to which he
was constantly subject. He might have reflected, however, that such a
fate was unavoidable to a political writer in those factious times; and
that the more independent the author, the more likely he was to be
exposed to the double shafts of partisan malice.--ED.
[40] It was _not_ on this occasion, but for one of the Reviews published
in 1707, in which, he criticises the apparent supineness of Charles
XII.--ED.
[41] The title of a pamphlet published by a Dr. Browne.
[42] The recent discussion of the Poor Law Amendment Act has thrown much
additional light on this question. During this year, in addition to the
works mentioned by Mr. Chalmers, De Foe advocated the rights of
Dissenters in the colony of Carolina, in America, where they had been
hardly treated; first deprived of a seat in the house of assembly, and
then subjected to stringent laws. De Foe, while their affairs were being
made matter of discussion in parliament, published Party Tyranny; or an
Occasional Bill in Miniature, as now practised in Carolina. Humbly
offered to the Consideration of both Houses of Parliament.--ED.
[43] The motion of lord Haversham in the house of lords, was to request
the queen to invite over the presumptive heir to the crown, which would
have produced the mischief of two rival courts. De Foe in this pamphlet
gives us one of those passages so extremely interesting, being a sketch
of his own life by himself. "If I were to run through the black list of
the encouragements I have met with in the world, while I have embarked
myself in the raging sea of the nation's troubles, this vindication
would be ashamed to call them encouragements. How, in pursuit of peace,
I have brought myself into innumerable broils; how many, exasperated by
the sting of truth, have vowed my destruction; and how many ways
attempted it; how I stand alone in the world, abandoned by those very
people that own I have done them service; how I am sold and betrayed by
friends, abused and cheated by barbarous and unnatural relations, sued
for other men's debts, and stripped naked by public injustice, of what
should have enabled me to pay my own; how, with a numerous family, and
with no helps but my own industry, I have forced my way with
undiscouraged diligence, through a sea of debt and misfortune, and
reduced them, exclusive of composition, from seventeen to less than five
thousand pounds; how, in gaols, in retreats, in all manner of
extremities, I have supported myself without the assistance of friends
or relations; how I still live without this Vindicator's suggested
methods, and am so far from making my fortune by this way of
_scribbling_, that no man more desires a limitation and regulation of
the press than myself; especially that speeches in parliament might not
be printed without order of parliament, and poor authors betrayed to
engage with men too powerful for them in more forcible arguments than
those of reason. A man ought not to be afraid at any time to be mean to
be honest. Pardon me, therefore, with some warmth, to say, that neither
the Vindicator, nor all his informers, can, with their utmost inquiry,
make it appear that I am, or ever was, mercenary. And as there is a
justice due from all men, of what dignity or quality soever, the wrong
done me in this can be vindicated by nothing but proving the fact, which
I am a most humble petitioner that he would be pleased to do, or else
give me leave to speak of it in such terms as so great an injury
demands. No, my lord, pardon my freedom, I contemn and abhor everything
and every man that can be taxed with that name, let his dignity be what
it will. I was ever true to one principle; I never betrayed my master or
my friend; I always espoused the cause of truth and liberty, was ever on
one side, and that side was ever right. I have lived to be ruined for
it; and I lived to see it triumph over tyranny, party-rage, and
persecution principles, and am sorry to see any man abandon it. I thank
God this world cannot bid a price sufficient to bribe me. It is the
principle I ever lived by, and shall espouse while I live, that a man
ought to die rather than betray his friend, his cause, or his
master."--ED.
[44] 9 Anne, c. 19.
[45] The pieces in this volume are: 1. New Discovery of an Old Intrigue.
2. More Reformation. 3. Elegy on the Author of the True-born Englishman.
4. The Storm: an Essay. 5. A Hymn to the Pillory. 6. Hymn to Victory. 7.
The Pacificator. 8. The Double Welcome to the Duke of Marlborough. 9.
Dissenters' Answer to the High Church Challenge. 10. A Challenge of
Peace to the whole Nation. 11. Peace without Union. 12. More Short Ways.
13. New Test of the Church of England's Honesty. 14. Serious Inquiry.
15. The Dissenters Misrepresented. 16. The Parallel. 17. Giving Alms no
Charity. 18. Royal Religion.
[46] In the year 1705, he also published a satirical poem, entituled,
The Dyet of Poland: printed at Dantzick. He sketches the leading
politicians of the day under Polish names; William III. being
represented as Sobieski. He also published A True Relation, of the
Apparition of one Mrs. Veal, the next day after her death, to one Mrs.
Bargrave, at Canterbury, the 8th of Sept. 1705, which Apparition
recommends the perusal of Drelincourt's Book of Consolation against the
Fear of Death. This work it is said was written by De Foe to make
Drelincourt's sell, which was before a heavy book in the market, and of
course produced the desired effect. The future author of Robinson Crusoe
may be distinctly seen in this work. Sir Walter Scott considered it one
of his happiest efforts, and marked with the distinct impress of De Foe.
He observes "that De Foe has put in force within those few pages,
peculiar specimens of his art of recommending the most improbable
narrative by his specious and serious mode of telling it. Whoever will
read it as told by De Foe himself, will agree that could the thing have
happened in reality, so it would have been told. In short, the whole is
so distinctly circumstantial, that were it not for the impossibility, or
extreme improbability at least, of such an occurrence, the evidence
could not but support the story." In this year the second volume of the
Review was completed. The early part of it refers to matters of trade,
which he says he had intended to write more fully upon, but was diverted
by domestic affairs; and that his labours in behalf of peace had given
great satisfaction.--ED.
[47] Published the 10th of January, 1705-6. In May, 1706, he published a
poem on the duke of Marlborough's great victory, entituled, On the Fight
of Ramillies.
