CULTURE
Colleges--Their Popularity--Revenues--Character of education:
Classics; Science; Philosophy; Art--Distinguished Pupils--Poets:
Southwell; Balde; Sarbievius; Strada; Von Spee; Gresset; Beschi.
--Orators: Vieira; Segneri; Bourdaloue.--Writers: Isla;
Ribadeneira; Skarga; Bouhours etc.--Historians--Publications--
Scientists and Explorers--Philosophers--Theologians--Saints.
To obviate the suspicion of any desire of self-glorification in the
account of what the Society has achieved in several fields of endeavor
especially in that of science, literature and education it will be safer
to quote from outside and especially from unfriendly sources.
Fortunately plenty of material is at hand for that purpose.
Böhmer-Monod, for instance, in "Les Jésuites" are surprisingly generous
in enumerating the educational establishments possessed by the Society
at one time all over Europe, though their explanation of the phenomenon
leaves much to be desired. In 1540, they tell us, "the Order counted
only ten regular members, and had no fixed residence. In 1556 it had
already twelve provinces, 79 houses, and about 1,000 members. In 1574
the figures went up to seventeen provinces, 125 colleges, 11 novitiates,
35 other establishments of various kinds, and 4,000 members. In 1608
there were thirty-one provinces, 306 colleges, 40 novitiates, 21
professed houses, 65 residences and missions, and 10,640 members. Eight
years afterwards, that is a year after the death of its illustrious
General Aquaviva, the Society had thirty-two provinces, 372 colleges, 41
novitiates, 123 residences, 13,112 members. Ten years later, namely in
1626, there were thirty-six provinces, 2 vice-provinces, 446 colleges,
37 seminaries, 40 novitiates, 24 professed houses, about 230 missions,
and 16,060 members. Finally in 1640 the statistics showed thirty-five
provinces, 3 vice-provinces, 521 colleges, 49 seminaries, 54 novitiates,
24 professed houses, about 280 residences and missions and more than
16,000 members."
Before giving these "cold statistics," as they are described, the
authors had conducted their readers through the various countries of
Europe, where this educational influence was at work. "Italy," we are
informed, "was the place in which the Society received its programme and
its constitution, and from which it extended its influence abroad. Its
success in that country was striking, and if the educated Italians
returned to the practices and the Faith of the Church, if it was
inspired with zeal for asceticism and the missions, if it set itself to
compose devotional poetry and hymns of the Church, and to consecrate to
the religious ideal, as if to repair the past, the brushes of its
painters and the chisels of its sculptors, is it not the fruit of the
education which the cultivated classes received from the Jesuits in the
schools and the confessionals? Portugal was the second fatherland of the
Society. There it was rapidly acclimated. Indeed, the country fell, at
one stroke, into the hands of the Order; whereas Spain had to be won
step by step. It met with the opposition of Spanish royalty, the higher
clergy, the Dominicans. Charles V distrusted them; Philip II tried to
make them a political machine, and some of the principal bishops were
dangerous foes, but in the seventeenth century the Society had won over
the upper classes and the court, and soon Spain had ninety-eight
colleges and seminaries richly endowed, three professed houses, five
novitiates, and four residences, although the population of the country
at that time was scarcely 5,000,000.
"In France a few Jesuit scholars presented themselves at the university
in the year 1540. They were frowned upon by the courts, the clergy, the
parliament, and nearly all the learned societies. It was only in 1561,
after the famous Colloque de Poissy, that the Society obtained legal
recognition and was allowed to teach, and in 1564 it had already ten
establishments, among them several colleges. One of the colleges, that
of Clermont, became the rival of the University of Paris, and
Maldonatus, who taught there, had a thousand pupils following his
lectures. In 1610 there were five French provinces with a total of
thirty-six colleges, five novitiates, one professed house, one mission,
and 1400 members. La Flèche, founded by Henry IV, had 1,200 pupils. In
1640 the Society in France had sixty-five colleges, two academies, two
seminaries, nine boarding-schools, seven novitiates, four professed
houses, sixteen residences and 2050 members.
"In Germany Canisius founded a boarding school in Vienna, with free
board for poor scholars, as early as 1554. In 1555 he opened a great
college in Prague; in 1556, two others at Ingolstadt and Cologne
respectively, and another at Munich in 1559. They were all founded by
laymen, for, with the exception of Cardinal Truchsess of Augsburg, the
whole episcopacy was at first antagonistic to the Order. In 1560 they
found the Jesuits their best stand-by, and in 1567 the Fathers had
thirteen richly endowed schools, seven of which were in university
cities. The German College founded by Ignatius in Rome was meantime
filling Germany with devoted and learned priests and bishops, and
between 1580 and 1590 Protestantism disappeared from Treves, Mayence,
Augsburg, Cologne, Paderborn, Münster and Hildesheim. Switzerland gave
them Fribourg in 1580, while Louvain had its college twenty years
earlier.
