The words 'and Hamlet wounds Laertes' in Rowe's stage-direction destroy

the point of the words given to the King in the text. If Laertes is

already wounded, why should the King care whether the fencers are parted

or not? What makes him cry out is that, while he sees his purpose

effected as regards Hamlet, he also sees Laertes in danger through the

exchange of foils in the scuffle. Now it is not to be supposed that

Laertes is particularly dear to him; but he sees instantaneously that,

if Laertes escapes the poisoned foil, he will certainly hold his tongue

about the plot against Hamlet, while, if he is wounded, he may confess

the truth; for it is no doubt quite evident to the King that Laertes has

fenced tamely because his conscience is greatly troubled by the

treachery he is about to practise. The King therefore, as soon as he

sees the exchange of foils, cries out, 'Part them; they are incensed.'

But Hamlet's blood is up. 'Nay, come, again,' he calls to Laertes, who

cannot refuse to play, and _now_ is wounded by Hamlet. At the very same

moment the Queen falls to the ground; and ruin rushes on the King from

the right hand and the left.

The passage, therefore, should be printed thus:

_Laer._ Have at you now!

[_Laertes wounds Hamlet; then, in scuffling,

they change rapiers._

_King._ Part them; they are incensed.

_Ham._ Nay, come, again.

[_They play, and Hamlet wounds Laertes. The Queen falls._

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 264: So Rowe. The direction in Q1 is negligible, the text

being different. Q2 etc. have nothing, Ff. simply 'In scuffling they

change rapiers.']

[Footnote 265: Capell. The Quartos and Folios have no directions.]

NOTE I.

THE DURATION OF THE ACTION IN _OTHELLO_.

The quite unusual difficulties regarding this subject have led to much

discussion, a synopsis of which may be found in Furness's Variorum

edition, pp. 358-72. Without detailing the facts I will briefly set out

the main difficulty, which is that, according to one set of indications

(which I will call A), Desdemona was murdered within a day or two of her

arrival in Cyprus, while, according to another set (which I will call

B), some time elapsed between her arrival and the catastrophe. Let us

take A first, and run through the play.

(A) Act I. opens on the night of Othello's marriage. On that night he is

despatched to Cyprus, leaving Desdemona to follow him.

In Act II. Sc. i., there arrive at Cyprus, first, in one ship, Cassio;

then, in another, Desdemona, Iago, and Emilia; then, in another, Othello

(Othello, Cassio, and Desdemona being in three different ships, it does

not matter, for our purpose, how long the voyage lasted). On the night

following these arrivals in Cyprus the marriage is consummated (II. iii.

9), Cassio is cashiered, and, on Iago's advice, he resolves to ask

Desdemona's intercession 'betimes in the morning' (II. iii. 335).

In Act III. Sc. iii. (the Temptation scene), he does so: Desdemona does

intercede: Iago begins to poison Othello's mind: the handkerchief is

lost, found by Emilia, and given to Iago: he determines to leave it in

Cassio's room, and, renewing his attack on Othello, asserts that he has

seen the handkerchief in Cassio's hand: Othello bids him kill Cassio

within three days, and resolves to kill Desdemona himself. All this

occurs in one unbroken scene, and evidently on the day after the arrival

in Cyprus (see III. i. 33).

In the scene (iv.) following the Temptation scene Desdemona sends to bid

Cassio come, as she has interceded for him: Othello enters, tests her

about the handkerchief, and departs in anger: Cassio, arriving, is told

of the change in Othello, and, being left _solus_, is accosted by

Bianca, whom he requests to copy the work on the handkerchief which he

has just found in his room (ll. 188 f.). All this is naturally taken to

happen in the later part of the day on which the events of III. i.-iii.

took place, _i.e._ the day after the arrival in Cyprus: but I shall

return to this point.

In IV. i. Iago tells Othello that Cassio has confessed, and, placing

Othello where he can watch, he proceeds on Cassio's entrance to rally

him about Bianca; and Othello, not being near enough to hear what is

said, believes that Cassio is laughing at his conquest of Desdemona.

Cassio here says that Bianca haunts him and 'was here _even now_'; and

Bianca herself, coming in, reproaches him about the handkerchief 'you

gave me _even now_.' There is therefore no appreciable time between III.

iv. and IV. i. In this same scene Bianca bids Cassio come to supper

_to-night_; and Lodovico, arriving, is asked to sup with Othello

_to-night_. In IV. ii. Iago persuades Roderigo to kill Cassio _that

night_ as he comes from Bianca's. In IV. iii. Lodovico, after supper,

takes his leave, and Othello bids Desdemona go to bed on the instant and

dismiss her attendant.