[48] It was partly republished in 1821, by Mr. Hone; who says in the
preface, "De Foe was the ablest politician of his day, an energetic
writer, and, better than all, an honest man; but not much of a poet. The
Jure Divino is defective in argument and versification. It is likewise
disfigured by injudicious repetitions; a large portion is directed to
the politics of the time, and it is otherwise unfit for republication
entire; but it abounds with energetic thoughts, forcible touches, and
happy illustrations."--ED.
[49] Appeal, p. 16.
[50] See his History of the Union, p. 401.
[51] Ibid. p. 379.
[52] Daniel De Foe. He had two names through life; and even when letters
of administration were granted on his personal estate, some time after
his death, _De_ Foe is added with an _otherwise_. We might thence infer
that his father's name was _Foe_, if we had not now better evidence of
the fact.
[53] Ibid. p. 223.
[54] History of the Union, p. 239.
[55] Dr. Towers says, [_Biograph. Brit._] "In this poem De Foe
celebrates the courage of the Scots, and enumerates some of their
military exploits. He endeavours to prove that the situation of Scotland
rendered it well adapted for trade; he speaks honourably of the
abilities of the inhabitants; he commends them for their learning, and
their attention to religion; and he hints at the advantages which they
might derive from a union with England. But though De Foe's poem was a
panegyric upon Scotland and Scotsmen, it did not wholly consist of
commendation. He takes notice of the evils that the common people
suffered from their vassalage to their chiefs, and from their ignorance
of the blessings of liberty. He also censures the Scots for not
improving the natural advantages which their country possessed, and for
neglecting their fishery; and he gives them some excellent advice." In
1707, he published a tract called, A Voice from the South; or an Address
from some Protestant Dissenters in England to the Kirk of Scotland; the
object being, as the title implies, to reconcile the presbyterians to
the Union, then on the eve of completion.
He also in that year published a third volume of the Review, in which he
dwelt very much upon matters connected with trade. One passage relative
to the poor and their management, shows that he was far beyond his age
on that point, as on most others. "Perhaps he may give some needful
hints as to the state of our poor, in which his judgment may differ from
that of others, but he must be plain: and while he is no enemy to
charity-hospitals and workhouses, he thinks that methods to keep our
poor out of them, far exceed, both in prudence and charity, all the
settlements and endeavours in the world to maintain them there. As to
censure, he expects it. He writes to serve the world, not to please it.
A few wise, calm, disinterested men, he always had the good hap to
please and satisfy. By their judgment he desires still to be determined;
and if he has any pride, it is that he may be approved by such. To the
rest, he sedately says, their censure deserves no notice." In 1708 he
published a fourth volume of the Review, in which he discusses the Union
at great length. He also discusses the war, the policy of the Swedes,
&c.; the insurrection in Hungary, the revolution in Naples. The great
principles of liberty are here, as they always were by De Foe,
maintained with energy and warmth; but De Foe's mind was essentially
practical, and therefore moderate. In the following fine passage he
displays his principle of action. "In all my writings, as well as in
this paper, it has been my endeavour, and ever shall be, I hope, to
steer the middle way between all our extremes, and while I am applauding
the lustre of moderation, to practise it myself." He foresees, however,
the fate of impartiality in the contests of faction. "If I might give a
short hint to an impartial writer, it should be to tell him his fate. If
he resolves to venture up the dangerous precipice of telling unbiassed
truths, let him proclaim war with mankind, _a la mode le pais de Pole_,
neither to give nor take quarter. If he tells the crimes of great men,
they fall upon him with the iron hands of the law; if he tells their
virtues, when they have any, then the mob attacks him with slander. But
if he regards truth, let him expect martyrdom on both sides, and then he
may go on fearless; and this is the course I take myself." [vol. iv. p.
593.]
In 1708, prince George of Denmark, consort of queen Anne, died; and De
Foe described his character in one of the Reviews. The recent
circumstances in our own day, so analogous to that of prince George and
the queen, make De Foe's sketch one of great interest. "Death has made a
very deep incision in the public tranquillity, in the person of the
prince of Denmark. His royal highness was a great and good man, a friend
to England and her interest, and true and hearty in the cause of
liberty.... If I had a design to run through the character of the
prince, I would observe upon the excellency of his temper, the calmness
of his passions, and the sedateness of his judgment, which commanded
respect from the whole nation in a manner peculiar to himself; so that
every party, however jarring and opposite, paid him their homage,
although nothing was more averse to his temper than the divisions which
unhappily agitate the nation. Nor can it be doubted that his highness
derived peculiar satisfaction from his not interfering in public affairs
more than his exalted station obliged him, since he saw it was
impossible to do so without committing himself to a party, which he was
always averse to. He sincerely lamented our divisions, but never
encouraged or approved them. By his steady conduct, joined with a
general courtesy to all sorts of people, he acquired the esteem and love
of all parties, and that more than any person of his degree that ever
went before him. I need not note how next to impossible it is in this
divided nation, for the most consummate prudence to steer through the
variety of interests and gain an universal good opinion, or indeed avoid
universal censure. How the prince attained that great point I shall not
attempt to examine; but this I think ought to be recorded to posterity,
that one man in Britain was found, of whom no man spoke evil,--and _this
was he_!" [vol. iv. p. 409.]--ED.
[56] Lord Buchan was so obliging as to communicate the subjoined extract
of a letter to his lordship's grandfather, the earl of Buchan, from De
Foe, dated the 29th of May, 1711:--"The person, with whom I endeavoured
to plant the interest of your lordship's friend, has been strangely
taken up, since I had that occasion; viz., first, in suffering the
operation of the surgeons to heal the wound of the assassin; and since,
in accumulating honours from parliament, the queen, and the people. On
Thursday evening her majesty created him earl Mortimer, earl of Oxford,
and lord Harley of Wigmore: and we expect that to-morrow in council he
will have the white staff given him by the queen, and be declared lord
high treasurer. I wrote this yesterday; and this day, May the 29th, he
is made lord high treasurer of Great Britain, and carried the white
staff before the queen this morning to chapel."
