ABSENCE OF MASCULINE JEALOUSY

It is the knowledge, or suspicion, that he has not a monopoly of his

wife that tortures Shakspere's Othello, and constitutes the essence of

his jealousy, whereas a savage is his exact antipode in that respect;

he cares not a straw if the whole camp shares the embraces of his

wife--_provided he knows it and is rewarded for it_. Wounded pride,

violated chastity, and broken conjugal vows--pangs which goad us into

jealousy--are considerations unknown to him. In other words, his

"jealousy" is not a solicitude for marital honor, for wifely purity

and affection, but simply a question of lending his property and being

paid for it. Thus, in the case of the Blackfeet Indians referred to a

moment ago, the author declares that while they mutilated erring wives

by cutting off their noses (the Comanches and other tribes, down to

the Brazilian Botocudos, did the same thing), they eagerly offered

their wives and daughters in exchange for a bottle of whiskey. In this

respect, too, this case is typical. Sutherland found (I., 184) that in

regard to twenty-one tribes of Indians out of thirty-eight there was

express record of unlimited intercourse before marriage and the

loaning or exchanging of wives. In seventeen he could not get express

information, and in only four was it stated that a chaste girl was

more esteemed than an unchaste one. In the chapter on Indifference to

Chastity I cited testimony showing that in Australia, the Pacific

Islands, and among aborigines in general, chastity is not valued as a

virtue. There are plenty of tribes that attempt to enforce it, but for

commercial, sensual, or at best, genealogical reasons, not from a

regard for personal purity; so that among all these lower races

jealousy in our sense of the word is out of the question.

Care must be taken not to be imposed on by deceptive facts and

inaccurate testimony. Thus Westermarck says (119) that

"in the Pelew Islands it is forbidden even to speak

about another man's wife or mention her name. In short,

the South Sea Islanders are, as Mr. Macdonald remarks,

generally jealous of the chastity of their wives."

Nothing could be more misleading than these two sentences. The men are

_not_ jealous of the women's _chastity_, for they unhesitatingly lend

them to other men; they are "jealous" of them simply as they are of

their other movable property. As for the Pelew Islanders in

particular, what Westermarck cites from Ymer is quite true; it is also

true that if a man beats or insults a woman he must pay a fine or

suffer the death penalty; and that if he approaches a place where

women are bathing he must put them on their guard by shouting. But all

these things are mere whimsicalities of barbarian custom, for the

Pelew Islanders are notoriously unchaste even for Polynesians. They

have no real family life; they have club-houses in which men consort

promiscuously with women; and no moral restraint of any sort is put

upon boys and girls, nor have they any idea of modesty or decency.[17]

(Ploss, II., 416; Kotzebue, III., 215.)

A century ago Alexander Mackenzie wrote (66) regarding the Knistenaux

or Cree Indians of the Northwest:

"It does not appear ... that chastity is considered by

them as a virtue; or that fidelity is believed to be

essential to the happiness of wedded life; though it

sometimes happens that the infidelity of a wife is

punished by the husband with the loss of her hair,

nose, and perhaps life; such severity proceeds from its

having been practised without his permission; for a

temporary exchange of wives is not uncommon; and the

offer of their persons is considered as a necessary

part of the hospitality due to strangers."

Of the Natchez Indians Charlevoix wrote (267): "There is no such thing

as jealousy in these marriages; on the contrary the Natchez, without

any ceremony, lend one another their wives." Concerning the Eskimos we

read in Bancroft:

"They have no idea of morality, and the marriage

relation sits so loosely as to hardly excite jealousy

in its abuse. Female chastity is held a thing of value

only as men hold property in it." "A stranger is always

provided with a female companion for the night, and

during the husband's absence he gets another man to

take his place" (I., 81, 80).

The evidence collected by him also shows that the Thlinkeets and

Aleuts freely exchanged or lent their wives. Of the coast Indians of

Southern Alaska and British Columbia, A.P. Niblack says (_Smithson.