"In 1556 eight Fathers and twelve scholastics made their appearance at
Ingolstadt in Bavaria. The poison of heresy was immediately ejected, and
the old Church took on a new life. The transformation was so prodigious
that it would seem rash to attribute it to these few strangers; but
their strength was in inverse proportion to their number. They captured
the heart and the head of the country, from the court and the local
university down to the people; and for centuries they held that
position. After Ingolstadt came Dillingen and Würzburg. Munich was
founded in 1559, and in 1602 it had 900 pupils. The Jesuits succeeded in
converting the court into a convent, and Munich into a German Rome. In
1597 they were entrusted with the superintendence of all the primary
schools of the country, and they established new colleges at Altoetting
and Mindelheim. In 1621 fifty of them went into the Upper Palatinate,
which was entirely Protestant, and in ten years they had established
four new colleges.
"In Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola there was scarcely a vestige of the
old Church in 1571. In 1573 the Jesuits established a college at Grätz,
and the number of communicants in that city rose immediately from 20 to
500. The college was transformed into a university twelve years later,
and in 1602 and 1613 new colleges were opened at Klagenfurth and Leoben.
In Bohemia and Moravia they had not all the secondary schools, but the
twenty colleges and eleven seminaries which they controlled in 1679
proved that at least the higher education and the formation of
ecclesiastics was altogether in their hands, and the seven
establishments and colleges on the northern frontier overlooking
Lutheran Saxony made it evident that they were determined to guard
Bohemia against the poison of heresy." The writer complains that they
even dared to dislodge "Saint John Huss" from his niche and put in his
place St. John Nepomucene, "who was at most a poor victim, and by no
means a saint." Böhmer's translator, Monod, adds a note here to inform
his readers that the Jesuits invented the legend about St. John
Nepomucene, and induced Benedict XIII to canonize him.
Finally, we reach Poland where, we are informed that "the Jesuits
enjoyed an incredible popularity. In 1600 the college of Polotsk had 400
students, all of whom were nobles; Vilna had 800, mostly belonging to
the Lithuanian nobility, and Kalisch had 500. Fifty years later, all the
higher education was in the hands of the Order, and Ignatius became,
literally, the _preceptor Poloniæ_, and Poland the classic land of the
royal scholarship of the north, as Portugal was in the south.
"In India, there were nineteen colleges and two seminaries; in Mexico,
fourteen colleges and two seminaries; in Brazil, thirteen colleges and
two seminaries; in Paraguay, seven colleges," and the authors might have
added, there was a college in Quebec, which antedated the famous Puritan
establishment of Harvard in New England, and which was erected not "out
of the profits of the fur trade," as Renaudot says in the Margry
Collection, but out of the inheritance of a Jesuit scholastic.
After furnishing their readers with this splendid list of houses of
education, the question is asked: "How can we explain this incredible
success of the Order as a teaching body? If we are to believe the sworn
enemies of the Jesuits, it is because they taught gratuitously, and thus
starved out the legitimate successors of the Humanists. That might
explain it somewhat, they say, especially in southern Italy, where the
nobleman is always next door to the lazzarone, but it will by no means
explain how so many princes and municipalities made such enormous
outlays to support those schools; for there were other orders in
Catholic countries as rigidly orthodox as the Jesuits. No; the great
reason of their success must be attributed to the superiority of their
methods. Read the pedagogical directions of Ignatius, the great
scholastic ordinances of Aquaviva, and the testimony of contemporaries,
and you will recognize the glory of Loyola as an educator. The expansion
is truly amazing; from a modest association of students to a world-wide
power which ended by becoming as universal as the Church for which it
fought; but superior to it in cohesion and rapidity of action--a world
power whose influence made itself felt not only throughout Europe, but
in the New World, in India, China, Japan; a world power on whose service
one sees at work, actuated by the same spirit, representatives of all
races and all nations: Italians, Spaniards, Portuguese, French, Germans,
English, Poles and Greeks, Arabians, Chinamen and Japanese and even red
Indians; a world power which is something such as the world has never
seen."