[57] Appeal, p. 16.
[58] With the present Life of De Foe, by Mr. Chalmers, prefixed. In this
year he closed the fifth volume of the Review. He goes at great length
into the affairs of Scotland, especially religious. For the freedom of
his remarks in protesting against innovations upon the Scotch
establishment, the Review was prosecuted by the grand jury, but the
prosecution was soon stopped. He also contended vigorously against
licensing the press, and for the Copyright Bill, which subsequently
passed. He attacked Dr. Sacheverell for his celebrated sermon on the 5th
of November, at St. Paul's. And he published a sixth volume of the
Review. He there exposed stock-jobbing;--he refers to his frequently
repeated anticipations of the eventual defeat of Charles XII. in
relation to the battle of Pultowa; and he pays great attention, as
before, to Scotch affairs.--ED.
[59] Mr. Chalmers here seems to be mistaken. De Foe wrote neither of
these works. The first Mr. Wilson tells us was written by Oldmixon. De
Foe, indeed, in order to expose the folly of the high tory party, who
had procured several addresses to the queen, and which were published by
them as an indication, "that the sense of the nation is express for the
doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, and for her majesty's
hereditary title to the throne of her ancestors," published a counter
manifesto, A New Test of the Sense of the Nation: being a modest
Comparison between the Addresses to the late King James and those to her
present Majesty. In order to show how far the sense of the nation may be
judged of by either of them. 1710. His object is of course to expose the
folly of supposing that the addresses represented the real feeling of
the country. In a strain of great irony, he says; "The practice of
addressing has cheated many already; a jest that was put upon Richard
Cromwell, and yet they deprived him three weeks afterwards. It was a
second time put upon king James II. and they all flew in his face a year
after. And I could give some instances of the little value that has been
put upon it since, even such as one would think the very people
themselves expect,--that for time to come addressing should pass for
nothing with their princes."--ED.
[60] Review, vol. vii. No. 95.
[61] The following letter to Mr. J. Dyer, in Shoe-lane, who was then
employed by the leaders of the tories, in circulating news and
insinuations through the country, will show the literary manners of
those times, and convey some anecdotes, which are nowhere else
preserved. The original letter is in the Museum, Harl. MSS. No. 7001.
fol. 269.
Mr. Dyer,
I have your letter. I am rather glad to find you put it upon the trial
who was aggressor, than justify a thing which I am sure you cannot
approve; and in this I assure you I am far from injuring you, and refer
you to the time when long since you had wrote I was fled from justice:
one Sammon being taken up for printing a libel, and I being then on a
journey, nor the least charge against me for being concerned in it by
anybody but your letter:--also many unkind personal reflections on me in
your letter, when I was in Scotland, on the affair of the Union, and I
assure you, when my paper had not in the least mentioned you, and those
I refer to time and date for the proof of.
I mention this only in defence of my last letter, in which I said no
more of it than to let you see I did not merit such treatment, and could
nevertheless be content to render any service to you, though I thought
myself hardly used.
But to state the matter fairly between you and I [me], a writing for
different interests, and so possibly coming under an unavoidable
necessity of jarring in several cases: I am ready to make a fair truce
of honour with you, viz., that if what either party are doing, or
saying, that may clash with the party we are for, and urge us to speak,
it shall be done without naming either's name, and without personal
reflections; and thus we may differ still, and yet preserve both the
Christian and the gentleman.
This I think is an offer may satisfy you. I have not been desirous of
giving just offence to you, neither would I to any man, however I may
differ from him; and I see no reason why I should affront a man's
person, because I do not join with him in principle. I please myself
with being the first proposer of so fair a treaty with you, because I
believe, as you cannot deny its being very honourable, so it is not less
so in coming first from me, who I believe could convince you of my
having been the first and most ill-treated--for further proof of which I
refer you to your letters, at the time I was threatened by the envoy of
the king of Sweden.
However, Mr. Dyer, this is a method which may end what is past, and
prevent what is future; and if refused, the future part I am sure cannot
lie at my door.
As to your letter, your proposal is so agreeable to me, that truly
without it I could not have taken the thing at all; for it would have
been a trouble intolerable, both to you as well as me, to take your
letter every post, first from you, and then send it to the post-house.
Your method of sending to the black box, is just what I designed to
propose, and Mr. Shaw will doubtless take it of you: if you think it
needful for me to speak to him it shall be done--what I want to know is
only the charge, and that you will order it constantly to be sent, upon
hinting whereof I shall send you the names. Wishing you success in all
things (your opinions of government excepted.)
I am,
Your humble servant,
DE FOE.
Newington, June 17th,
1710.
[62] Arnott's Edinburgh. The second newspaper ever published in
Scotland. During this period he published the seventh volume of the
Review, which is chiefly occupied by home affairs.
[63] De Foe had, many years before Harley proposed it in parliament,
suggested an establishment of a South-sea trade, not only for commercial
advantage, but as an effectual mode of crippling Spain and France. "I
had the honour to lay a proposal before his late majesty king William,
in the beginning of this war, for carrying the war, not into Old Spain,
but into America: which proposal his majesty approved of, and fully
proposed to put it in execution, had not death, to our unspeakable
grief, prevented him. And yet I would have my readers distinguish with
me, that there is always a manifest difference between carrying on a war
with America and settling a trade there; and I shall not fail to speak
distinctly to this difference in its turn." He then points out the
circumstances of the trade, and distinctly warns his countrymen against
those rash and extravagant speculations which they unfortunately
persisted to indulge in, and which caused the ruin of so many persons.
