The letters, freely translated, follow. The first is dated October 29,

1937, and was sent by Orgell from his home at Great Kills, S.I.:

Dear Mr. Gissibl:

Many thanks for your prompt reply. My complaint that one cannot

get an answer from Chicago refers to the time prior to May,

1937.

I assume from your writing that it is not opportune any more to

deliver further books to the _Arbeitsgemeinschaft_, etc.

The material which Mr. Balderman received came from the

V.D.A.[21] It has been sent to our Central Book distributing

place (Mirbt). If he wishes he can get more any time; that is,

if you recommend it.

The thirty books for your Theodore Koerner School, which arrived

this summer (via the German Consulate General in Chicago), also

came from the V.D.A. If you need more first readers or study

books, please write directly to me. Your request then goes

immediately--without the official way via the Consulate and

Foreign Office--to our Central Book distributing place. Please

say how many you need and what else beside the first readers and

primers[22] you need. I will take care that it will be promptly

attended to. Fritz Kuhn, of course, has to be informed of your

request and has to give his okay....

With German greetings,

CARL G. ORGELL.

Five days earlier Orgell had written to Gissibl: "You may perhaps

remember that I am in charge of the work for the _Volkbund fuer das

Deutschtum im Ausland_[23] for the U.S.A."

[Illustration: A letter the Dies Committee shelved--Carl G.

Orgell identifying himself to Peter Gissibl as a representative

of the People's Bund for Germans Living Abroad.]

On March 18, 1938, Gissibl, who had been taking instructions from

Orgell, received the following letter from Stuttgart:

Dear Peter:

From your office manager. Comrade Moeller, I received a letter

dated February 15. He informed me among other things that an

exchange of youth is out of the question for this year. I regret

this very much. I would like to see, in the interests of our

common efforts, if we would have had youth all ready this year,

especially also from your district. Perhaps it is still

possible with your support. The time, of course, which is still

at our disposal, is very limited. This I can see clearly.

I will write to you again in greater detail soon. In the

meantime you can perhaps send me more detailed information about

the development of your school during the past weeks; I

recommend again the fulfillment of your justified wishes

wholeheartedly. Let us hope that the result might be achieved

very soon towards which we in common strive.

Hearty greetings from house to house.

In loyal comradeship,

Yours,

G. MOSHACK.

On May 20, 1938, E.A. Vennekohl, of the People's Bund for Germans

Living Abroad, wrote to Gissibl as follows:

Dear Comrade Gissibl:

We wrote you yesterday that the 3,000 badges for the singing

festival would be sent to you via Orgell; for various reasons we

have now divided the badges in ten single packages of which two

each went to the following addresses: Friedrich Schlenz, Karl

Moeller, Karl Kraenzle, Orgell and two to you.

Please inform your co-workers respectively and take care that in

case duties have to be paid they should be laid out; please see

to it that Orgell refunds the money to you later; this was the

simplest and the only way by which the badges could be sent in

order to arrive on time.

With the German people's greetings,

E.A. VENNEKOHL.

These documents in the hands of the Dies Committee show definite

tie-ups between German propaganda divisions and agents in the United

States (some of them came through the Nazi diplomatic corps), yet

these documents were put aside. The letters from True, Allen, and

others quoted in the previous chapter were also placed before the

Congressional Committee. It refused to call the men involved.

[Illustration: Another letter connecting Gissibl with a German

propaganda agency. This letter, translated in the text, was

hardly noticed by the Dies Committee.]

[Illustration: Further evidence of Gissibl's tie-up with the

People's Bund for Germans Living Abroad. This letter, a

translation of which appears in the text, was also long withheld

by the Dies Committee.]

FOOTNOTES:

[20] Formerly known as J. Parnell Feeney. He changed his name because he

thought he could get along better in the business world with a name like

Thomas than with a name as potently Irish as Feeney.

[21] Nazi propaganda center for foreign countries with headquarters in

Germany.

[22] The notorious Nazi Primer teaching children songs of hate against

Jews and Catholics.

[23] People's Bund for Germans Living Abroad.

_Conclusion_

The activities of the few agents and propagandists described in the

foregoing chapters do not, as I said in the preface, even scratch the

surface of what seem to be widespread efforts to interfere in the

internal affairs of the American people and their Government; but a

few basic conclusions can reasonably be drawn from what little is

known of the Fifth Column's operations.

