_Benedict Biscop and his book
tours.--Bede.--Ceolfrid.--Wilfrid.--Boniface the Saxon
Missionary--His love of books.--Egbert of York.--Alcuin.--Whitby
Abbey.--Cædmon.--Classics in the Library of Withby.--Rievall
Library.--Coventry.--Worcester.--Evesham.--Thomas of Marleberg,
etc._
The venerable Bede enables us to show that in the early Saxon days the
monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow possessed considerable collections of
books. Benedict Biscop, the most enthusiastic bibliomaniac of the age,
founded the monastery of Wearmouth in the year 674, in honor of the "Most
Holy Prince of the Apostles." His whole soul was in the work, he spared
neither pains or expense to obtain artists of well known and reputed
talent to decorate the holy edifice; not finding them at home, he
journeyed to Gaul in search of them, and returned accompanied by numerous
expert and ingenious workmen. Within a year the building was
sufficiently advanced to enable the monks to celebrate divine service
there. He introduced glass windows and other ornaments into his church,
and furnished it with numerous books of all descriptions, _innumerabilem
librorum omnis generis_. Benedict was so passionately fond of books that
he took five journeys to Rome for the purpose of collecting them. In his
third voyage he gathered together a large quantity on divine erudition;
some of these he bought, or received them as presents from his friends,
_vel amicorum dono largitos retulit_. When he arrived at Vienne on his
way home, he collected others which he had commissioned his friends to
purchase for him.[245] After the completion of his monastery he undertook
his fourth journey to Rome; he obtained from the Pope many privileges for
the abbey, and returned in the year 680, bringing with him many more
valuable books; he was accompanied by John the Chantor, who introduced
into the English churches the Roman method of singing. He was also a
great _amator librorum_, and left many choice manuscripts to the monks,
which Bede writes "were still preserved in their library." It was about
this time that Ecgfrid[246] gave Benedict a portion of land on the other
side of the river Wire, at a place called Jarrow; and that enterprising
and industrious abbot, in the year 684, built a monastery thereon. No
sooner was it completed, than he went a fifth time to Rome to search for
volumes to gratify his darling passion. This was the last, but perhaps
the most successful of his foreign tours, for he brought back with him a
vast quantity of sacred volumes and curious pictures.[247] How deeply is
it to be regretted that the relation of the travels which Ceolfrid his
successor undertook, and which it is said his own pen inscribed, has been
lost to us forever. He probably spoke much of Benedict in the volume and
recorded his book pilgrimages. How dearly would the bibliomaniac revel
over those early annals of his science, could his eye meet those
venerable pages--perhaps describing the choice tomes Benedict met with in
his Italian tours, and telling us how, and what, and where he gleaned
those fine collections; sweet indeed would have been the perusal of that
delectable little volume, full of the book experience of a bibliophile in
Saxon days, near twelve hundred years ago! But the ravages of time or the
fury of the Danes deprived us of this rare gem, and we are alone
dependent on Bede for the incidents connected with the life of this great
man; we learn from that venerable author that Benedict was seized with
the palsy on his return, and that languishing a few short years, he died
in the year 690; but through pain and suffering he often dwelt on the
sweet treasures of his library, and his solemn thoughts of death and
immortality were intermixed with many a fond bookish recollection. _His
most noble and abundant library which he brought from Rome_ he constantly
referred to, and gave strict injunctions that the monks should apply the
utmost care to the preservation of that rich and costly treasure, in the
collection of which so many perils and anxious years were spent.[248]
We all know the force of example, and are not surprised that the sweet
mania which ruled so potently over the mind of Benedict, spread itself
around the crowned head of royalty. Perhaps book collecting was beginning
to make "a stir," and the rich and powerful among the Saxons were
regarding strange volumes with a curious eye. Certain it is that Egfride,
or Ælfride, the proud king of Northumbria,[249] fondly coveted a
beautiful copy of the geographer's (_codice mirandi operis_), which
Benedict numbered among his treasures; and so eagerly too did he desire
its possession, that he gave in exchange a portion of eight hides of
land, near the river Fresca, for the volume; and Ceolfrid, Benedict's
successor, received it.
How useful must Benedict's library have been in ripening the mind that
was to cast a halo of immortality around that old monastery, and to
generate a renown which was long to survive the grey walls of that costly
fane; for whilst we now fruitlessly search for any vestiges of its former
being, we often peruse the living pages of Bede the venerable with
pleasure and instruction, and we feel refreshed by the breath of piety
and devotion which they unfold; yet it must be owned the superstition of
Rome will sometimes mar a devout prayer and the simplicity of a Christian
thought. But all honor to his manes and to his memory! for how much that
is admirable in the human character--how much sweet and virtuous humility
was hid in him, in the strict retirement of the cloister. The writings of
that humble monk outlive the fame of many a proud ecclesiastic or haughty
baron of his day; and well they might, for how homely does his pen record
the simple annals of that far distant age. Much have the old monks been
blamed for their bad Latin and their humble style; but far from
upbraiding, I would admire them for it; for is not the inelegance of
diction which their unpretending chronicles display, sufficiently
compensated by their charming simplicity. As for myself, I have sometimes
read them by the blaze of my cheerful hearth, or among the ruins of some
old monastic abbey,[250] till in imagination I beheld the events which
they attempt to record, and could almost hear the voice of the "_goode
olde monke_" as he relates the deeds of some holy man--in language so
natural and idiomatic are they written.
But as we were saying, Bede made ample use of Benedict's library; and the
many Latin and Greek books, which he refers to in the course of his
writings, were doubtless derived from that source.[251] Ceolfrid, the
successor of Benedict, "a man of great zeal, of acute wisdom, and bold in
action," was a great lover of books, and under his care the libraries of
Wearmouth and Jarrow became nearly doubled in extent; of the nature of
these additions we are unable to judge, but probably they were not
contemptible.[252]
Wilfrid, bishop of Northumbria, was a dear and intimate friend of
Biscop's, and was the companion of one of his pilgrimages to Rome. In his
early youth he gave visible signs of a heart full of religion and piety,
and he sought by a steady perusal of the Holy Scriptures, in the little
monastery of Lindesfarne, to garnish his mind with that divine lore with
which he shone so brightly in the Saxon church. It was at the court of
Ercenbyrht, king of Kent, that he met with Benedict Biscop; and the
sympathy which their mutual learning engendered gave rise to a warm and
devoted friendship between them. Both inspired with an ardent desire to
visit the apostolic see, they set out together for Rome;[253] and it was
probably by the illustrious example of his fellow student and companion,
that Wilfrid imbibed that book-loving passion which he afterwards
displayed on more than one occasion. On his return from Rome, Alfred of
Northumbria bestowed upon him the monastery of Rhypum[254] in the year
661, and endowed it with certain lands. Peter of Blois records, in his
life of Wilfrid, that this "man of God" gave the monastery a copy of the
gospels, a library, and many books of the Old and New Testament, with
certain tablets made with marvellous ingenuity, and ornamented with gold
and precious stones.[255] Wilfrid did not long remain in the monastery of
Ripon, but advanced to higher honors, and took a more active part in the
ecclesiastical affairs of the time.[256] But I am not about to pursue his
history, or to attempt to show how his hot and imperious temper, or the
pride and avarice of his disposition, wrought many grievous animosities
in the Saxon church; or how by his prelatical ambition he deservedly lost
the friendship of his King and his ecclesiastical honors.[257]
About this time, and contemporary with Bede, we must not omit one who
appears as a bright star in the early Christian church. Boniface,[258]
the Saxon missionary, was remarked by his parents to manifest at an early
age signs of that talent which in after years achieved so much, and
advanced so materially the interests of piety and the cause of
civilization. When scarcely four years old his infant mind seemed prone
to study, which growing upon him as he increased in years, his parent
placed him in the monastery of Exeter. His stay there was not of long
duration, for he shortly after removed to a monastery in Hampshire under
the care of Wybert. In seclusion and quietude he there studied with
indefatigable ardor, and fortified his mind with that pious enthusiasm
and profound erudition, which enabled him in a far distant country to
render such service to the church. He was made a teacher, and when
arrived at the necessary age he was ordained priest. In the year 710, a
dispute having occurred among the western church of the Saxons, he was
appointed to undertake a mission to the archbishop of Canterbury on the
subject. Pleased perhaps with the variety and bustle of travel, and
inspired with a holy ambition, he determined to attempt the conversion of
the German people, who, although somewhat acquainted with the gospel
truths, had nevertheless deviated materially from the true faith, and
returned again to their idolatry and paganism. Heedless of the danger of
the expedition, but looking forward only to the consummation of his fond
design, he started on his missionary enterprise, accompanied by one or
two of his monkish brethren.