"I am far from designing to discourage this new undertaking, which I
profess to believe a very happy one; but to correct these wild notions,
it seems needful to ascertain what we are to understand by a trade to
the South Seas, and what not; that in the first place our enemies may
not make a wrong improvement of it, our friends in Spain may not take
umbrage at it, and our people at home may not grow big with wild
expectations, which might end in chagrin and disappointment. There is
room enough on the western coast of America for us to establish a
flourishing trade without encroaching upon the Spaniards. The industry
and enterprise of the English in such a situation would open a wide door
for the consumption of our manufactures, and bring a vast revenue of
wealth to our own country." [Review, vol. viii. p. 165. 274.] They are
the same views substantially as those he afterwards maintained in the
pamphlet mentioned by Mr. Chalmers in the text.--ED.
[64] He also vindicated the memory of William III., who had been
fiercely attacked for the Partition Treaty, by a pamphlet rather long
and quaint--The Felonious Treaty: or, an Inquiry into the Reasons which
moved his late Majesty King William, of Glorious Memory, to enter into a
Treaty at ten several times, with the King of France, for the Partition
of the Spanish Monarchy. With an Essay, proving that it was always the
sense both of King William and of all the Confederates, and even of the
Grand Alliance itself, that the Spanish Monarchy should never be united
in the Person of the Emperor. 1711. In the year 1712, he vigorously
attacked the persecuting bill introduced by lord Nottingham, by which
dissenters were to be excluded from civil employments, and persons in
office were forbidden to attend dissenting places of worship, under
severe penalties. De Foe not only kept up a galling fire in his Reviews,
but published a pamphlet on the subject, entituled, An Essay on the
History of Parties and Persecution in Britain: beginning with a brief
Account of the Test Act, and an Historical Inquiry into the Reasons, the
Original, and the Consequences of the Occasional Conformity of the
Dissenters: with some Remarks on the recent attempts already made and
now making for an Occasional Bill: inquiring how far the same may be
esteemed a Preservative of the Church, or an Injury to the Dissenters.
He seems to have renewed the attack not only against that measure, but
also against a similar bill introduced to authorise the use of the
liturgy in Scotland, in a pamphlet which Mr. Wilson says bears undoubted
evidence of being De Foe's, although never inserted in any list of his
writings, entituled, The Present State of Parties in Great Britain:
particularly an Inquiry into the State of the Dissenters in England, and
the Presbyterians in Scotland: their religious and politic Interest
considered, as it respects their Circumstances before and since the late
Acts against Occasional Conformity in England, and for Toleration of
Common Prayer in Scotland. In this work he goes into a lengthened
history of the dissenters, and strongly recommends union amongst all
bodies of them. He also in this year vigorously opposed the tax upon
newspapers, which was enforced in 1712. The eighth volume of the Review
closed in July, 1712. Trade and war are the main subjects discussed in
it.--ED.
[65] The first Mercator was published on the 26th of May, 1713; the last
on the 20th of July, 1714: and they were written by William Brown and
his assistants, with great knowledge, great strength, and great
sweetness, considering how much party then embittered every composition.
The British Merchant, which opposed the Mercator, and which was compiled
by Henry Martyn and his associates, has fewer facts, less argument, and
more factiousness. It began on the 1st of August, 1713, and ended the
27th of July, 1714. I have spoken of both from my own convictions,
without regarding the declamations which have continued to pervert the
public opinion from that epoch to the present times. De Foe was struck
at in the third number of the British Merchant, and plainly mentioned in
the fourth. Mr. Daniel Foe may change his name from Review to Mercator,
from Mercator to any other title, yet still his singular genius shall be
distinguished by his inimitable way of writing. Thus personal sarcasm
was introduced to supply deficience of facts, or weakness of reasoning.
When Charles King republished The British Merchant in volumes, among
various changes, he expunged, with other personalities, the name of De
Foe.
[66] It is now sufficiently known, that Lord Oxford had relinquished the
Treaty of Commerce to its fate, before it was finally debated in
parliament. See much curious matter on this subject in Macpherson's
State Papers, vol. ii. p. 421-23. It is there said, that he gave up the
commercial treaty, in compliment to sir Thomas Hanmer, as he would by no
means be an occasion of a breach among friends. The treasurer had other
reasons: the treaty had been made by Bolingbroke, whom he did not love;
the lords Anglesea and Abingdon had made extravagant demands for their
support; and, like a wise man, he thought it idle to drive a nail that
would not go. Yet lord Halifax boasted to the Hanoverian minister, that
he alone had been the occasion of the treaty being rejected. [Same
papers, p. 509-47.]
[67] He attacked it first in 1713, in An Essay on the Treaty of Commerce
with France, with necessary Expositions.
[68] It closed May, 1713, with the ninth volume.
[69] State of Wit, 1711, which is reprinted in the Supplement to Swift's
Works.
[70] It _was_ ordered to be destroyed.
[71] The late History of Halifax relates, that Daniel De Foe, being
forced to abscond, on account of his political writings, resided at
Halifax, in the Back-lane, at the sign of the Rose and Crown, being
known to Dr. Nettleton, the physician, and the Rev. Mr. Priestley,
minister of a dissenting congregation there. Mr. Watson is mistaken when
he supposes that De Foe wrote his Jure Divino here, which had been
published previously in 1706; and he is equally mistaken, when he says,
that De Foe had made an improper use of the papers of Selkirk, whose
story had been often published.
[72] The pamphlets mentioned in the text were filled with palpable
banter. He recommends the Pretender by saying, That the prince would
confer on every one the privilege of wearing wooden shoes, and at the
same time ease the nobility and gentry of the hazard and expense of
winter journeys to parliament.
[73] The pardon is dated on the 13th of November, 1713, and is signed by
Bolingbroke. See it set out verbatim. Appeal to Honour and Justice.
[74] See Boyer's Political State, Oldmixon's History, &c.