In Act V., _that night_, the attempted assassination of Cassio, and the

murder of Desdemona, take place.

From all this, then, it seems clear that the time between the arrival in

Cyprus and the catastrophe is certainly not more than a few days, and

most probably only about a day and a half: or, to put it otherwise, that

most probably Othello kills his wife about twenty-four hours after the

consummation of their marriage!

The only _possible_ place, it will be seen, where time can elapse is

between III. iii. and III. iv. And here Mr. Fleay would imagine a gap of

at least a week. The reader will find that this supposition involves the

following results, (_a_) Desdemona has allowed at least a week to elapse

without telling Cassio that she has interceded for him. (_b_) Othello,

after being convinced of her guilt, after resolving to kill her, and

after ordering Iago to kill Cassio within three days, has allowed at

least a week to elapse without even questioning her about the

handkerchief, and has so behaved during all this time that she is

totally unconscious of any change in his feelings. (_c_) Desdemona, who

reserves the handkerchief evermore about her to kiss and talk to (III.

iii. 295), has lost it for at least a week before she is conscious of

the loss. (_d_) Iago has waited at least a week to leave the

handkerchief in Cassio's chamber; for Cassio has evidently only just

found it, and wants the work on it copied before the owner makes

inquiries for it. These are all gross absurdities. It is certain that

only a short time, most probable that not even a night, elapses between

III. iii. and III. iv.

(B) Now this idea that Othello killed his wife, probably within

twenty-four hours, certainly within a few days, of the consummation of

his marriage, contradicts the impression produced by the play on all

uncritical readers and spectators. It is also in flat contradiction with

a large number of time-indications in the play itself. It is needless to

mention more than a few. (_a_) Bianca complains that Cassio has kept

away from her for a week (III. iv. 173). Cassio and the rest have

therefore been more than a week in Cyprus, and, we should naturally

infer, considerably more. (_b_) The ground on which Iago builds

throughout is the probability of Desdemona's having got tired of the

Moor; she is accused of having repeatedly committed adultery with Cassio

(_e.g._ V. ii. 210); these facts and a great many others, such as

Othello's language in III. iii. 338 ff., are utterly absurd on the

supposition that he murders his wife within a day or two of the night

when he consummated his marriage. (_c_) Iago's account of Cassio's dream

implies (and indeed states) that he had been sleeping with Cassio

'lately,' _i.e._ after arriving at Cyprus: yet, according to A, he had

only spent one night in Cyprus, and we are expressly told that Cassio

never went to bed on that night. Iago doubtless was a liar, but Othello

was not an absolute idiot.

* * * * *

Thus (1) one set of time-indications clearly shows that Othello murdered

his wife within a few days, probably a day and a half, of his arrival in

Cyprus and the consummation of his marriage; (2) another set of

time-indications implies quite as clearly that some little time must

have elapsed, probably a few weeks; and this last is certainly the

impression of a reader who has not closely examined the play.

It is impossible to escape this result. The suggestion that the imputed

intrigue of Cassio and Desdemona took place at Venice before the

marriage, not at Cyprus after it, is quite futile. There is no positive

evidence whatever for it; if the reader will merely refer to the

difficulties mentioned under B above, he will see that it leaves almost

all of them absolutely untouched; and Iago's accusation is uniformly one

of adultery.

How then is this extraordinary contradiction to be explained? It can

hardly be one of the casual inconsistencies, due to forgetfulness, which

are found in Shakespeare's other tragedies; for the scheme of time

indicated under A seems deliberate and self-consistent, and the scheme

indicated under B seems, if less deliberate, equally self-consistent.

This does not look as if a single scheme had been so vaguely imagined

that inconsistencies arose in working it out; it points to some other

source of contradiction.

'Christopher North,' who dealt very fully with the question, elaborated

a doctrine of Double Time, Short and Long. To do justice to this theory

in a few words is impossible, but its essence is the notion that

Shakespeare, consciously or unconsciously, wanted to produce on the

spectator (for he did not aim at readers) two impressions. He wanted the

spectator to feel a passionate and vehement haste in the action; but he

also wanted him to feel that the action was fairly probable. Consciously

or unconsciously he used Short Time (the scheme of A) for the first

purpose, and Long Time (the scheme of B) for the second. The spectator

is affected in the required manner by both, though without distinctly

noticing the indications of the two schemes.