He arrived at Friesland in the year 716, and proceeded onwards to
Utrecht; but disappointments and failures awaited him. The revolt of the
Frieslanders and the persecution then raging there against the
Christians, dissipated his hopes of usefulness; and with a heavy heart,
no doubt, Boniface retraced his steps, and re-embarked for his English
home. Yet hope had not deserted him--his philanthropic resolutions were
only delayed for a time; for no sooner had the dark clouds of persecution
passed away than his adventurous spirit burst forth afresh, and shone
with additional lustre and higher aspirations. After an interval of two
years we find him again starting on another Christian mission. On
reaching France he proceeded immediately to Rome, and procured admission
to the Pope, who, ever anxious for the promulgation of the faith and for
the spiritual dominion of the Roman church, highly approved of the
designs of Boniface, and gave him letters authorizing his mission among
the Thuringians; invested with these powers and with the pontifical
blessing, he took his departure from the holy city, well stored with the
necessary ornaments and utensils for the performance of the
ecclesiastical rites, besides a number of books to instruct the heathens
and to solace his mind amidst the cares and anxieties of his travels.
After some few years the fruits of his labor became manifest, and in 723
he had baptized vast multitudes in the true faith. His success was
perhaps unparalleled in the early annals of the church, and remind us of
the more recent wonders wrought by the Jesuit missionaries in India.[259]
Elated with these happy results, far greater than even his sanguine mind
had anticipated, he sent a messenger to the Pope to acquaint his holiness
of these vast acquisitions to his flock, and soon after he went himself
to Rome to receive the congratulations and thanks of the Pontiff; he was
then made bishop, and entrusted with the ecclesiastical direction of the
new church. After his return, he spent many years in making fresh
converts and maintaining the discipline of the faithful. But all these
labors and these anxieties were terminated by a cruel and unnatural
death; on one of his expeditions he was attacked by a body of pagans, who
slew him and nearly the whole of his companions, but it is not here that
a Christian must look for his reward--he must rest his hopes on the
benevolence and mercy of his God in a distant and far better world. He
who would wish to trace more fully these events, and so catch a glimpse
of the various incidents which touch upon the current of his life, must
not keep the monk constantly before his mind, he must sometimes forget
him in that capacity and regard him as a _student_, and that too in the
highest acceptation of the term. His youthful studies, which I have said
before were pursued with unconquerable energy, embraced grammar, poetry,
rhetoric, history, and the exposition of the Holy Scriptures; the Bible,
indeed, he read unceasingly, and drew from it much of the vital truth
with which it is inspired; but he perhaps too much tainted it with
traditional interpretation and patristical logic. A student's life is
always interesting; like a rippling stream, its unobtrusive gentle course
is ever pleasing to watch, and the book-worms seems to find in it the
counterpart of his own existence. Who can read the life and letters of
the eloquent Cicero, or the benevolent Pliny, without the deepest
interest; or mark their anxious solicitude after books, without sincere
delight. Those elegant epistles reflect the image of their private
studies, and so to behold Boniface in a student's garb, to behold his
love of books and passion for learning, we must alike have recourse to
his letters.
The epistolary correspondence of the middle ages is a mirror of those
times, far more faithful as regards their social condition than the old
chronicles and histories designed for posterity; written in the
reciprocity of friendly civilities, they contain the outpourings of the
heart, and enable us to peep into the secret thoughts and motives of the
writer; "for out of the fulness of the hearth the mouth speaketh."
Turning over the letters of Boniface, we cannot but be forcibly struck
with his great knowledge of Scripture; his mind seems to have been quite
a concordance in itself, and we meet with epistles almost solely framed
of quotations from the sacred books, in substantiation of some principle,
or as grounds for some argument advanced. These are pleasurable
instances, and convey a gentle hint that the greater plenitude of the
Bible has not, in all cases, emulated us to study it with equal energy;
there are few who would now surpass the Saxon bishop in biblical reading.
Most students have felt, at some period or other, a thirst after
knowledge without the means of assuaging it--have felt a craving after
books when their pecuniary circumstances would not admit of their
acquisition, such will sympathize with Boniface, the student in the wilds
of Germany, who, far from monastic libraries, sorely laments in some of
his letters this great deprivation, and entreats his friends, sometimes
in most piteous terms, to send him books. In writing to Daniel, Bishop of
Winchester, he asks for copies, and begs him to send the book of the six
prophets, clearly and distinctly transcribed, and in large letters
because his sight he says was growing weak; and because the book of the
prophets was much wanted in Germany, and could not be obtained except
written so obscurely, and the letters so confusedly joined together, as
to be scarcely readable _ac connexas litteras discere non possum_.[260]
To "Majestro Lul" he writes for the productions of bishop Aldhelm, and
other works of prose, poetry, and rhyme, to console him in his
peregrinations _ad consolationem peregrinationis meæ_.[261] With Abbess
Eadburge he frequently corresponded, and received from her many choice
and valuable volumes, transcribed by her nuns and sometimes by her own
hands; at one period he writes in glowing terms and with a grateful pen
for the books thus sent him, and at another time he sends for a copy of
the Gospels. "Execute," says he, "a glittering lamp for our hands, and so
illuminate the hearts of the Gentiles to a study of the Gospels and to
the glory of Christ; and intercede, I pray thee, with your pious prayers
for these pagans who are committed by the apostles to our care, that by
the mercy of the Saviour of the world they may be delivered from their
idolatrous practices, and united to the congregation of mother church, to
the honor of the Catholic faith, and to the praise and glory of His name,
who will have all men to be saved, and to come unto the knowledge of the
truth."[262]
All this no doubt the good abbess faithfully fulfilled; and stimulated by
his friendship and these encouraging epistles, she set all the pens in
her monastery industriously to work, and so gratified the Saxon
missionary with those book treasures, which his soul so ardently loved;
certain it is, that we frequently find him thanking her for books, and
with famishing eagerness craving for more; one of his letters,[263] full
of gratitude, he accompanies with a present of a silver graphium, or
writing instrument, and soon after we find him thus addressing her:
"To the most beloved sister, Abbess Eadburge, and all now joined
to her house and under her spiritual care. Boniface, the meanest
servant of God, wisheth eternal health in Christ."
"My dearest sister, may your assistance be abundantly rewarded hereafter
in the mansions of the angels and saints above, for the kind presents of
books which you have transmitted to me. Germany rejoices in their
spiritual light and consolation, because they have spread lustre into,
the dark hearts of the German people; for except we have a lamp to guide
our feet, we may, in the words of the Lord, fall into the snares of
death. Moreover, through thy gifts I earnestly hope to be more diligent,
so that my country may be honored, my sins forgiven, and myself protected
from the perils of the sea and the violence of the tempest; and that He
who dwells on high may lightly regard my transgression, and give
utterance to the words of my mouth, that the Gospel may have free course,
and be glorified among men to the honor of Christ."[264]
Writing to Egbert, Archbishop of York, of whose bibliomaniacal character
and fine library we have yet to speak, Boniface thanks that illustrious
collector for the choice volumes he had kindly sent him, and further
entreats Egbert to procure for him transcripts of the smaller works
_opusculi_ and other tracts of Bede, "who, I hear," he writes, "has, by
the divine grace of the Holy Spirit, been permitted to spread such
lustre over your country."[265] These, that kind and benevolent prelate
sent to him with other books, and received a letter full of gratitude in
return, but with all the boldness of a hungry student still asking for
more! especially for Bede's Commentary on the Parables of Solomon.[266]
He sents to Archbishop Nothelm for a copy of the Questions of St.