[75] It is universally said by the sellers and buyers of old books, that
John, duke of Argyle, was the real author of The Secret History of the
White Staff. His grace, indeed, is not in the Catalogue of Royal and
Noble Authors. Whether the duke wrote this petty pamphlet may be
doubted; but there can be no doubt that De Foe was not the author: for
he solemnly asserts by his Appeal, in 1715, That he had written nothing
since the queen's death. The internal evidence is stronger than this
positive assertion.
[76] In the year 1714, De Foe pleaded the cause of religious liberty in
his most effective manner. He was roused to action by the bill then
passing parliament, "to prevent the growth of schism," which was of
course only another name for intolerance. By this bill, all
schoolmasters were required to be licensed by the bishop, and have a
certificate of conformity from the minister of his parish! De Foe of
course could not be silent on such an occasion, and he published The
Remedy worse than the Disease: or Reasons against passing the Bill for
preventing the Growth of Schism; to which is added, a Brief Discourse of
Toleration and Persecution, showing their unavoidable effects, good or
bad, and proving that neither Diversity of Religion, nor Diversity in
the same Religion, are dangerous, much less inconsistent with good
Government. In a Letter to a noble Earl. _Hæc sunt enim fundamenta
firmissima nostræ libertatis, sui quemque juris et retinendi et
dimittendi esse dominum._ Cic. in Orat. pro Balbo. 1714.
[77] The most solemn asseverations, and the most unanswerable arguments
of our author, were not, after all, believed. When Charles King
republished The British Merchant, in 1721, he without a scruple
attributed The Mercator to a hireling writer of a weekly paper called
the Review. And Anderson, at a still later period, goes further in his
Chronology of Commerce, and names De Foe, as the hireling writer of the
Mercator, and other papers in favour of the French treaty of trade. We
can now judge with the impartiality of arbitrators: on the one hand,
there are the living challenge, and the death-bed declaration of De Foe;
on the other, the mere surmise and unauthorised assertion of King,
Anderson, and others, who detract from their own veracity by their own
factiousness, or foolery. It is surely time to free ourselves from
prejudices of every kind, and to disregard the sound of names as much as
the falsehoods of party.
[78] It was entered at Stationers'-hall, for J. Roberts, the 18th of
February, 1715-16.
[79] 2nd Mem. p. 27, &c.
[80] The family of George I. had been instructed by the copy of this
book, which is in the Museum. It would seem from the title-page and Mr.
Wright's letter being printed on a different paper from the work itself,
that both were added after the first publication. The Family Instructor
and Mr. Wright's letter were entered at Stationers'-hall, for Emanuel
Mathews, on the 31st of March, 1715.
[81] When Mr. Chalmers wrote, it had been reprinted at least seventeen
times. It is a work which has had great circulation.
[82] Mr. Wilson considers that De Foe, in the year 1717, published the
Memoirs of the Church of Scotland, in Four Periods: with an Appendix of
some Transactions since the Union. [Life of De Foe, vol. iii. p. 418.]
And also the Life of Dr. Daniel Williams, the eminent presbyterian
divine, founder of the well-known dissenters' library, in
Redcross-street. [Ib. p. 423.]
[83] The title was, The Life and strange surprising Adventures of
Robinson Crusoe, of York, Mariner, who lived eight-and-twenty Years all
alone in an uninhabited Island on the Coast of America, near the mouth
of the great River Oroonoque, having been cast on shore by Shipwreck,
wherein all the men perished but himself. With an Account how he was at
last strangely delivered by Pirates. Written by Himself.
[84] "No fiction in any language," said Dr. Blair in his elegant
Lectures on Rhetoric, "was ever better supported than the Adventures of
Robinson Crusoe. While it is carried on with that appearance of truth
and simplicity, which takes a strong hold of the imagination of all
readers, it suggests at the same time very useful instruction, by
showing how much the native power of man may be exerted for surmounting
the difficulties of any external situation." "Robinson Crusoe," said
Marmontel, "is the first book I ever read with exquisite pleasure; and I
believe every boy in Europe might say the same thing." In his Emile,
Rousseau says, "Since we must have books, this is one, which, in my
opinion, is a most excellent treatise on natural education. This is the
first my Emilias shall read; his whole library shall long consist of
this work only, which shall preserve an eminent rank to the very last.
It shall be the text to which all our conversations on natural science
are to serve only as a comment. It shall be a guide during our progress
to maturity of judgment; and so long as our taste is not adulterated,
the perusal of this book will afford us pleasure. And what surprising
book is this? Is it Aristotle? Is it Pliny? Is it Buffon? No, it is
Robinson Crusoe." In this judgment Dr. Beattie concurred.--ED.
[85] The title was, The further Adventures of Robinson Crusoe; being the
second and last Part of his Life, and the strange surprising Accounts of
his Travels round three Parts of the Globe. Written by Himself. To which
is added, a Map of the World, in which is delineated the Voyages of
Robinson Crusoe. 1719.