Berlin-directed agents in foreign countries sometimes combine

propaganda and espionage, frequently using the propaganda

organizations as the bases for espionage. In the United States, so far

as I have been able to ascertain, agents of the Rome-Berlin-Tokyo axis

are just beginning to cooperate. In the Central and South American

countries, however, the axis has apparently agreed to a division of

labor, each of the fascist powers assuming a specific field of

activity.

Germany, Italy and Japan have already shown the extent to which they

will go in their drive for raw materials vital to their industries and

war machines. In Spain, the German and Italian Fifth Column organized

and fomented a bloody civil war in order to establish a wide fascist

area to the south of France, for Germany and Italy, of course,

consider France a potential enemy in the next war. In France itself,

German and Italian agents, aided by their Governments, built an

amazing network of steel and concrete fortifications manned by at

least 100,000 heavily armed men--all this before France awoke to the

treason within her own borders.

The strategy pursued by the Fifth Column in different countries falls

into like patterns. In Austria, before it was swallowed, Nazi agents

first established propaganda organizations as the bases from which to

work. When, after the abortive attempt to seize the Austrian

Government, the Nazis were made illegal, they went underground but

continued to get aid from Germany. Eventually Berlin ordered

_Standarte II_ organized as a specific body prepared to provoke

disturbances. When the Austrian police quelled them, the provocations

enabled Germany to protest that German citizens were being attacked

and mistreated. The activities of _Standarte II_, directed by the

Gestapo, continued with increasing intensity until the unfortunate

country was absorbed.

In Czechoslovakia the same strategy was followed: first the

establishment of propaganda centers to which Nazis and Nazi

sympathizers could gravitate--under the cloak of bodies seeking to

improve relations between the Sudeten Germans and the Czech

Government; then the utilization of propaganda headquarters and

branches as centers for espionage. Shortly before the Munich Pact,

_Standarte II_ again came into being, creating disorders which, when

Czech police tried to suppress them, enabled Germany to raise the cry

that Czech subjects of German blood were being cruelly mistreated.

Invariably the aggressor nation raises a moral issue to cover up

proposed acts of aggression. Italy wanted to "civilize the Ethiopians"

by dropping bombs on defenseless women and children. Germany and Italy

openly sent aid to Franco "to keep Spain from being Bolshevized." And

so on. The broad "moral issue" on the international field to cover up

aggressions by the Rome-Berlin-Tokyo axis is "Communism." The axis,

announced as having been formed "to exchange information about

Communism," is really a military alliance now generally recognized.

With the same issue, the axis is now boring into the Western

Hemisphere. Actually the reasons seem to be military and not

missionary.

Germany, especially, has sent and is sending agents not only to carry

on espionage but to organize groups for political pressure upon the

American republics. I very much doubt, from all I have been able to

learn, if the motive is primarily to win the Americas over to the joys

of totalitarian government or to the theory of Aryan supremacy. The

money and the effort seem to be expended for more practical reasons.

The Bunds can exert not only political pressure, but can develop

natives with fascist leanings into the spies and _saboteurs_ so badly

needed in war time; for this reason it is worth the enormous effort

and money it is costing the aggressor nations.

When the long expected war breaks, neither Europe nor the Far East

will be in a condition to supply war materials and foodstuffs to the

warring countries. The chief sources of raw materials will be the

Western Hemisphere. A strong foothold in the Americas means a

tremendous advantage in the coming struggle, since materials are as

important to an army as is man power. And, should the fascist powers

be unable to get these raw materials for themselves, secret agents can

at least sabotage shipments to enemy countries--as did German agents

in the United States during the first years of the World War, while we

were still neutral.

Mexico, because of its enormous oil supplies, plays an important part

in fascist military strategy. Consequently, we find intensive efforts

by the axis, and especially Germany, to overthrow the Cardenas

Government because it is avowedly anti-fascist. A fascist government,

helped into power by the Rome-Berlin-Tokyo axis, could be depended

upon to supply much needed oil in war time.

The United States, as one of the world's greatest sources of raw

materials and foodstuffs, is an even more important factor. Germany

has not forgotten that its armies had the Allies on their knees when

American supplies and American man power turned their imminent victory

into defeat; should America be on the side of the democracies as

against the fascist powers, sabotaging shipments of supplies and men

will be as important as crushing an enemy line.