Augustine to Pope Gregory, with the answers of the pope, which he says he
could not obtain from Rome; and in writing to Cuthbert, also Archbishop
of Canterbury, imploring the aid of his earnest prayers, he does not
forget to ask for books, but hopes that he may be speedily comforted with
the works of Bede, of whose writings he was especially fond, and was
constantly sending to his friends for transcripts of them. In a letter to
Huetberth he writes for the "most sagacious dissertations of the monk
Bede,"[267] and to the Abbot Dudde he sends a begging message for the
Commentaries on the Epistles of Paul to the Romans and to the
Corinthians[268] by the same. In a letter to Lulla, Bishop of Coena, he
deplores the want of books on the phenomena and works of nature, which,
he says, were _omnio incognitum_ there, and asks for a book on
Cosmography;[269] and on another occasion Lulla supplied Boniface with
many portions of the Holy Scriptures, and Commentaries upon them.[270]
Many more of his epistles might be quoted to illustrate the Saxon
missionary as an "_amator librorum_," and to display his profound
erudition. In one of his letters we find him referring to nearly all the
celebrated authors of the church, and so aptly, that we conclude he must
have had their works on his desk, and was deeply read in patristical
theology. Boniface has been fiercely denounced for his strong Roman
principles, and for his firm adherence to the interests of the pope.[271]
Of his theological errors, or his faults as a church disciplinarian, I
have nothing here to do, but leave that delicate question to the
ecclesiastical historian, having vindicated his character from the charge
of ignorance, and displayed some pleasing traits which he evinced as a
student and book-collector. It only remains to be mentioned, that many of
the membranous treasures, which Boniface had so eagerly searched for and
collected from all parts, were nearly lost forever. The pagans, who
murdered Boniface and his fellow-monks, on entering their tents,
discovered little to gratify their avarice, save a few relics and a
number of books, which, with a barbarism corresponding with their
ignorance, they threw into the river as useless; but fortunately, some of
the monks, who had escaped from their hands, observing the transaction,
recovered them and carried them away in safety with the remains of the
martyred missionary, who was afterwards canonized Saint Boniface.
The must remarkable book collector contemporary with Boniface, was Egbert
of York, between whom, as we have seen, a bookish correspondence was
maintained. This illustrious prelate was brother to King Egbert, of
Northumbria, and received his education under Bishop Eata, at Hexham,
about the year 686. He afterwards went on a visit to the Apostolic See,
and on his return was made Archbishop of York.[272] He probably collected
at Rome many of the fine volumes which comprised his library, and which
was so celebrated in those old Saxon days; and which will be ever
renowned in the annals of ancient bibliomania. The immortal Alcuin sang
the praises of this library in a tedious lay; and what glorious tomes of
antiquity he there enumerates! But stay, my pen should tarry whilst I
introduce that worthy bibliomaniac to my reader, and relate some
necessary anecdotes and facts connected with his early life and times.
Alcuin was born in England, and probably in the immediate vicinity of
York; he was descended from affluent and noble parents; but history is
especially barren on this subject, and we have no information to instruct
us respecting the antiquity of his Saxon ancestry. But if obscurity hangs
around his birth, so soon as he steps into the paths of learning and
ranks with the students of his day, we are no longer in doubt or
perplexity; but are able from that period to his death to trace the
occurrences of his life with all the ease that a searcher of monkish
history can expect. He had the good fortune to receive his education from
Egbert, and under his care he soon became initiated into the mysteries of
grammar, rhetoric, and jurisprudence; which were relieved by the more
fascinating study of poetry, physics, and astronomy.[273] So much was he
esteemed by his master the archbishop, that he entrusted him with a
mission to Rome, to receive from the hands of the Pope his pall; on his
return he called at Parma, where he had an interview with Charles the
Great; who was so captivated with his eloquence and erudition that he
eagerly entreated him to remain, and to aid in diffusing throughout his
kingdom the spirit of that knowledge which he had so successfully
acquired in the Saxon monasteries. But Alcuin was equally anxious for the
advancement of literature in his own country; and being then on a mission
connected with his church, he could do no more than hold out a promise of
consulting his superiors, to whose decisions he considered himself bound
to submit.
During the dominion of Charles, the ecclesiastical as well as the
political institutions of France, were severely agitated by heresy and
war: the two great questions of the age--the Worship of Images and the
Nature of Christ--divided and perplexed the members of a church which had
hitherto been permitted to slumber in peace and quietude. The most
prominent of the heretics was Felix, Bishop of Urgel, who maintained in
a letter to Elipand, Bishop of Toledo, that Christ was only the Son of
God by adoption. It was about the time of the convocation of the Council
of Frankfort, assembled to consider this point, that Alcuin returned to
France at the earnest solicitation of Charlemagne. When the business of
the council was terminated, and peace was somewhat restored, Alcuin began
to think of returning to his native country; but England at that time was
a land of bloodshed and tribulation, in the midst of which it would be
vain to hope for retirement or the blessings of study; after some
deliberation, therefore, Alcuin resolved to remain in France, where there
was at least a wide field for exertion and usefulness. He communicates
his intention in a letter to Offa, King of Mercia. "I was prepared," says
he, "to come to you with the presents of King Charles, and to return to
my country; but it seemed more advisable to me for the peace of my nation
to remain abroad; not knowing what I could have done among those persons
with whom no man can be secure or able to proceed in any laudable
pursuit. See every holy place laid desolate by pagans, the altars
polluted by perjury, the monasteries dishonored by adultery, the earth
itself stained with the blood of rulers and of princes."[274]
After the elapse of many years spent in the brilliant court of Charles,
during which time it surpassed in literary greatness any epoch that
preceded it, he was permitted to seek retirement within the walls of the
abbey of St. Martin's at Tours. But in escaping from the bustle and
intrigue of public life he did not allow his days to pass away in an
inglorious obscurity; but sought to complete his earthly career by
inspiring the rising generation with an honorable and christian ambition.
His cloistered solitude, far from weakening, seems to have augmented the
fertility of his genius, for it was in the quiet seclusion of this
monastery that Alcuin composed the principal portion of his works; nor
are these writings an accumulation of monastic trash, but the fruits of
many a solitary hour spent in studious meditation. His method is perhaps
fantastic and unnatural; but his style is lively, and often elegant. His
numerous quotations and references give weight and interest to his
writings, and clearly proves what a fine old library was at his command,
and how well he knew the use of it. But for the elucidation of his
character as a student, or a bibliomaniac, we naturally turn to the huge
mass of his epistles which have been preserved; and in them we find a
constant reference to books which shew his intimacy with the classics as
well as the patristical lore of the church. In biblical literature he
doubtless possessed many a choice and venerable tome; for an
indefatigable scripture reader was that great man. In a curious little
work of his called "_Interrogationes et Responsiones sui Liber
Questionorum in Genesim_," we find an illustration of his usefulness in
spreading the knowledge he had gained in this department of learning. It
was written expressly for his pupil and dearest brother (_carissime
frater_), Sigulf, as we learn from a letter which accompanies it. He
tells him that he had composed it "that he might always have near him the
means of refreshing his memory when the more ponderous volumes of the
sacred Scriptures were not at his immediate call."[275] Perhaps of all
his works this is the least deserving of our praise; the good old monk
was apt to be prolix, if not tedious, when he found the _stylus_ in his
hand and a clean skin of parchment spread invitingly before him. But as
this work was intended as a manual to be consulted at any time, he was
compelled to curb this propensity, and to reduce his explications to a
few concise sentences. Writing under this restraint, we find little
bearing the stamp of originality, not because he had nothing original to
say, but because he had not space to write it in; I think it necessary to
give this explanation, as some critics upon the learning of that remote
age select these small and ill-digested writings as fair specimens of the
literary capacity of the time, without considering why they were written
or compiled at all. But as a scribe how shall we sufficiently praise that
great man when we take into consideration the fine Bible which he
executed for Charlemagne, and which is now fortunately preserved in the
British Museum. It is a superb copy of St. Jerome's Latin version, freed
from the inaccuracies of the scribes; he commenced it about the year 778,
and did not complete it till the year 800, a circumstance which indicates
the great care he bestowed upon it. When finished he sent it to Rome by
his friend and disciple, Nathaniel, who presented it to Charlemagne on
the day of his coronation: it was preserved by that illustrious monarch
to the last day of his life. Alcuin makes frequent mention of this work
being in progress, and speaks of the labor he was bestowing upon it.[276]
We, who blame the monks for the scarcity of the Bible among them, fail to
take into consideration the immense labor attending the transcriptions of
so great a volume; plodding and patience were necessary to complete it.
The history of this biblical gem is fraught with interest, and well worth
relating. It is supposed to have been given to the monastery of Prum in
Lorraine by Lothaire, the grandson of Charlemagne, who became a monk of
that monastery. In the year 1576 this religious house was dissolved, but
the monks preserved the manuscript, and carried it into Switzerland to
the abbey of Grandis Vallis, near Basle, where it reposed till the year
1793, when, on the occupation of the episcopal territory of Basle by the
French, all the property of the abbey was confiscated and sold, and the
MS. under consideration came into the possession of M. Bennot, from whom,
in 1822, it was purchased by M. Speyr Passavant, who brought it into
general notice, and offered it for sale to the French Government at the
price of 60,000 francs; this they declined, and its proprietor struck of
nearly 20,000 francs from the amount; still the sum was deemed
exorbitant, and with all their bibliomanical enthusiasm, the conservers
of the Royal Library allowed the treasure to escape. M. Passavant
subsequently brought it to England, where it was submitted to the Duke of
Sussex, still without success. He also applied to the trustees of the
British Museum, and Sir F. Madden informs us that "much correspondence
took place; at first he asked 12,000_l._ for it; then 8,000_l._, and at
last 6,500_l._, which he declared an _immense sacrifice!!_ At length,
finding he could not part with his MS. on terms so absurd, he resolved to
sell it if possible by auction; and accordingly, on the 27th of April,
1836, the Bible was knocked down by Mr. Evans for the sum of 1,500_l._,
but for the proprietor himself, as there was not one real bidding for it.