[86] The whole story of Selkirk is told in Woodes Rogers' voyage, which
he published in 1712, from p. 125 to 131, inclusive: whence it appears
that Selkirk had preserved no pen, ink, or paper, and had lost his
language; so that he had no journal or papers, which he could
communicate, or by others could be stolen. There is an account of
Selkirk in The Englishman, No. 26, written by Steele. The particular
manner how Alexander Selkirk lived four years and four months, in the
isle of Juan Fernandez, is related in captain Cooks's voyage into the
South Sea, which was published in 1712. And Selkirk's tale was told in
the Memoirs of Literature, vol. v. p. 118: so that the world was fully
possessed of Selkirk's story, in 1712, seven years prior to the
publication of Crusoe's Adventures. Nor were his adventures singular;
for, Ringrose mentions in his account of captain Sharp's voyage, a
person who had escaped singly from a ship that had been wrecked on Juan
Fernandez, and who lived alone five years before he was relieved: and
Dampier mentions a Mosquito indian, who having been accidentally left on
this island, subsisted three years solitarily, till that voyager carried
him off. From which of these De Foe borrowed his great incident, it is
not easy to discover. In the preface to The Serious Reflections, he
indeed says, "That there is a man alive and well known, the actions of
whose life are the just subject of these volumes, and to whom the most
part of the story directly alludes." This turns the scale in favour of
Selkirk. Nor, was the name of Crusoe wholly fictitious; for, among De
Foe's contemporaries, John Dunton speaks of Timothy Crusoe, who was
called the Golden Preacher, and was so great a textuary, that he could
pray two hours together in scripture language; but, he was not arrived
at perfection, as appeared by his sloth in tying the conjugal knot; yet
his repentance was sincere and public, and I fear not but he is now a
glorified saint in heaven. [Life and Errors, p. 461.] The whole story of
Selkirk, as told by Rogers, is reprinted in the present edition. Rob.
Crusoe, vol. i. p. xxiii.
[87] Dr. Towers agrees with Mr. Chalmers. [Biog. Brit.] "The fact
appears to have been that the charge against De Foe of having taken his
work from Selkirk's manuscripts, or from communication of any kind made
by Selkirk, is wholly groundless, and of which he himself never heard;
for we do not find that the least hint of any such accusation against
him was ever published during his lifetime." And Mr. D'Israeli [Curios.
of Literat. vol. iii. p. 285.] considers the point settled in favour of
De Foe, by captain Burney's Voyages and Discoveries.
[88] It has been frequently imitated, but never with success.
[89] Morant's Colchester, p. 134.
[90] Before the History of Duncan Campbell, De Foe published similar
work, called The Dumb Philosopher, or Great Britain's Wonder.
Containing, 1. A faithful and very surprising account how Dickory
Cronke, a tinner's son, in the county of Cornwall, who was born dumb and
continued so for fifty-eight years, and how some days before he died he
came to his speech; with memoirs of his life and the manner of his
death, &c. This is a curious pamphlet.
[91] Lord Chatham is said to have long considered it a genuine history.
In 1726 De Foe published a similar book, The Military Memoirs of Captain
George Carleton. From the Dutch war, 1672, in which he served, to the
conclusion of the peace at Utrecht, 1713, &c. 1728. This work was a
great favourite with Dr. Johnson.
[92] Mr. Wilson quotes this passage from Mr. Chalmers,
and refers to another work published by De Foe, in
1720, not mentioned in the text; Christian Conversation,
in six dialogues, about Assurance--Mortification--Natural
Things--Spiritualized--Union--Afflictions--Death.
[93] These admirable works are reprinted in the present edition.
[94] He also published, Everybody's Business is Nobody's Business; or
Private Abuses, Public Grievances. Exemplified in the pride, insolence,
and exorbitant wages of our women-servants, footmen, &c. 1725.
[95] And also, in 1727, An Essay on the History and Reality of
Apparitions, being an account of what they are, and what they are not.
As also how we may distinguish between the Apparitions of Good and Evil
Spirits, and how we ought to behave to them. With a great variety of
surprising and diverting examples, never published before. These three
works of De Foe are reprinted in the present edition. In 1726 he also
published an Essay upon Literature, or An Inquiry into the Antiquity and
Original of Letters, &c., and An Account of Peter the wild Boy, then
lately discovered in one of the German forests. This latter work is
entituled Mere Nature Delineated; or, A Body Without a Soul. Being
Observations upon the young Forester lately brought to Town from
Germany. With suitable applications. Also a Brief Dissertation upon the
usefulness and necessity of Fools, whether political or natural. In the
year 1727, in addition to the work mentioned by Mr. Chalmers, De Foe
published The Protestant Monastery; or, A Complaint against the
Brutality of the present Age, particularly the Pertness and Insolence of
our Youth to Aged Persons, with a Caution to People in years how they
give the staff out of their own hands, and leave themselves at the mercy
of others. Concluding with a Proposal for erecting a Protestant
Monastery, where persons of small fortunes may end their days in plenty,
ease, and credit, without burdening their relations, or accepting public
charities, And Parochial Tyranny; or, The Housekeeper's Complaint
against the insupportable Exactions and partial Assessments of Select
Vestries, &c., with a Plain Detection of many Abuses committed in the
distribution of public charities. Together with a practicable proposal
for amending the same, which will not only take off great part of the
parish taxes now subsisting, but ease parishioners from serving
troublesome offices, or paying exorbitant fines. Both these works are
published under the assumed name of Andrew Moreton, esq. The last was
quoted by Mr. (now sir John) Hobhouse when bringing in his bill for the
regulation of parish select vestries into the house of commons, in April
1829. (Hansard, Parl. Deb. vol. xxi. p. 898.)
[96] He says, "The preparations for this work have been suitable to my
earnest concern for its usefulness. Seventeen very large circuits, or
journeys, have been taken through divers parts separately, and three
general tours over almost the whole English part of the island; in all
which the author has not been wanting to treasure up just remarks upon
particular places and things. Besides these several journeys in England,
he has also lived some time in Scotland, and has travelled critically
over great part of it: he has viewed the north part of England, and the
south part of Scotland, five several times over; all which is hinted
here, to let the readers know what reason they have to be satisfied with
the authority of the relation."
The first of these Tours was published in 1724, under the title of, A
Tour through the whole Island of Great Britain, divided into Circuits
and Journeys. Giving a particular and diverting Account of whatever is
Curious and worth Observation, viz., I. A Description of the principal
Cities and Towns; their Situations, Magnitude, Government, and Commerce.