The notion underlying this theory is probably true, but the theory

itself can hardly stand. Passing minor matters by, I would ask the

reader to consider the following remarks. (_a_) If, as seems to be

maintained, the spectator does not notice the indications of 'Short

Time' at all, how can they possibly affect him? The passion, vehemence

and haste of Othello affect him, because he perceives them; but if he

does not perceive the hints which show the duration of the action from

the arrival in Cyprus to the murder, these hints have simply no

existence for him and are perfectly useless. The theory, therefore, does

not explain the existence of 'Short Time.' (_b_) It is not the case that

'Short Time' is wanted only to produce an impression of vehemence and

haste, and 'Long Time' for probability. The 'Short Time' is equally

wanted for probability: for it is grossly improbable that Iago's

intrigue should not break down if Othello spends a week or weeks between

the successful temptation and his execution of justice. (_c_) And this

brings me to the most important point, which appears to have escaped

notice. The place where 'Long Time' is wanted is not _within_ Iago's

intrigue. 'Long Time' is required simply and solely because the intrigue

and its circumstances presuppose a marriage consummated, and an adultery

possible, for (let us say) some weeks. But, granted that lapse between

the marriage and the temptation, there is no reason whatever why more

than a few days or even one day should elapse between this temptation

and the murder. The whole trouble arises because the temptation begins

on the morning after the consummated marriage. Let some three weeks

elapse between the first night at Cyprus and the temptation; let the

brawl which ends in the disgrace of Cassio occur not on that night but

three weeks later; or again let it occur that night, but let three weeks

elapse before the intercession of Desdemona and the temptation of Iago

begin. All will then be clear. Cassio has time to make acquaintance with

Bianca, and to neglect her: the Senate has time to hear of the perdition

of the Turkish fleet and to recall Othello: the accusations of Iago

cease to be ridiculous; and the headlong speed of the action after the

temptation has begun is quite in place. Now, too, there is no reason why

we should not be affected by the hints of time ('to-day,' 'to-night,'

'even now'), which we _do_ perceive (though we do not calculate them

out). And, lastly, this supposition corresponds with our natural

impression, which is that the temptation and what follows it take place

some little while after the marriage, but occupy, themselves, a very

short time.

Now, of course, the supposition just described is no fact. As the play

stands, it is quite certain that there is no space of three weeks, or

anything like it, either between the arrival in Cyprus and the brawl, or

between the brawl and the temptation. And I draw attention to the

supposition chiefly to show that quite a small change would remove the

difficulties, and to insist that there is nothing wrong at all in regard

to the time from the temptation onward. How to account for the existing

contradictions I do not at all profess to know, and I will merely

mention two possibilities.

Possibly, as Mr. Daniel observes, the play has been tampered with. We

have no text earlier than 1622, six years after Shakespeare's death. It

may be suggested, then, that in the play, as Shakespeare wrote it, there

was a gap of some weeks between the arrival in Cyprus and Cassio's

brawl, or (less probably) between the brawl and the temptation. Perhaps

there was a scene indicating the lapse of time. Perhaps it was dull, or

the play was a little too long, or devotees of the unity of time made

sport of a second breach of that unity coming just after the breach

caused by the voyage. Perhaps accordingly the owners of the play

altered, or hired a dramatist to alter, the arrangement at this point,

and this was unwittingly done in such a way as to produce the

contradictions we are engaged on. There is nothing intrinsically

unlikely in this idea; and certainly, I think, the amount of such

corruption of Shakespeare's texts by the players is usually rather

underrated than otherwise. But I cannot say I see any signs of foreign

alteration in the text, though it is somewhat odd that Roderigo, who

makes no complaint on the day of the arrival in Cyprus when he is being

persuaded to draw Cassio into a quarrel that night, should, directly

after the quarrel (II. iii. 370), complain that he is making no advance

in his pursuit of Desdemona, and should speak as though he had been in

Cyprus long enough to have spent nearly all the money he brought from

Venice.

Or, possibly, Shakespeare's original plan was to allow some time to

elapse after the arrival at Cyprus, but when he reached the point he

found it troublesome to indicate this lapse in an interesting way, and

convenient to produce Cassio's fall by means of the rejoicings on the

night of the arrival, and then almost necessary to let the request for

intercession, and the temptation, follow on the next day. And perhaps he

said to himself, No one in the theatre will notice that all this makes

an impossible position: and I can make all safe by using language that

implies that Othello has after all been married for some time. If so,

probably he was right. I do not think anyone does notice the

impossibilities either in the theatre or in a casual reading of the

play.