This result having brought M. Speyr Passavant in some measure to his
senses, overtures were made to him on the part of the trustees to the
British Museum, and the manuscript finally became the property of the
nation, for the comparatively small sum of 750_l._" There can be no doubt
as to the authenticity of this precious volume, the verses of Alcuin's,
found in the manuscript, sufficiently prove it, for he alone could
write--
"Is Carolus qui jam Scribe jussit eum."
. . . . . . .
"Hæc Dator Æternus cunctorum Christe bonorum,
Munera de donis accipe sancta tuis,
Quæ Pater Albinus devoto pectore supplex
Nominus ad laudem obtulit ecce tui."
Other proofs are not wanting of Alcuin's industry as a scribe, or his
enthusiasm as an _amator librorum_. Mark the rapture with which he
describes the library of York Cathedral, collected by Egbert:
"Illic invenies veterum vestigia Patrum,
Quidquid habet pro se Latio Romanus in orbe,
Græcia vel quidquid transmisit Clara Latinis.
Hebraicus vel quod populus bibet imbre superno
Africa lucifluo vel quidquid lumine sparsit.
Quod Pater Hieronymus quod sensit Hilarius, atque
Ambrosius Præsul simul Augustinus, et ipse
Sanctus Athanasius, quod Orosius, edit avitus:
Quidquid Gregorius summus docet, et Leo Papa;
Basilius quidquid, Fulgentius atque coruscant
Cassiodorus item, Chrysostomus atque Johannes:
Quidquid et Athelmus docuit, quid Beda Magister,
Quæ Victorinus scripsêre, Boetius; atque
Historici veteres, Pompeius, Plinius, ipse
Acer Aristoteles, Rhetor quoque Tullius ingens;
Quidquoque Sedulius, vel quid canit ipse Invencus,
Alcuinus, et Clemens, Prosper, Paulinus, Arator.
Quid Fortunatus, vel quid Lactantius edunt;
Quæ Maro Virgilius, Statius, Lucanus, et auctor
Artis Grammaticæ, vel quid scripsêre magistri;
Quid Probus atque Focas, Donatus, Priscian usve,
Sevius, Euticius, Pompeius, Commenianus,
Invenies alios perplures, lector, ibidem
Egregios studiis, arte et sermone magistros
Plurima qui claro scripsêre volumina sensu:
Nomina sed quorum præsenti in carmine scribi
Longius est visum, quam plectri postulet usus."[277]
Often did Alcuin think of these goodly times with a longing heart, and
wish that he could revel among them whilst in France. How deeply would he
have regretted, how many tears would he have shed over the sad
destruction of that fine library, had he have known it; but his bones had
mingled with the dust when the Danes dispersed those rare gems of ancient
lore. If the reader should doubt the ardor of Alcuin as a book-lover, let
him read the following letter, addressed to Charlemagne, which none but
a bibliomaniac could pen.
"I, your Flaccus, according to your admonitions and good-will, administer
to some in the house of St. Martin, the sweets of the Holy Scriptures,
_Sanctarum mella Scripturarum_: others I inebriate with the study of
ancient wisdom; and others I fill with the fruits of grammatical lore.
Many I seek to instruct in the order of the stars which illuminate the
glorious vault of heaven; so that they may be made ornaments to the holy
church of God and the court of your imperial majesty; that the goodness
of God and your kindness may not be altogether unproductive of good. But
in doing this I discover the want of much, especially those exquisite
books of scholastic learning, which I possessed in my own country,
through the industry of my good and most devout master (Egbert). I
therefore intreat your Excellence to permit me to send into Britain some
of our youths to procure those books which we so much desire, and thus
transplant into France the flowers of Britain, that they may fructify and
perfume, not only the garden at York, but also the Paradise of Tours; and
that we may say, in the words of the song, '_Let my beloved come into his
garden and eat his pleasant fruit_;' and to the young, '_Eat, O friends;
drink, yea, drink, abundantly, O beloved_;' or exhort, in the words of
the prophet Isaiah, '_every one that thirsteth to come to the waters, and
ye that hath no money, come ye, buy and eat: yea, come, buy wine and milk
without money and without price_.'
"Your Majesty is not ignorant how earnestly we are exhorted throughout
the Holy Scriptures to search after wisdom; nothing so tends to the
attainment of a happy life; nothing more delightful or more powerful in
resisting vice; nothing more honorable to an exalted dignity; and,
according to philosophy, nothing more needful to a just government of a
people. Thus Solomon exclaims, '_Wisdom is better than rubies, and all
the things that may be desired are not to be compared to it_.' It
exalteth the humble with sublime honors. '_By wisdom kings reign and
princes decree justice: by me princes rule; and nobles, even all the
judges of the earth. Blessed are they that keep my ways, and blessed is
the man that heareth me._' Continue, then, my Lord King, to exhort the
young in the palaces of your highness to earnest pursuit in acquiring
wisdom; that they may be honored in their old age, and ultimately enter
into a blessed immortality. I shall truly, according to my ability,
continue to sow in those parts the seeds of wisdom among your servants;
remembering the command, '_In the morning sow thy seed, and in the
evening withhold not thine hand._' In my youth I sowed the seeds of
learning in the prosperous seminaries of Britain; and now, in my old age,
I am doing so in France without ceasing, praying that the grace of God
may bless them in both countries."[278]
Such was the enthusiasm, such the spirit of bibliomania, which actuated
the monks of those _bookless_ days; and which was fostered with such
zealous care by Alcuin, in the cloisters of St. Martin of Tours. He
appropriated one of the apartments of the monastery for the transcription
of books, and called it the _museum_, in which constantly were employed a
numerous body of industrious scribes: he presided over them himself, and
continually exhorted them to diligence and care; to guard against the
inadvertencies of unskilful copyists, he wrote a small work on
orthography. We cannot estimate the merits of this essay, for only a
portion of it has been preserved; but in the fragment printed among his
works, we can see much that might have been useful to the scribes, and
can believe that it must have tended materially to preserve the purity of
ancient texts. It consists of a catalogue of words closely resembling
each other, and consequently requiring the utmost care in
transcribing.[279]
In these pleasing labors Alcuin was assisted by many of the most learned
men of the time, and especially by Arno, Archbishop of Salzburgh, in
writing to whom Alcuin exclaims, "O that I could suddenly translate my
_Abacus_, and with my own hands quickly embrace your fraternity with that
warmth which cannot be compressed in books. Nevertheless, because I
cannot conveniently come, I send more frequently my unpolished letters
(_rusticitatis meæ litteras_) to thee, that they may speak for me instead
of the words of my mouth." This Arno, to whom he thus affectionately
writes, was no despicable scholar; he was a true lover of literature, and
proved himself something of an _amator librorum_, by causing to be
transcribed or bought for his use, 150 volumes,[280] but about this
period the bookloving mania spread far and wide--the Emperor himself was
touched with the enthusiasm; for, besides his choice private
collections,[281] he collected together the ponderous writings of the
holy fathers, amounting to upwards of 200 volumes, bound in a most
sumptuous manner, and commanded them to be deposited in a public temple
and arranged in proper order, so that those who could not purchase such
treasures might be enabled to feast on the lore of the ancients. Thus did
bibliomania flourish in the days of old.
But I must not be tempted to remain longer in France, though the names of
many choice old book collectors would entice me to do so. When I left
England, to follow the steps of Alcuin, I was speaking of York, which
puts me in mind of the monastery of Whitby,[282] in the same shire, on
the banks of the river Eske. It was founded by Hilda, the virgin daughter
of Hereric, nephew to King Edwin, about the year 680, who was its first
abbess. Having put her monastery in regular order, Hilda set an
illustrious example of piety and virtue, and particularly directed all
under her care to a constant reading of the holy Scriptures. After a long
life of usefulness and zeal she died deeply lamented by the Saxon
Church,[283] an event which many powerful miracles commemorated.