Rep_., 1888, 347):

"Jealousy being unknown amongst the Indians, and

sanctioned prostitution a common evil, the woman who

can earn the greatest number of blankets or the largest

sum of money wins the admiration of others for herself

and a high position for her husband by her wealth."

In the same government reports (1886, Pt. I.) C. Willoughby writes of

the Quinault Agency Washington Indians: "In their domestic relations

chastity seems to be almost unknown." Of the Chippewayans Hearne

relates (129) that it is a very common custom among the men to

exchange a night's lodging with each other's wives. But this is so far

from being considered as an act which is criminal, that it is esteemed

by them as one of the strongest ties of friendship between two

families.[18] The Hurons and many other tribes from north to south had

licentious festivals at which promiscuous intercourse prevailed

betraying the absence of jealousy. Of the Tupis of Brazil Southey says

(I., 241): "The wives who found themselves neglected, consoled

themselves by initiating the boys in debauchery. The husbands seem to

have known nothing of jealousy." The ancient inhabitants of Venezuela

lived in houses big enough to hold one hundred and sixty persons, and

Herrera says of them:

"They observed no law or rule in matrimony, but took as

many wives as they would, and they as many husbands,

quitting one another at pleasure, without reckoning any

harm done on either part. There was no such thing as

jealousy among them, all living as best pleased them,

without taking offence at one another."

The most painstaking research has failed to reveal to me a single

Indian tribe in North or South America that showed a capacity for real

jealousy, that is, anguish based on a sense of violated wifely

chastity and alienated affection. The actions represented as due to

jealousy are always inspired by the desire for revenge, never by the

anguish of disappointed affection; they are done in hate, not in love.

A chief who kills or mutilates one of his ten wives for consorting

with another man without his consent, acts no more from jealousy,

properly so called, than does a father who shoots the seducer of his

daughter, or a Western mob that lynches a horse-thief. Among the

Australian aborigines killing an intriguing wife is an every-day

occurrence, though "chastity as a virtue is absolutely unknown amongst

all the tribes of which there are records," as one of the best

informed authorities, J.D. Wood, tells us (403). Detailed evidence

that the same is true of the aborigines of all the continents will be

given in later chapters. The natives usually share their females both

before and after marriage; monopoly of body and soul--of which true

jealousy is the guardian--is a conception beyond their moral horizon.

A few more illustrations may be added.

Burton (_T.T.G.L._, II., 27) cites a writer who says that the natives

of São Paulo had a habit of changing wives for a time, "alleging, in

case of reproof, that they are not able to eat always of the same

dish." Holub testifies (II., 83) that in South Africa jealousy "rarely

shows itself very prominently;" and he uses the word in the widest

sense. The fierce Masai lend their wives to guests. The Mpongwe of the

Gaboon River send out their wives--with a club if necessary--to earn

the wages of shame (Campiègne, 192). In Madagascar Ellis (137) found

sensuality gross and universal, though concealed. Unchastity in either

sex was not regarded as a vice, and on the birth of the king's

daughter "the whole capital was given up to promiscuous debauchery."

According to Mrs. French Sheldon (_Anth. Inst._, XXL, 360), all along

the east coast of Africa no shame attaches to unchastity before

marriage. It is needless to add that in all such cases punishment of a

wife cannot be prompted by real jealousy for her "chastity." It is

always a question of proprietorship. Cameron relates _(Across Africa_,

II., Chap. IV.) that in Urua the chief boasted that he exercised a

right to any woman who might please his fancy, when on his journeys

about the country.

"Morals are very lax throughout the country, and wives

are not thought badly of for being unfaithful; the

worst they may expect being severe chastisement from

the injured husband. But he never uses excessive

violence for fear of injuring a valuable piece of

household furniture."

When Du Chaillu travelled through Ashango Land King Quenqueza rose to

receive him.

"With the figurative politeness of a negro chief, he

assured me that his town, his forests, his slaves, his

wives, were mine (he was quite sincere with regard to

the last") (19).