II. The Customs, Manners, Spirit; as also, the Exercises, Diversions,
and Employment of the People. III. The Produce and Improvement of the
Lands, the Trade and Manufactures. IV. The Sea-ports and Fortifications,
the course of Rivers, and Inland Navigation. V. The Public Edifices,
Seats, and Palaces of the Nobility and Gentry. With useful Observations
on the whole. Particularly fitted for the reading of such as desire to
travel over the island. By a Gentleman.
The favourable reception of this volume, encouraged the author to follow
it by a second in the next year, with a similar title, and the addition
of a map of South Britain, by Herman Moll, the geographer. A third
volume, the same also in title, was added in 1727, containing the
northern counties of England, and the south of Scotland; and this
completes the work. The useful information contained in these volumes,
is conveyed in the familiar form of letters. In commending the work to
the notice of the public, he says, "I have endeavoured that these
letters shall not be a journal of trifles. If it is on that account too
grave for some people, I hope it will not for others. I have studied the
advancement and increase of knowledge for those that read, and shall be
as glad to make them wise, as to make them merry; yet I hope they will
not find the story so ill told, or so dull, as to tire them so soon, or
so barren as to put them to sleep over it. The observations here made,
as they principally regard the present state of things, so, as near as
can be, they are adapted to the present state of the times."
[97] This highly useful book is reprinted in the present edition, and
should be in the hands of every young tradesman.
[98] The title is as follows: A Plan of the English Commerce. Being a
complete Prospect of the Trade of this Nation, as well the Home Trade as
the Foreign. In three parts. I. Containing a View of the present
Magnitude of the English Trade, as it respects, 1. The Exportation of
our own Growth and Manufacture. 2. The Importation of Merchant Goods
from Abroad. 3. The prodigious Consumption of both at Home. Part II.
Containing an Answer to that great and important Question now depending,
whether our Trade, and especially our Manufactures, are in a declining
condition or no? Part III. Containing several Proposals entirely new,
for extending and improving our Trade, and promoting the Consumption of
our Manufactures in Countries wherewith we have hitherto had no
Commerce. Humbly offered to the Consideration of King and Parliament.
[99] He appears to have published two or three works after the Plan of
English Commerce, under the assumed name of Andrew Moreton. The first a
very remarkable work for the suggestions it contains in anticipation of
another age. Augusta Triumphans; or, The Way to make London the most
flourishing City in the Universe. I. By establishing an University,
where Gentlemen may have Academical Education under the Eye of their
Friends. II. To prevent much Murder, &c., by an Hospital for Foundlings.
III. By suppressing pretended Madhouses, where many of the Fair Sex are
unjustly confined, while their Husbands keep Mistresses, &c., and many
Widows are locked up for the sake of their Jointure. IV. To save our
Youth from Destruction, by clearing our Streets of impudent Strumpets,
suppressing Gaming Tables, and Sunday Debauches. V. To avoid the
expensive Importation of Foreign Musicians, by forming an Academy of our
own. VI. To save our lower Class of People from utter Ruin, and render
them useful, by preventing the immoderate Use of Geneva. With a frank
exposure of many other common Abuses, and incontestible Rules for
Amendment. Concluding with an effectual Method to prevent Street
Robberies. And a Letter to Col. Robinson, on Account of the Orphans'
Tax.
The second pamphlet, published in 1729, is entituled, Second Thoughts
are Best; or a further Improvement of a late Scheme to prevent Street
Robberies. In which our Streets will be so strongly guarded, and so
gloriously illuminated, that any part of London will be as safe and
pleasant at Midnight as at Noonday; and Burglary totally impracticable.
With some Thoughts for suppressing Robberies in all the public Roads of
England, &c. Humbly offered for the Good of his Country, submitted to
the consideration of the Parliament, and dedicated to his sacred Majesty
King George II. By Andrew Moreton, Esq.
Mr. Wilson has given the analysis of what must be considered the last
literary effort of De Foe. The MS. work is in the possession of the Rev.
Henry De Foe Baker, by whose kindness Mr. Wilson was permitted to
examine it. [See Life of De Foe, vol. iii. p. 599.] The analysis is as
follows:
The Complete Gentleman, containing useful Observations on the general
Neglect of Education of English Gentlemen, with the Reason and Remedies.
The apparent Differences between a Well-born and Well-bred Gentleman.
And Instructions how Gentlemen may recover a Deficiency of their Latin,
and be Men of Learning without the Pedantry of Schools.
Chap. I. Of the gentlemen born, in the common acceptation of the word,
and as the gentry amongst us are pleased to understand it. Chap. II.
Some examples from history, and from good information, of the want of
care taken in the education of princes, and children of the nobility in
former times, as well in this nation as in foreign countries, and how
fatal the effects of it have been in their future conduct; with some few
examples of the contrary also. Chap. III. Examples of the different
educations of princes and persons of rank from the beginning of the
sixteenth century, viz., from the reign of Henry VIII. inclusive. With
observations down to the present time, on the happiness of those reigns
in general, when the princes have been educated in principles of honour
and virtue; and something of the contrary. Chap. IV. Of royal education.
Chap. V. The head of this chapter is erased. Chap. VI. Of the G----; of
himself, his family, and fortune.
Part the Second. Chap. I. Of the fund for increase of our nobility and
gentry in England: being the beginning of those we call bred gentlemen:
with some account of difference. Chap. II. There is no head to this
chapter. Chap. III. Of the general ignorance of the English gentry, and
the true cause of it in the manner of their introduction into life.
Chap. IV. Of what may be the unhappy cause of the general defect in the
education of our gentry; with a rational proposal for preventing those
consequences.
[100] His latter days were stung by the base ingratitude and unfilial
and unbrotherly conduct of his son, to whom, in a touching letter to Mr.