In the old times of the Saxons the monastery of Whitby was renowned for
its learning; and many of the celebrated ecclesiastics of the day
received their instruction within its walls. The most interesting
literary anecdote connected with the good lady Hilda's abbacy, is the
kind reception she gave to the Saxon poet Cædmon, whose paraphrase of the
Book of Genesis has rendered his name immortal. He was wont to make
"pious and religious verses, so that whatever was interpreted to him out
of Scripture, he soon after put the same into poetical expression of much
sweetness and humility in English, which was his native language. By his
verses the minds of many were often excited to despise the world and to
aspire to heaven. Others after him attempted in the English nation to
compose religious poems, but none could ever compare with him, _for he
did not learn the art of poetry from man but from God_."[284] He was
indeed, as the venerable Bede says, a poet of nature's own teaching:
originally a rustic herdsman, the sublime gift was bestowed upon him by
inspiration, or as it is recorded, in a dream. As he slept an unknown
being appeared, and commanded him to sing. Cædmon hesitated to make the
attempt, but the apparition retorted, "Nevertheless, thou shalt
sing--sing the origin of things." Astonished and perplexed, our poet
found himself instantaneously in possession of the pleasing art; and,
when he awoke, his vision and the words of his song were so impressed
upon his memory, that he easily repeated them to his wondering
companions.[285] He hastened at day-break to relate these marvels and to
display his new found talents to the monks of Whitby, by whom he was
joyfully received, and as they unfolded the divine mysteries, "The good
man," says Bede, "listened like a clean animal ruminating; and his song
and his verse were so winsome to hear, that his teachers wrote them down,
and learned from his mouth."[286]
Some contend that an ancient manuscript in the British Museum is the
original of this celebrated paraphrase.[287] It is just one of those
choice relics which a bibliomaniac loves to handle, but scarcely perhaps
bears evidence of antiquity so remote. It is described in the catalogue
as, "The substance of the Book of Genesis, with the Acts of Moses and
Joshua, with brief notes and annotations, part in Latin and part in Saxon
by Bede and others." The notes, if by Bede, would tend to favor the
opinion that it is the original manuscript, or, at any rate, coeval with
the Saxon bard. The volume, as a specimen of calligraphic art, reflects
honor upon the age, and is right worthy of Lady Hilda's monastery. There
are 312[288] fine velum pages in this venerable and precious volume,
nearly every one of which dazzles with the talent of the skilful
illuminator. The initial letters are formed, with singular taste and
ingenuity, of birds, beasts, and flowers. To give an idea of the nature
of these pictorial embellishments--which display more splendor of
coloring than accuracy of design--I may describe the singular
illumination adorning the sixth page, which represents the birth of Eve.
Adam is asleep, reclining on the grass, which is depicted as so many
inverted cones; and, if we may judge from the appearance of our venerable
forefather, he could not have enjoyed a very comfortable repose on that
memorable occasion, and the grass which grew in the Garden of Paradise
must have been of a very stubborn nature when compared with the earth's
verdure of the present day; for the weight of Adam alters not the
position of the tender herb, which supports his huge body on their
extreme summits. As he is lying on the left side Eve is ascending from a
circular aperture in his right; nor would the original, if she bore any
resemblance to her monkish portraiture, excite the envy or the admiration
of the present age, or bear comparison with her fair posterity. Her
physiognomy is anything but fascinating, and her figure is a repulsive
monstrosity, _adorned_ with a profusion of luxurious hair of a brilliant
blue!
It is foreign to our subject to enter into any analysis of the literary
beauties of this poem; let it suffice that Cædmon, the old Saxon
herdsman, has been compared to our immortal Milton; and their names have
been coupled together when speaking of a poet's genius.[289] But on other
grounds Cædmon claims a full measure of our praise. Not only was he the
"Father of Saxon poetry," but to him also belongs the inestimable honor
of being the first who attempted to render into the vulgar tongue the
beauties and mysteries of the Holy Scriptures; he unsealed what had
hitherto been a sealed book; his paraphrase is the first translation of
the holy writ on record. So let it not be forgotten that to this Milton
of old our Saxon ancestors were indebted for this invaluable treasure. We
are unable to trace distinctly the formation of the monastic library of
Whitby. But of the time of Richard, elected abbot in the year 1148, a
good monk, and formerly prior of Peterborough, we have a catalogue of
their books preserved. I would refer the reader to that curious
list,[290] and ask him if it does not manifest by its contents the
existence of a more refined taste in the cloisters than he gave the old
monks credit for. It is true, the legends of saints abound in it; but
then look at the choice tomes of a classic age, whose names grace that
humble catalogue, and remember that the studies of the Whitby monks were
divided between the miraculous lives of holy men, and the more pleasing
pages of the "Pagan Homer," the eloquence of Tully, and the wit of
Juvenal, of whose subject they seemed to have been fond; for they read
also the satires of Persius. I extract the names of some of the authors
contained in this monkish library:
Ambrose.
Hugo.
Theodolus.
Aratores.
Bernard.
Avianus.
Gratian.
Odo.
Gilda.
Maximianus.
Eusebius.
Plato.
Homer.
Cicero.
Juvenal.
Persius.
Statius.
Sedulus.
Prosper.
Prudentius.
Boethius.
Donatus.
Rabanus Maurus.
Origen.
Priscian.
Gregory Nazianzen.
Josephus.
Bede.
Gildas.
Isidore.
Ruffinus.
Guido on Music.
Diadema Monachorum.
Come, the monks evidently read something besides their _Credo_, and
transcribed something better than "monastic trash." A little taste for
literature and learning we must allow they enjoyed, when they formed
their library of such volumes as the above. I candidly admit, that when I
commenced these researches I had no expectations of finding a collection
of a hundred volumes, embracing so many choice works of old Greece and
Rome. It is pleasant, however, to trace these workings of bibliomania in
the monasteries; and it is a surprise quite agreeable and delicious in
itself to meet with instances like the present.
At a latter period the monastery of Rievall, in Yorkshire, possessed an
excellent library of 200 volumes. This we know by a catalogue of them,
compiled by one of the monks about the middle of the fourteenth century,
and now preserved in the library of Jesus College, Cambridge.[291] A
transcript of this manuscript was made by Mr. Halliwell, and published in
his "Reliqua Antiqua,"[292] from which it may be seen that the Rievall
monastery contained at that time many choice and valuable works. The
numerous writings of Sts. Augustine, Bernard, Anselm, Cyprian, Origin,
Haimo, Gregory, Ambrose, Isidore, Chrysostom, Bede, Aldhelm, Gregory
Nazienzen, Ailred, Josephus, Rabanus Maurus, Peter Lombard, Orosius,
Boethius, Justin, Seneca, with histories of the church of Britain, of
Jerusalem, of King Henry, and many others equally interesting and costly,
prove how industriously they used their pens, and how much they
appreciated literature and learning. But in the fourteenth century the
inhabitants of the monasteries were very industrious in transcribing
books at a period coeval with the compilation of the Rievall catalogue, a
monk of Coventry church was plying his pen with unceasing energy; John de
Bruges wrote with his own hand thirty-two volumes for the library of the
benedictine priory of St. Mary.
The reader will see that there is little among them worthy of much
observation. The MS. begins, "These are the books which John of Bruges,
monk of Coventry, wrote for the Coventry church. Any who shall take them
away from the church without the consent of the convent, let him be
anathema."[293]
In primis, ymnarium in grossa littera.
Halmo upon Isaiah.
A Missal for the Infirmary.
A Missal.
Duo missalia domini Prioris Rogeris, scilicet collectas cum secretis
et postcommunione.
A Benedictional for the use of the same prior.
Another Benedictional for the use of the convent.
Librum cartarum.
Martyrologium, Rule of St. Benedict and Pastoral, in one volume.
Liber cartarum.
A Graduale, with a Tropario, and a Processional.
Psaltar for Prior Roger.
Palladium de Agricultura.
Librum experimentorum, in quo ligatur compotus Helprici.
A book containing Compotus manualis et Merlin, etc.
An Ordinal for the Choir.
Tables for the Martyrology.
Kalendarium mortuorum.
Ditto.
Table of Responses.
Capitular.
Capitular for Prior Roger.
A Reading Book.
A book of Decretals.
Psalter for the monks in the infirmary.
Generationes Veteris et Novi Testamenti; ante scholasticam hystoriam
et ante Psalterium domini Anselmi.
Pater noster.
An Ordinal.
Tables for Peter Lombard's Sentences.
Tables for the Psalter.
Book of the Statutes of the Church.