The tactics utilized in the Western Hemisphere by the Fifth Column are

similar to those used in Europe. Propaganda machines, masquerading as

organizations designed to promote better relationships between a

fascist and an American nation, are set up. Fascist movements are

organized, usually from across national boundaries. In Mexico, Nazi

agents operating out of the United States organized the Gold Shirts;

subsequently, as in Austria, a Putsch was attempted (in 1935 and again

in 1938). The storing of arms in Sonora by General Yocupicio, who is

working with Nazi agents, promises another rebellion when the time

seems ripe.

In Central America, the axis is presenting small republics with gifts

of arms in efforts to win their friendship. Agents sent from Germany

are establishing Nazi centers and the home Government is supplying

them with propaganda. In Panama the situation is somewhat more sharp.

There Japan has always had an intense interest in the Canal. In the

axis, Germany has become a co-worker since she has large colonies in

Brazil and Colombia, next door to the Panama Canal. These colonies are

now being organized at a feverish pace while the countries themselves

are deluged with propaganda over special short-wave beams. In Brazil,

a Nazi-directed abortive Putsch took place in 1938.

These activities point to an objective which certainly is not

calculated to be in the interest of the United States and our Monroe

Doctrine. From all indications the efforts appear directed toward

ringing the United States with fascist countries, or at least

countries with fascist bodies capable of giving the United States a

headache should she ever be involved in a war with one or all of the

axis powers.

In the United States itself we find that the strategy is the same as

that followed in Austria, Czechoslovakia and in countries of the

Western World. The German-American Bund functions "to promote better

relations between the United States and Germany," but the efforts

consist of persistent anti-American and anti-democratic propaganda

and, within the past year or two, of serving as a base for military

and naval spies.

With Germany directing the strategy, her agents in all countries raise

the issue of the "menace of the Jew and the Catholic," with especial

emphasis upon the Jew; the Catholics are still too strong for the

Nazis to come to grips with at this time.

The Federal Government, of course, has ample legal machinery for

prosecuting spies, but espionage is only part of the broad Nazi

campaign against this democratic Government. So far as the Western

World is concerned, the Federal Government has already taken steps to

try to counteract the short-wave broadcasts by German and Italian

government-controlled stations. Counter broadcasts are being employed

as a defensive measure, and though of value, will probably not

completely counteract fascist "news" agencies supplying propaganda in

the guise of news, free of charge, to the Central and South American

newspapers as well as printed propaganda sent from Germany and

distributed by the bunds. Outside of military action, economic

pressure seems to be the only language the fascist governments

understand, and a little of that pressure by the American Government

would probably make them understand our resentment at their invasion

far more than broadcasts and general talk about a family of nations in

the Western Hemisphere.

Our laws and courts provide a machinery which can be used to prevent

any infringement upon the democratically constituted rights of the

people. It is of vital importance, however, that preparations for

fascist lawlessness be vigilantly uprooted. The Italian and German

people made just this fatal mistake of tolerating the activities of

Mussolini's and Hitler's gangs until they grew strong enough to seize

power and crush every sign of democracy.

There is no reason why a great people, attacked by a pernicious

ideology, cannot counteract such propaganda with greater and more

intelligent propaganda to educate our people to the advantages of

democracy--to what fascism really means to everyone, including the big

industrialists and financiers, some of whom have been flirting with

fascism. The Government, however, can and should be instructed by the

representatives of the people, to take proper steps to stop the

infiltration of Nazi agents and propagandists into this country.

There are various other and perhaps more practical and useful steps

which can be taken, but those can be worked out once the people awake

to the danger of permitting fascist propaganda to go on, and sentiment

becomes strong enough to put an end to foreign-directed activities

here.

--THE END--

_This book has been produced wholly

under union conditions. The paper was

made, the type set, the plates

electrotyped, and the printing and

binding done in union shops affiliated

with the American Federation of Labor.

All employees of Modern Age Books,

Inc., are members of the Book and

Magazine Guild, Local No. 18 of the

United Office and Professional Workers

of America, affiliated with the

Congress of Industrial Organizations._

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| Typographical errors corrected in text: |

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| Page 44: Potosi replaced with Potosi |

| Page 109: Nicholas Rodriguez replaced with |

| Nicholas Rodriguez |

| Page 122: 'Among those who attended where' replaced with |

| 'Among those who attended were' |

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Secret armies · 第 10 / 10 段