Asia affords many instances of the absence of jealousy. Marco Polo

already noted that in Thibet, when travellers arrived at a place, it

was customary to distribute them in the houses, making them temporary

masters of all they contained, including the women, while their

husbands meanwhile lodged elsewhere. In Kamtschatka it was considered

a great insult if a guest refused a woman thus offered him. Most

astounding of all is what G.E. Robertson relates of the Kaffirs of

Hindu-Kush (553):

"When a woman is discovered in an intrigue, a great

outcry is made, and the neighbors rush to the scene

with much laughter. A goat is sent for on the spot for

a peace-making feast between the gallant and the

husband. Of course the neighbors also partake of the

feast; _the husband and wife both look very happy_, and

so does every one else except the lover, who has to pay

for the goat, and in addition will have to pay six cows

later on."

Here we see a great value attached apparently to conjugal fidelity,

but in reality an utter and ludicrous indifference to it.

Asia is also the chief home of polyandry, though, as we saw in the

preceding chapter, this custom has prevailed on other continents too.

The cases there cited to show the absence of monopoly also prove the

absence of jealousy. The effect of polyandry is thus referred to by

Colonel King (23):

"A Toda woman often has three or four husbands, who are

all brothers, and with each of whom she cohabits a

month at a time. What is more singular, such men as, by

the paucity of women among the tribe, are prevented

from obtaining a share in a wife, are allowed, with the

permission of the fraternal husbands, to become

temporary partners with them. Notwithstanding these

singular family arrangements, the greatest harmony

appears to prevail among all parties--husbands, wives,

and lovers."

Whatever may have been the causes leading to the strange custom of

marrying one woman to several men--poverty, the desire to reduce the

population in mountainous regions, scarcity of women due to female

infanticide, the need of protection of a woman during the absence of

one husband--the fact stares us in the face that a race of men who

calmly submit to such a disgusting practice cannot know jealousy. So,

too, in the cases of _jus primae noctis_ (referred to in the chapter

on Indifference to Chastity), where the men not only submitted to an

outrage so damnable to our sense of honor, affection, and monopoly,

but actually coveted it as a privilege or a religious blessing and

paid for it accordingly. Note once more how the sentiments associated

with women and love change and grow.

Petherick says (151) that among the Hassangeh Arabs, marriages are

valid only three or four days, the wives being free the rest of the

time to make other alliances. The married men, far from feeling this a

grievance,

"felt themselves highly flattered by any attentions

paid to their better halves during their free-and-easy

days. They seem to take such attentions as evidence

that their wives are attractive."

A readiness to forgive trespasses for a consideration is widely

prevalent. Powers says that with the California Indians "no adultery

is so flagrant but the husband can be placated with money, at about

the same rate that would be paid for murder." The Tasmanians

illustrate the fact that the same tribes that are the most ferocious

in the punishment of secret amours--that is, infringements on their

property rights--are often the most liberal in lending their wives. As

Bonwick tells us (72), they felt honored if white men paid attention

to them. A circumstance which seems to have puzzled some naïve

writers: that Australians and Africans have been known to show less

"jealousy" of whites than of their own countrymen, finds an easy

explanation in the greater ability of the white man to pay for the

husband's complaisance. In some cases, in the absence of a fine, the

husband takes his revenge in other ways, subjecting the culprit's wife

to the same outrage (as among natives of Guiana and New Caledonia) or

delivering his own guilty (or rather disobedient) wife to young men

(as among the Omahas) and then abandoning her. The custom of accepting

compensation for adultery prevailed also among Dyaks, Mandingoes,

Kaffirs, Mongolians, Pahari and other tribes of India, etc. Falkner

says (126) that among the Patagonians in cases of adultery the wife is

not blamed, but the gallant is punished

"unless he atones for the injury by some valuable

present. They have so little decency in this respect,

that oftentimes, at the command of the wizards, they

superstitiously send their wives to the woods to

prostitute themselves to the first person they meet."

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