Verses on the praise of the blessed Mary.
The priory of St. Mary's was founded by Leofricke, the celebrated Earl of
Mercia and his good Lady Godiva, in the year 1042. "Hollingshead says
that this Earl Leofricke was a man of great honor, wise, and discreet in
all his doings. His high wisdome and policie stood the realme in great
steed whilst he lived.... He had a noble ladie to his wife named Gudwina,
at whose earnest sute he made the citie of Couentrie free of all manner
of toll except horsses, and to haue that toll laid downe also, his
foresaid wife rode naked through the middest of the towne without other
couerture, saue onlie her haire. Moreouer partlie moued by his owne
deuotion and partlie by the persuasion of his wife, he builded or
beneficiallie augmented and repared manie abbeies and churches as the
saide abbie or priorie at Couentrie--the abbeies of Wenlocke, Worcester,
Stone, Evesham, and Leot, besides Hereford."
The church of Worcester, which the good Earl had thus "beneficiallie
augmented," the Saxon King Offa had endowed with princely munificence
before him. In the year 780, during the time of Abbot Tilhere, or
Gilhere, Offa gave to the church Croppethorne, Netherton, Elmlege
Cuddeshe, Cherton, and other lands, besides a "large Bible with two
clasps, made of the purest gold."[294] In the tenth century the library
of Exeter Church was sufficiently extensive to require the preserving
care of an amanuensis; for according to Dr. Thomas, Bishop Oswald granted
in the year 985 three hides of land at Bredicot, one yardland at
Ginenofra, and seven acres of meadow at Tiberton, to Godinge a monk, on
condition of his fulfilling the duties of a librarian to the see, and
transcribing the registers and writings of the church. It is said that
the scribe Godinge wrote many choice books for the library.[295] I do not
find any remarkable book donation, save now and then a volume or two, in
the annals of Worcester Church; nor have I been able to discover any old
parchment catalogue to tell of the number or rarity of their books; for
although probably most monasteries had one compiled, being enjoined to do
so by the regulations of their order, they have long ago been destroyed;
for when we know that fine old manuscripts were used by the bookbinders
after the Reformation, we can easily imagine how little value would be
placed on a mere catalogue of names.
But to return again to Godiva, that illustrious lady gave the monks,
after the death of her lord, many landed possessions, and bestowed upon
them the blessings of a library.[296]
Thomas Cobham, who was consecrated Bishop of Worcester in the year 1317,
was a great "_amator librorum_," and spent much time and money in
collecting books. He was the first who projected the establishment of a
public library at Oxford, which he designed to form over the old
Congregation House in the churchyard of St. Mary's, but dying soon after
in the year 1327, the project was forgotten till about forty years after,
when I suppose the example of the great bibliomaniac Richard de Bury drew
attention to the matter; for his book treasures were then "deposited
there, and the scholars permitted to consult them on certain
conditions."[297]
Bishop Carpenter built a library for the use of the monastery of Exeter
Church, in the year 1461, over the charnal house; and endowed it with £10
per annum as a salary for an amanuensis.[298] But the books deposited
there were grievously destroyed during the civil wars; for on the
twenty-fourth of September, 1642, when the army under the Earl of Essex
came to Worcester, they set about "destroying the organ, breaking in
pieces divers beautiful windows, wherein the foundation of the church was
lively historified with painted glass;" they also "rifled the library,
with the records and evidences of the church, tore in pieces the Bibles
and service books pertaining to the quire."[299] Sad desecration of
ancient literature! But the reader of history will sigh over many such
examples.
The registers of Evesham Monastery, near Worcester, speak of several
monkish bibliophiles, and the bookish anecdotes relating to them are
sufficiently interesting to demand some attention here. Ailward, who was
abbot in the year 1014, gave the convent many relics and ornaments, and
what was still better a quantity of books.[300] He was afterwards
promoted to the see of London, over which he presided many years; but age
and infirmity growing upon him, he was anxious again to retire to
Evesham, but the monks from some cause or other were unwilling to receive
him back; at this he took offence, and seeking in the monastery of Ramsey
the quietude denied him there, he demanded back all the books he had
given them.[301] His successor Mannius was celebrated for his skill in
the fine arts, and was an exquisite worker in metals, besides an
ingenious scribe and illuminator. He wrote and illuminated with his own
hand, for the use of his monastery, a missal and a large Psalter.[302]
Walter, who was abbot in the year 1077, gave also many books to the
library,[303] and among the catalogue of sumptuous treasures with which
Reginald, a succeeding abbot, enriched the convent, a great textus or
gospels, with a multitude of other books, _multa alia libros_, are
particularly specified.[304] Almost equally liberal were the choice gifts
bestowed upon the monks by Adam (elected A. D. 1161); but we find but
little in our way among them, except a fine copy of the "Old and New
Testament with a gloss." No mean gift I ween in those old days; but one
which amply compensated for the deficiency of the donation in point of
numbers. But all these were greatly surpassed by a monk whom it will be
my duty now to introduce; and to an account of whose life and
bibliomanical propensities, I shall devote a page or two. Like many who
spread a lustre around the little sphere of their own, and did honor,
humbly and quietly to the sanctuary of the church in those Gothic days,
he is unknown to many; and might, perhaps, have been entirely forgotten,
had not time kindly spared a document which testifies to his piety and
book-collecting industry. The reader will probably recollect many who, by
their shining piety and spotless life, maintained the purity of the
Christian faith in a church surrounded by danger and ignorance, and many
a bright name, renowned for their virtue or their glory of arms, who
flourished during the early part of the thirteenth century; but few have
heard of a good and humble monk named Thomas of Marleberg. Had
circumstances designed him for a higher sphere, had affairs of state, or
weighty duties of an ecclesiastical import, been guided by his hand, his
name would have been recorded with all the flourish of monkish adulation;
but the learning and the prudence of that lowly monk was confined to the
little world of Evesham; and when his earthly manes were buried beneath
the cloisters within the old convent walls, his name and good deeds were
forgotten by the world, save in the hearts of his fraternity.
"But past is all his fame. The very spot
Where many a time he triumph'd, is forgot."
In a manuscript in the Cotton Library there is a document called "The
good deeds of Prior Thomas," from which the following facts have been
extracted.[305]
From this interesting memorial of his labors, we learn that Thomas had
acquired some repute among the monks for his great knowledge of civil and
canon law; so that when any difficulty arose respecting the claims or
privileges of the monastery, or when any important matter was to be
transacted, his advice was sought and received with deference and
respect. Thus three years after his admission the bishop of Worcester
intimated his intention of paying the monastery a visitation; a practice
which the bishops of that see had not enforced since the days of abbot
Alurie. The abbot and convent however considered themselves free from the
jurisdiction of the bishop; and acting on the advice of Thomas of
Marleberg, they successfully repulsed him. The affair was quite an event,
and seems to have caused much sensation among them at the time; and is
mentioned to show with what esteem Thomas was regarded by his monkish
brethren. After a long enumeration of "good works" and important
benefactions, such as rebuilding the tower and repairing the convent, we
are told that "In the second year of Randulp's abbacy, Thomas, then dean,
went with him to Rome to a general council, where, by his prudence and
advice, a new arrangement in the business of the convent rents was
confirmed, and many other useful matters settled." Here I am tempted to
refer to the _arrangements_, for they offer pleasing illustrations of the
monk as an "_amator librorum_." Mark how his thoughts dwelt--even when
surrounded by those high dignitaries of the church, and in the midst of
that important council--on the library and the scriptorium of his
monastery.
"_To the Prior belongs the tythes of Beningar the both great and
small, to defray the expenses of procuring parchment, and to
procure manuscripts for transcription._"
And in another clause it is settled that
"_To the Office of the Precentor belongs the Manner of Hampton,
from which he will receive five shillings annually, besides ten
and eightpence from the tythes of Stokes and Alcester, with which
he is to find all the ink and parchment for the Scribes of the
Monastery, colours for illuminating, and all that is necessary
for binding the books_."[306]
Pleasing traits are these of his bookloving passion; and doubtless under
his guidance the convent library grew and flourished amazingly. But let
us return to the account of his "good works."
"Returning from Rome after two years he was elected sacrist. He then made
a reading-desk behind the choir,[307] which was much wanted in the
church, and appointed stated readings to be held near the tomb of Saint
Wilsius.... Leaving his office thus rich in good works, he was then
elected prior. In this office he buried his predecessor, Prior John, in a
new mausoleum; and also John, surnamed Dionysius; of the latter of whom
Prior Thomas was accustomed to say, 'that he had never known any man who
so perfectly performed every kind of penance as he did for more than
thirty years, in fasting and in prayer; in tears and in watchings; in
cold and in corporeal inflictions; in coarseness and roughness of
clothing, and in denying himself bodily comforts, far more than any other
of the brethren; all of which he rather dedicated in good purposes and
to the support of the poor."