Another explanation is found in the vast wealth which "from the
beginning was the most important means employed by the Order." We are
assured that the Jesuits have observed on this point such an absolute
reserve that it is still impossible to write a history or draw up an
inventory of their possessions. But, perhaps it might be answered that
if an attempt were also made to penetrate "the absolute reserve" of
those who have robbed the Jesuits of all their splendid colleges and
libraries and churches and residences which may be seen in every city
of Europe and Spanish America, with the I.H.S. of the Society still on
their portals, some progress might be made in at least drawing up an
inventory of their possessions.
As a matter of fact the Jesuits have laid before the public the
inventories of their possessions and those plain and undisguised
statements could easily be found if there was any sincere desire to get
at the truth. Thus Foley has published in his "Records of the English
Province" (Introd., 139) an exact statement of the annual revenues of
the various houses for one hundred and twenty years. Dühr in the
"Jesuiten-fabeln" (606 sqq.) gives many figures of the same kind for
Germany. Indeed the Society has been busy from the beginning trying to
lay this financial ghost. Thus a demand for the books was made as early
as 1594 by Antoine Arnauld who maintained that the French Jesuits
enjoyed an annual revenue of 1,200,000 livres, which in our day would
amount to $1,800,000. Possibly some of the reverend Fathers nourished
the hope that he might be half right, but an official scrutiny of the
accounts revealed the sad fact that their twenty-five colleges and
churches with a staff of from 400 to 500 persons could only draw on
60,000 livres; which meant at our values $90,000 a year--a lamentably
inadequate capital for the gigantic work which had been undertaken.
Arnaulds under different names have been appearing ever since.
How this "vast wealth" is accumulated, might also possibly be learned by
a visit to the dwelling-quarters of any Jesuit establishment, so as to
see at close range the method of its domestic economy. Every member of
the Society, no matter how distinguished he is or may have been,
occupies a very small, uncarpeted room whose only furniture is a desk, a
bed, a wash-stand, a clothes-press, a prie-dieu, and a couple of
chairs. On the whitewashed wall there is probably a cheap print of a
pious picture which suggests rather than inspires devotion. This room
has to be swept and cared for by the occupant, even when he is advanced
in age or has been conspicuous in the Society, "unless for health's sake
or for reasons of greater moment he may need help." The clothing each
one wears is cheap and sometimes does service for years; there is a
common table; no one has any money of his own, and he has to ask even
for carfare if he needs it. If he falls sick he is generally sent to an
hospital where, according to present arrangements, the sisters nurse him
for charity, and he is buried in the cheapest of coffins, and an
inexpensive slab is placed over his remains.
Now it happens that this method of living admits of an enormous saving,
and it explains how the 17,000 Jesuits who are at present in the Society
are able not only to build splendid establishments for outside students,
but to support a vast number of young men of the Order who are pursuing
their studies of literature, science, philosophy, and theology, and who
are consequently bringing in nothing whatever to the Society for a
period of eleven years, during which time they are clothed, fed, cared
for when sick, given the use of magnificent libraries, scientific
apparatus, the help of distinguished professors, travel, and even the
luxuries of villas in the mountains or by the sea during the heats of
summer. It will, perhaps, be a cause of astonishment to many people to
hear that this particular section of the Order, thanks to common life
and economic arrangements, could be maintained year after year when
conditions were normal at the amazingly small outlay of $300 or $400 a
man. Of course, some of the Jesuit houses have been founded, and devoted
friends have frequently come to their rescue by generous donations, but
it is on record that in the famous royal foundation of La Flèche,
established by Henry IV, where one would have expected to find plenty of
money, the Fathers who were making a reputation in France by their
ability as professors and preachers and scientific men were often
compelled to borrow each other's coats to go out in public. Such is the
source of Jesuit wealth. "They coin their blood for drachmas."
Failing to explain the Jesuits' pedagogical success by their wealth, it
has been suggested that their popularity in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries arose from the fact that it was considered to be
"good form" to send one's boys to schools which were frequented by
princes and nobles; but that would not explain how they were,
relatively, just as much favored in India and Peru as in Germany or
France. Indeed there was an intense opposition to them in France,
particularly on the part of the great educational centres of the
country, the universities: first, because the Jesuits gave their
services for nothing, and secondly because the teaching was better, but
chiefly, according to Boissier, who cites the authority of three
distinguished German pedagogues of the sixteenth century--Baduel, Sturm,
and Cordier--"because to the disorder of the university they opposed the
discipline of their colleges, and at the end of three or four years of
higher studies, regularly graduated classes of upright, well-trained
men." (Revue des Deux Mondes, Dec., 1882, pp. 596, 610).