Either of these suppositions is possible: neither is, to me, probable.

The first seems the less unlikely. If the second is true, Shakespeare

did in _Othello_ what he seems to do in no other play. I can believe

that he may have done so; but I find it very hard to believe that he

produced this impossible situation without knowing it. It is one thing

to read a drama or see it, quite another to construct and compose it,

and he appears to have imagined the action in _Othello_ with even more

than his usual intensity.

NOTE J.

THE 'ADDITIONS' TO _OTHELLO_ IN THE FIRST FOLIO. THE PONTIC SEA.

The first printed _Othello_ is the first Quarto (Q1), 1622; the second

is the first Folio (F1), 1623. These two texts are two distinct versions

of the play. Q1 contains many oaths and expletives where less

'objectionable' expressions occur in F1. Partly for this reason it is

believed to represent the _earlier_ text, perhaps the text as it stood

before the Act of 1605 against profanity on the stage. Its readings are

frequently superior to those of F1, but it wants many lines that appear

in F1, which probably represents the acting version in 1623. I give a

list of the longer passages absent from Q1:

(_a_) I. i. 122-138. 'If't' ... 'yourself:'

(_b_) I. ii 72-77. 'Judge' ... 'thee'

(_c_) I. iii. 24-30. 'For' ... 'profitless.'

(_d_) III. iii. 383-390. '_Oth._ By' ... 'satisfied! _Iago._'

(_e_) III. iii. 453-460. 'Iago.' ... 'heaven,'

(_f_) IV. i. 38-44. 'To confess' ... 'devil!'

(_g_) IV. ii. 73-76, 'Committed!' ... 'committed!'

(_h_) IV. ii. 151-164. 'Here' ... 'make me.'

(_i_) IV. iii. 31-53. 'I have' ... 'not next'

and 55-57. '_Des._ [_Singing_]' ... 'men.'

(_j_) IV. iii. 60-63. 'I have' ... 'question.'

(_k_) IV. iii. 87-104. 'But I' ... 'us so.'

(_l_) V. ii. 151-154. 'O mistress' ... 'Iago.'

(_m_) V. ii. 185-193. 'My mistress' ... 'villany!'

(_n_) V. ii. 266-272. 'Be not' ... 'wench!'

Were these passages after-thoughts, composed after the version

represented by Q1 was written? Or were they in the version represented

by Q1, and only omitted in printing, whether accidentally or because

they were also omitted in the theatre? Or were some of them

after-thoughts, and others in the original version?

I will take them in order. (_a_) can hardly be an after-thought. Up to

that point Roderigo had hardly said anything, for Iago had always

interposed; and it is very unlikely that Roderigo would now deliver but

four lines, and speak at once of 'she' instead of 'your daughter.'

Probably this 'omission' represents a 'cut' in stage performance. (_b_)

This may also be the case here. In our texts the omission of the passage

would make nonsense, but in Q1 the 'cut' (if a cut) has been mended,

awkwardly enough, by the substitution of 'Such' for 'For' in line 78. In

any case, the lines cannot be an addition. (_c_) cannot be an

after-thought, for the sentence is unfinished without it; and that it

was not meant to be interrupted is clear, because in Q1 line 31 begins

'And,' not 'Nay'; the Duke might say 'Nay' if he were cutting the

previous speaker short, but not 'And.' (_d_) is surely no addition. If

the lines are cut out, not only is the metre spoilt, but the obvious

reason for Iago's words, 'I see, Sir, you are eaten up with passion,'

disappears, and so does the reference of his word 'satisfied' in 393 to

Othello's 'satisfied' in 390. (_e_) is the famous passage about the

Pontic Sea, and I reserve it for the present. (_f_) As Pope observes,

'no hint of this trash in the first edition,' the 'trash' including the

words 'Nature would not invest herself in such shadowing passion without

some instruction. It is not words that shake me thus'! There is nothing

to prove these lines to be original or an after-thought. The omission of

(_g_) is clearly a printer's error, due to the fact that lines 72 and 76

both end with the word 'committed.' No conclusion can be formed as to

(_h_), nor perhaps (_i_), which includes the whole of Desdemona's song;

but if (_j_) is removed the reference in 'such a deed' in 64 is

destroyed. (_k_) is Emilia's long speech about husbands. It cannot well

be an after-thought, for 105-6 evidently refer to 103-4 (even the word

'uses' in 105 refers to 'use' in 103). (_l_) is no after-thought, for

'if he says so' in 155 must point back to 'my husband say that she was

false!' in 152. (_m_) might be an after-thought, but, if so, in the

first version the ending 'to speak' occurred twice within three lines,

and the reason for Iago's sudden alarm in 193 is much less obvious. If

(_n_) is an addition the original collocation was:

but O vain boast!