Thus did many an old monk live, practising all this with punctilious care
as the essence of a holy life, and resting upon the fallacy that these
cruel mortifyings of the flesh would greatly facilitate the acquisition
of everlasting ease and joy in a better world; as if God knew not, better
than themselves, what chastisements and afflictions were needful for
them. We may sigh with pain over such instances of mistaken piety and
fanatical zeal in all ages of the church; yet with all their privations,
and with all their macerations of the flesh, there was a vast amount of
human pride mingled with their humiliation. But He who sees into the
hearts of all--looking in his benevolence more at the intention than the
outward form, may perhaps sometimes find in it the workings of a true
christian piety, and so reward it with his love. Let us trust so in the
charity of our faith, and proceed to notice that portion of the old
record which is more intimately connected with our subject. We read that
"Thomas had brought with him to the convent, on his entering, many books,
of both canon and civil law; as well as the books by which he had
regulated the schools of Oxford and Exeter before he became a monk. He
likewise had one book of Democritus; and the book of Antiparalenion, a
gradual book, according to Constantine; Isidore's Divine Offices, and the
Quadrimum of Isidore; Tully's de Amicitia; Tully de Senectute et de
Paradoxis; Lucan, Juvenal, and many other authors, _et multos alios
auctores_, with a great number of sermons, with many writings on
theological questions; on the art and rules of grammar and the book of
accents. After he was prior he made a great breviary, better than any at
that time in the monastery, with Haimo, on the Apocalypse, and a book
containing the lives of the patrons of the church of Evesham; with an
account of the deeds of all the good and bad monks belonging to the
church, in one volume. He also wrote and bound up the same lives and acts
in another volume separately. He made also a great Psalter, _magnum
psalterium_, superior to any contained in the monastery, except the
glossed ones. He collected and wrote all the necessary materials for four
antiphoners, with their musical notes, himself; except what the brothers
of the monastery transcribed for him. He also finished many books that
William of Lith, of pious memory, commenced--the Marterologium, the
Exceptio Missæ, and some excellent commentaries on the Psalter and
Communion of the Saints in the old antiphoners. He also bought the four
Gospels, with glosses, and Isaiah and Ezekiel, also glossed;[308] the
Pistillæ upon Matthew; some Allegories on the Old Testament; the
Lamentations of Jeremiah, with a gloss; the Exposition of the Mass,
according to Pope Innocent; and the great book of Alexander Necham, which
is called _Corrogationes Promethea de partibus veteris testamenti et
novæ_.... He also caused to be transcribed in large letters the book
concerning the offices of the abbey, from the Purification of St. Mary
to the Feast of Easter; the prelections respecting Easter; Pentecost, and
the blessings at the baptismal fonts. He also caused a volume, containing
the same works, to be transcribed, but in a smaller hand; all of which
the convent had not before. He made also the tablet for the locutory in
the chapel of St. Anne, towards the west. After the altar of St. Mary in
the crypts had been despoiled by thieves of its books and ornaments, to
the value of ten pounds, he contributed to their restoration."
Thomas was equally liberal in other matters. His whole time and wealth
were spent in rebuilding and repairing the monastery and adding to its
comforts and splendor. He had a great veneration for antiquity, and was
especially anxious to restore those parts which were dilapidated by time;
the old inscriptions on the monuments and altars he carefully
re-inscribed. It is recorded that he renewed the inscription on the great
altar himself, without the aid of a book, _sine libro_; which was deemed
a mark of profound learning in my lord abbot by his monkish
surbordinates.
With this I conclude my remarks on Thomas of Marleberg, leaving these
extracts to speak for him. It is pleasing to find that virtue so great,
and industry so useful met with its just reward; and that the monks of
Evesham proved how much they appreciated such talents, by electing him
their abbot, in 1229, which, for seven years he held with becoming piety
and wisdom.
The annals of the monastery[309] testify that "In the year of our Lord
one thousand three hundred and ninety-two, and the fifteenth of the reign
of King Richard the Second, on the tenth calends of May, died the
venerable Prior Nicholas Hereford, of pious memory, who, as prior of the
church of Evesham, lived a devout and religious life for forty years." He
held that office under three succeeding abbots, and filled it with great
honor and industry. He was a dear lover of books, and spent vast sums in
collecting together his private library, amounting to more than 100
volumes; some of these he wrote with his own hand, but most of them he
bought _emit_. A list of these books is given in the Harleian Register,
and many of the volumes are described as containing a number of tracts,
bound up in one, _cum aliis tractatibus in eodem volumine_. Some of these
display the industry of his pen, and silently tell us of his Christian
piety. Among those remarkable for their bulk, it is pleasurable to
observe a copy of the Holy Scriptures, which was doubtless a comfort to
the venerable prior in the last days of his green old age; and which
probably guided him in the even tenor of that _devout and religious
life_, for which he was so esteemed by the monks of Evesham. He possessed
also some works of Bernard Augustin, and Boethius, whose Consolation of
Philosophy few book-collectors of the middle ages were without. To many
of the books the prices he gave for them, or at which they were then
valued, are affixed: a "_Summa Prædicantium_" is valued at eight marks,
and a "_Burley super Politices_" at seven marks. We may suspect monk
Nicholas of being rather a curious collector in his way, for we find in
his library some interesting volumes of popular literature. He probably
found much pleasure in perusing his copy of the marvelous tale of "Beufys
of Hampton," and the romantic "Mort d'Arthur," both sufficiently
interesting to relieve the monotonous vigils of the monastery. But I must
not dwell longer on the monastic bibliophiles of Evesham, other libraries
and bookworms call for some notice from my pen.
FOOTNOTES:
[245] "Rediens autem, ubi Viennam pervenit, eruptitios sibi quos
apud amicos commendaverat, recepit." p. 26. _Vit. Abbat. Wear. 12mo.
edit. Ware._
[246] The youngest son of Oswy, or Oswis, king of Northumbria, who
succeeded his father in the year 670, Alfred his elder brother being
for a time set aside on the grounds of his illegitimacy; yet Alfred
was a far more enlightened and talented prince than Ecgfrid, and
much praised in Saxon annals for his love of learning.
[247] "Magnâ quidem copiâ voluminum sacrorum; sed non minori sicut
et prius sanctorum imaginum numere detatus." _Vit. Abb._ p. 38.
[248] "Bibliothecam, quam de Roma nobillissimam copiosessimanque
advenaret ad instructionem ecclesiæ necessariam sollicite servari
integram, nec per incuriam foedari aut passim dissipari præcepit."
[249] Bede says that he was "learned in Holy Scriptures." Dr. Henry
mentions this anecdote in his _Hist. of England_, vol. ii. p. 287,
8vo. ed. which has led many secondary compilers into a curious
blunder, by mistaking the king here alluded to for Alfred the Great:
even Didbin, in his Bibliomania, falls into the same error although
he suspected some mistake; he calls him _our immortal Alfrid_, p.
219, and seems puzzled to account for the anachronism, but does not
take the trouble to enquire into the matter; Heylin's little Help to
History would have set him right, and shown that while Alfrede king
of Northumberland reigned in 680, Alfred king of England lived more
than two centuries afterwards, pp. 25 and 29.
[250] The reader may perhaps smile at this, but it has long been my
custom to carry some 8vo. edition of a monkish writer about me, when
time or opportunity allowed me to spend a few hours among the ruins
of the olden time. I recall with pleasure the recollection of many
such rambles, and especially my last--a visit to Netley Abbey. What
a sweet spot for contemplation; surrounded by all that is lovely in
nature, it drives our old prejudices away, and touches the heart
with piety and awe. Often have I explored its ruins and ascended its
crumbling parapets, admiring the taste of those Cistercian monks in
choosing so quiet, romantic, and choice a spot, and one so well
suited to lead man's thoughts to sacred things above.
[251] Bede, _Vit. Abb. Wear._ p. 46.
[252] The fine libraries thus assiduously collected were destroyed
by the Danes; that of Jarrow in the year 793, and that of Wearmouth
in 867.
[253] Emer, Vita. ap. Mab. Act. SS. tom. iii. 199.
[254] Bede's Eccles. Hist. b. iii. c. xxv.