Baker, he says he transferred his property, with the duty of maintaining
his mother and sisters, and that he positively squandered it upon
himself! Mr. Wilson has obtained permission from the great great
grandson of Mr. Baker, the gentleman mentioned in the text, to publish
the letter from De Foe to his ancestor. It gives a most distressing
picture of the sorrows amid which his useful life closed; but as it is
the duty of history faithfully and not fancifully to relate the lives of
illustrious men, and the constant exposure of the world's ingratitude to
its best benefactors, may in time shame it to a better feeling, we leave
the true but mournful tale to speak its own lesson: and however
agreeable it might have been to show the author of Robinson Crusoe
gradually quitting the world he had spent his useful life to improve and
delight, in the quiet and repose which might seem the harbinger of the
peace he anticipated in a brighter, we must take leave of him, while in
misery and in anger, surrounded by clouds and darkness, and stung by the
worst of sorrows.
"Dear Mr. Baker,
"I have your very kind and affectionate letter of the 1st: but not come
to my hand till the 16th; where it had been delayed I know not. As your
kind manner, and kinder thought, from which it flows, (for I take all
you say to be as I always believed you to be, sincere and
Nathaniel-like, without guile) was a particular satisfaction to me; so
the stop of a letter, however it happened, deprived me of that cordial
too many days, considering how much I stood in need of it, to support a
mind sinking under the weight of an affliction too heavy for my
strength, and looking on myself as abandoned of every comfort, every
friend, and every relation, except such only as are able to give me no
assistance.
"I was sorry you should say at the beginning of your letter, you were
debarred seeing me; depend upon my sincerity for this, I am far from
debarring you. On the contrary, it would be a greater comfort to me than
any I now enjoy, that I could have your agreeable visits with safety,
and could see both you and my dearest Sophia, could it be without giving
her the grief of seeing her father _in tenebris_, and under the load of
insupportable sorrows. I am sorry I must open my griefs so far as to
tell her, it is not the blow I received from a wicked, perjured, and
contemptible enemy, that has broken in upon my spirit; which she well
knows has carried me on through greater disasters than these. But it has
been the injustice, unkindness, and, I must say, inhuman dealing of my
own son, which has both ruined my family, and, in a word, has broken my
heart; and as I am at this time under a weight of very heavy illness,
which I think will be a fever, I take this occasion to vent my grief in
the breasts who I know will make a prudent use of it, and tell you that
nothing but this has conquered me, or could conquer me. _Et tu! Brute._
I depended upon him, I trusted him, I gave up my two dear unprovided
children into his hands; but he had no compassion, and suffered them and
their poor dying mother to beg their bread at his door, and to crave, as
if it were an alms, what he is bound under hand and seal, besides the
most sacred promises, to supply them with; himself at the same time
living in a profusion of plenty. It is too much for me. Excuse my
infirmity, I can say no more; my heart is too full. I only ask one thing
of you as a dying request. Stand by them when I am gone, and let them
not be wronged, while he is able to do them right. Stand by them as a
brother; and if you have anything within you owing to my memory, who
have bestowed on you the best gift I had to give, let them not be
injured and trampled on by false pretences, and unnatural reflections. I
hope they will want no help but that of comfort and counsel; but that
they will indeed want, being so easy to be managed by words and
promises.
"It adds to my grief that it is so difficult to me to see you. I am at a
distance from London, in Kent; nor have a lodging in London, nor have I
been at that place in the Old Bailey since I wrote you I was removed
from it. At present I am weak, having had some fits of a fever that have
left me low. But those things much more.
"I have not seen son or daughter, wife or child, many weeks, and know
not which way to see them. They dare not come by water, and by land here
is no coach, and I know not what to do.
"It is not possible for me to come to Enfield, unless you could find a
retired lodging for me, where I might not be known, and might have the
comfort of seeing you both now and then; upon such a circumstance, I
could gladly give the days to solitude, to have the comfort of half an
hour now and then with you both for two or three weeks. But just to come
and look at you, and retire immediately, it is a burden too heavy. The
parting will be a pain beyond the enjoyment.
"I would say, I hope, with comfort, that it is yet well. I am so near my
journey's end, and am hastening to the place where the 'weary are at
rest, and the wicked cease to trouble;' but that the passage is rough,
and the day stormy, by what way soever He pleases to bring me to the end
of it, I desire to finish life with this temper of soul in all cases:
_Te Deum laudamus_.
"I congratulate you on the occasion of your happy advance in your
employment. May all you do be prosperous, and all you meet with
pleasant, and may you both escape the tortures and troubles of uneasy
life. May you sail the dangerous voyage of life with a forcing wind, and
make the port of heaven without a storm.
"It adds to my grief, that I must never see the pledge of your mutual
love, my little grandson. Give him my blessing, and may he be to you
both your joy in youth, and your comfort in age, and never add a sigh to
your sorrow. But, alas! that is not to be expected. Kiss my dear Sophy
once more for me; and if I must see her no more, tell her this is from a
father that loved her above all his comforts, to his last breath.
"Your unhappy,
D. F.
"About two miles from Greenwich, Kent,
Tuesday, August 12th, 1730.
"P.S. I wrote you a letter some months ago, in answer to one from you,
about selling the house; but you never signified to me whether you
received it. I have not the policy of assurance; I suppose my wife, or
Hannah, may have it.
"Idem, D. F."
[101] Pope had collected this scandal from Savage, who says in the
preface to his Author to be Let, "Had it not been an honester livelihood
for Mr. Norton, (Daniel De Foe's son of love by a lady who vended
oysters,) to have dealt in a fish-market, than to be dealing out the
dialects of Billingsgate in the Flying Post?"
[102] The above-mentioned particulars were discovered by searching the
books at Doctors Commons.
[103] Life and Errors, 239-240.
[104] In the preface to his Reformation.
[105] See the Present State of the War, and the necessity of an
augmentation. And see his Commercial Papers in the Freeholder.
[106] Biog. Dict. vol. ii. p. 403. art. De Foe.
[107] Vol. iii. p. 436.