Who can control his fate? 'Tis not so now.

Pale as thy smock!

which does not sound probable.

Thus, as it seems to me, in the great majority of cases there is more or

less reason to think that the passages wanting in Q1 were nevertheless

parts of the original play, and I cannot in any one case see any

positive ground for supposing a subsequent addition. I think that most

of the gaps in Q1 were accidents of printing (like many other smaller

gaps in Q1), but that probably one or two were 'cuts'--_e.g._ Emilia's

long speech (_k_). The omission of (_i_) might be due to the state of

the MS.: the words of the song may have been left out of the dialogue,

as appearing on a separate page with the musical notes, or may have been

inserted in such an illegible way as to baffle the printer.

I come now to (_e_), the famous passage about the Pontic Sea. Pope

supposed that it formed part of the original version, but approved of

its omission, as he considered it 'an unnatural excursion in this

place.' Mr. Swinburne thinks it an after-thought, but defends it. 'In

other lips indeed than Othello's, at the crowning minute of culminant

agony, the rush of imaginative reminiscence which brings back upon his

eyes and ears the lightning foam and tideless thunder of the Pontic Sea

might seem a thing less natural than sublime. But Othello has the

passion of a poet closed in as it were and shut up behind the passion of

a hero' (_Study of Shakespeare_, p. 184). I quote these words all the

more gladly because they will remind the reader of my lectures of my

debt to Mr. Swinburne here; and I will only add that the reminiscence

here is of _precisely the same character_ as the reminiscences of the

Arabian trees and the base Indian in Othello's final speech. But I find

it almost impossible to believe that Shakespeare _ever_ wrote the

passage without the words about the Pontic Sea. It seems to me almost an

imperative demand of imagination that Iago's set speech, if I may use

the phrase, should be preceded by a speech of somewhat the same

dimensions, the contrast of which should heighten the horror of its

hypocrisy; it seems to me that Shakespeare must have felt this; and it

is difficult to me to think that he ever made the lines,

In the due reverence of a sacred vow

I here engage my words,

follow directly on the one word 'Never' (however impressive that word in

its isolation might be). And as I can find no _other_ 'omission' in Q1

which appears to point to a subsequent addition, I conclude that this

'omission' _was_ an omission, probably accidental, conceivably due to a

stupid 'cut.' Indeed it is nothing but Mr. Swinburne's opinion that

prevents my feeling certainty on the point.

Finally, I may draw attention to certain facts which may be mere

accidents, but may possibly be significant. Passages (_b_) and (_c_)

consist respectively of six and seven lines; that is, they are almost of

the same length, and in a MS. might well fill exactly the same amount of

space. Passage (_d_) is eight lines long; so is passage (_e_). Now,

taking at random two editions of Shakespeare, the Globe and that of

Delius, I find that (_b_) and (_c_) are 6-1/4 inches apart in the Globe,

8 in Delius; and that (_d_) and (_e_) are separated by 7-3/8 inches in

the Globe, by 8-3/4 in Delius. In other words, there is about the same

distance in each case between two passages of about equal dimensions.

The idea suggested by these facts is that the MS. from which Q1 was

printed was mutilated in various places; that (_b_) and (_c_) occupied

the bottom inches of two successive pages, and that these inches were

torn away; and that this was also the case with (_d_) and (_e_).

This speculation has amused me and may amuse some reader. I do not know

enough of Elizabethan manuscripts to judge of its plausibility.

NOTE K.

OTHELLO'S COURTSHIP.

It is curious that in the First Act two impressions are produced which

have afterwards to be corrected.

1. We must not suppose that Othello's account of his courtship in his

famous speech before the Senate is intended to be exhaustive. He is

accused of having used drugs or charms in order to win Desdemona; and

therefore his purpose in his defence is merely to show that his

witchcraft was the story of his life. It is no part of his business to

trouble the Senators with the details of his courtship, and he so

condenses his narrative of it that it almost appears as though there was

no courtship at all, and as though Desdemona never imagined that he was

in love with her until she had practically confessed her love for him.

Hence she has been praised by some for her courage, and blamed by others

for her forwardness.

Shakespearean Tragedy: Lectures on Hamlet, Othello, King Lear, Macbeth · 第 33 / 40 段