[255] "Idemque vir Dei quatuor Evangelica et Bibliothecam pluresque
libros Novi et Veteris Testamenti cum tabulis tectis auro purissimo
et pretiosis gemmis mirabili artificio fabricatis ad honorem Dei."
Dugdale's Monast. vol. ii. p. 133.
[256] In 665 he was raised to the episcopacy of all Northumbria.
[257] He was deprived of his bishopric in the year 678, and the see
was divided into those of York and Hexham. But for the particulars
of his conduct see _Soame's Anglo. Sax. Church_, p. 63, with _Dr.
Lingard's Ang. Sax. Church_, vol. i. p. 245; though without accusing
either of misrepresentation, I would advise the reader to search (if
he has the opportunity), the original authorities for himself, it is
a delicate matter for a Roman or an English churchman to handle with
impartiality.
[258] His Saxon name was Winfrid, or Wynfrith, but he is generally
called Boniface, Archbishop of Mentz.
[259] The mere act of baptizing constitutes "_conversion_" in
Jesuitical phraseology; and thousands were so converted in a few
days by the followers of Ignatius. A similar process was used in
working out the miracles of the Saxon missionary. He was rather too
conciliating and too anxious for a "converting miracle," to be over
particular; but it was all for the good of the church papal, to whom
he was a devoted servant; the church papal therefore could not see
the fault.
[260] Ep. iii. p. 7, Ed. 4to.--_Moguntiæ_, 1629.
[261] Ep. iv. p. 8.
[262] Ep. xiii.
[263] Ep. vii. p. 11.
[264] Ep. xiv. See also Ep. xxviii. p. 40.
[265] Ep. viii. p. 12.
[266] Ep. lxxxv. p. 119.
[267] Ep. ix. p. 13.
[268] Ep. xxii. p. 36.
[269] Ep. xcix. p. 135.
[270] Ep. cxi. p. 153.
[271] The accusation is not a groundless one. Foxe, in his _Acts and
Monuments_, warmly upbraids him; and Aikins in his _Biog. Dict._,
has acted in a similar manner. But the best guides are his
letters--they display his faults and his virtues too.
[272] This was in the year 731. _Goodwin_ says he "sate 36 years,
and died an. 767." He says, "This man by his owne wisedome, and the
authority of his brother, amended greatly the state of his church
and see. He procured the archiepiscopall pall to be restored to his
churche againe, and erected a famous library at York, which he
stored plentifully with an infinite number of excellent bookes." p.
441.
[273] De Pontificibus et Sanctis Ecclesiæ Eboracensis.
[274] Alcuini Oper., tom. i. vol. 1, p. 57, translated in Sharpe's
William of Malmsbury, p. 73.
[275] Opera, tom. i. p. 305.
[276] In a letter to Gisla, sister to the emperor, he writes "Totius
forsitan evangelii Johannis expositionem direxissem vobis, si me non
occupasset Domini Regis præceptum in emendatione Veteri Novique
Testamenti."--_Opera_, tom. i. vol. 7, p. 591.
[277] Alcuini, ap. Gale, tom. iii. p. 730.
[278] Alcuini, Oper. tom. i. p. 52. Ep. xxxviii. It was written
about 796.
[279] He was also very careful in instructing the scribes to
punctuate with accuracy, which he deemed of great importance. See
Ep. lxxxv. p. 126.
[280] Necrolog. MS. Capituli, Metropolitani Salisburgensis, _apud_
Froben, tom. i. p. lxxxi.
[281] Charlemagne founded several libraries;--see _Koeler, Dissert.
de Biblio. Caroli Mog._ published in 1727. Eginhart mentions his
private collection, and it is thus spoken of in the emperor's will;
"Similiter et de libris, quorum magna in bibliotheca sua copiam
congregavit: statuit ut ab iis qui eos habere uellet, justo pretio
redimeretur, pretin in pauperes erogaretur." Echin. Vita Caroli, p.
366, edit. 24mo. 1562. Yet we cannot but regret the dispersion of
this imperial library.
[282] Formerly called _Streaneshalch_.
[283] At the age of 66, _Bede_, b. iv. cxxiii.
[284] Bede, b. iv. c. xxiv.
[285] John de Trevisa says, "Cædmon of Whitaby was inspired of the
Holy Gost, and made wonder poisyes an Englisch, meiz of al the
Storyes of Holy Writ." _MS. Harleian_, 1900, fol. 43, a.
[286] Ibid.
[287] Cottonian Collection marked _Claudius_, B. iv. There is
another MS. in the Bodleian (_Junius_ XI.) It was printed by Junius
in 1655, in 4to. Sturt has engraved some of the illuminations in his
_Saxon Antiquities_, and they were also copied and published by J.
Greene, F. A. S., in 1754, in fifteen plates.
[288] It is unfortunately imperfect at the end, and wants folio 32.
[289] Take the following as an instance of the similarity of thought
between the two poets. Sharon Turner thus renders a portion of
Satan's speech from the Saxon of Cædmon:
"Yet why should I sue for his grace?
Or bend to him with any obedience?
I may be a God as he is.
Stand by me strong companions."
_Hist. Anglo Sax._ vol. ii. p. 314.
The idea is with Milton:
. . . . . . . . To bow to one for grace
With suppliant knee, and deify his power,
Who from the terror of this arm so late
Doubted his empire; that were low indeed!
That were an ignominy, and shame beneath
This downfall!
_Paradise Lost_, b. i.
[290] He will find it in Charlton's History of Whitby, 4to. 1779, p.
113.
[291] Marked MS. N. B. 17.
[292] Wright and Halliwell's Rel. Antiq. vol. ii. p. 180.
[293] It is printed in Hearne's History of Glastonbury, from a MS.
in the Bodleian Library, Ed. _Oxon_, 1722, _Appendix_ x. p. 291.
[294] Bibliothecam optimam cum duobus armillis ex auro purissimo
fabricatis.--_Heming. Chart_, p. 95.
[295] Thomas's Survey, of Worcester Church, 4to. 1736, p. 46. The
Scriptorium of the monastery was situated in the cloisters, and a
Bible in Bennet College, Cambridge, was written therein by a scribe
named Senatus, as we learn from a note printed in Nasmith's
Catalogue, which proves it to have been written during the reign of
Henry II. It is a folio MS. on vellum, and a fine specimen of the
talent of the expert scribe.--See _Nasmith's Catalogus Libr. MSS._,
4to. _Camb._ 1777, p. 31.
[296] Since writing the above, which I gave on the authority of
Green (_Hist. of Worc._ vol. i. p. 79), backed with the older one of
Thomas (_Survey Ch. Worc._ p. 70), I have had the opportunity of
consulting the reference given by them (_Heming, Chart._ p. 262),
and was somewhat surprised to find the words "_Et bibliothecam, in
duobus partibus divisam_," the foundation of this pleasing anecdote.
"_Bibliothecam_," however, was the Latin for a Bible in the middle
ages: so that in fact the Lady Godiva gave them a Bible divided into
two parts, or volumes.
[297] Chalmer's Hist. of the Colleges of Oxford, p. 458. Wood's
Hist. Antiq. of Oxon, lib. ii. p. 48.
[298] Green's Hist. Worc. p. 79.
[299] Sir W. Dugdale's View of the Troubles in England, _Folio_, p.
557. We can easily credit the destruction of the organ and painted
windows, so obnoxious to Puritan piety; but with regard to the
_Bibles_, we may suspect the accuracy of the Royalist writer, col.
182.
[300] Symeon Dunelm. Tweyed. Script. x.
[301] Habingdon, MSS. Godwin de Præf, p. 231.
[302] Tindal's Hist. of Evesham, p. 248.
[303] _Ibid._ p. 250.
[304] MS. Harl., No. 3763, p. 180.
[305] MS. Cot. Vesp. b. xxiv. It is printed in Latin in _Nash's
Worcestershire_, vol. i. p. 419, and translated in _Tindal's Hist.
of Worcs._ p. 24, all of which I have used with _Dugdale's Monast._
vol. ii. p. 5.
[306] _MS. Cottonian Augustus II._ No. 11. "Ex his debet invenire
præcentor incaustum omnibus scriptoribus monasterii; et Pergamenum
ad brevia, et colores ad illuminandum, et necessaria ad legandum
libros." See _Dugdale's Monast._ vol. ii. p. 24.
[307] After the elapse of so many years, the research of the
antiquarian has brought this desk to light; an account of it will be
found in the Archeologia, vol. xvii. p. 278.
[308] "Emit etiam quator evangelia glosata, et Yaiam et Ezechielem
glossatos."
[309] Harleian MSS., No. 3763.