Compayré, who once figured extensively in the field of pedagogical
literature, finds this moral control an objection. He says it was making
education subsidiary to a "religious propaganda." If this implies that
the Society considers that the supreme object of education is to make
good Christian men out of their pupils, it accepts the reproach with
pleasure; and, there is not a Jesuit in the world who would not walk
out of his class to-morrow, if he were told that he had nothing to do
with the spiritual formation of those committed to his charge.
Assuredly, to ask a young man in all the ardor of his youth to sacrifice
every worldly ambition and happiness to devote himself to teaching boys
grammar and mathematics, to be with them in their sports, to watch over
them in their sleep, to be annoyed by their thoughtlessness and
unwillingness to learn; to be, in a word, their servant at every hour of
the day and night, for years, is not calculated to inflame the heart
with enthusiasm. The Society knows human nature better, and from the
beginning, its only object has been to develop a strong Christian spirit
in its pupils and to fit them for their various positions in life. It is
precisely because of this motive that it has incurred so much hatred,
and there can be no doubt that if it relinquished this object in its
schools, it would immediately enjoy a perfect peace in every part of the
world.
Nor can their educational method be charged with being an insinuating
despotism, as Compayré insists, which robs the student of the most
precious thing in life, personal liberty; nor, as Herr describes it, "a
sweet enthrallment and a deformation of character by an unfelt and
continuous pressure" (Revue universitaire, I, 312). "The Jesuit," he
says, "teaches his pupils only one thing, namely to obey," which we are
told, "is, as M. Aulard profoundly remarks, the same thing as to please"
(Enquête sur l'enseignement secondaire, I, 460). In the hands of the
Jesuit, Gabriel Hanotaux tells us, the child soon becomes a mechanism,
an automaton, apt for many things, well-informed, polite,
self-restrained, brilliant, a doctor at fifteen, and a fool ever after.
They become excellent children, delightful children, who think well,
obey well, recite well, and dance well, but they remain children all
their lives. Two centuries of scholars were taught by the Jesuits, and
learned the lessons of Jesuits, the morality of the Jesuits, and that
explains the decadence of character after the great sixteenth century.
If there had not been something in our human nature, a singular resource
and things that can not be killed, it was all up with France, where the
Order was especially prosperous.
As an offset to this ridiculous charge, the names of a few of "this army
of incompetents," these men marked by "decadence of character," might be
cited. On the registers of Jesuit schools are the names of Popes,
Cardinals, bishops, soldiers, magistrates, statesmen, jurists,
philosophers, theologians, poets and saints. Thus we have Popes Gregory
XIII, Benedict XIV, Pius VII, Leo XIII, St. Francis of Sales, Cardinal
de Bérulle, Bossuet, Belzunce, Cardinal de Fleury, Cardinal Frederico
Borromeo, Fléchier, Cassini, Séquier, Montesquieu, Malesherbes, Tasso,
Galileo, Corneille, Descartes, Molière, J. B. Rousseau, Goldoni,
Tournefort, Fontenelle, Muratori, Buffon, Gresset, Canova, Tilly,
Wallenstein, Condé, the Emperors Ferdinand and Maximilian, and many of
the princes of Savoy, Nemours and Bavaria. Even the American
Revolutionary hero, Baron Steuben, was a pupil of theirs in Prussia, and
omitting many others, nearly all the great men of the golden age of
French literature received their early training in the schools of the
Jesuits.
It is usual when these illustrious names are referred to, for someone to
say: "Yes, but you educated Voltaire." The implied reproach is quite
unwarranted, for although François Arouet, later known as Voltaire, was
a pupil at Louis-le-Grand, his teachers were not at all responsible for
the attitude of mind which afterwards made him so famous or infamous.
That was the result of his home training from his earliest infancy. In
the first place, his mother was the intimate friend of the shameless and
scoffing courtesan of the period, Ninon de l'Enclos, and his god-father
was Chateauneuf, one of the dissolute abbés of those days, whose only
claim to their ecclesiastical title was that, thanks to their family
connections, they were able to live on the revenues of some
ecclesiastical establishment. This disreputable god-father had the
additional distinction of being one of Ninoñ's numerous lovers. It was
he who had his _fileul_ named in her will, and he deliberately and
systematically taught him to scoff at religion, long before the
unfortunate child entered the portals of Louis-le-Grand. Indeed,
Voltaire's mockery of the miracles of the Bible was nothing but a
reminiscence of the poem known as the "Moïsade" which had been put in
his hands by Chateauneuf and which he knew by heart. The wonder is that
the Jesuits kept the poor boy decent at all while he was under their
tutelage. Immorality and unbelief were in his home training and blood.
Another objection frequently urged is that the Jesuits were really
incapable of teaching Latin, Greek, mathematics or philosophy, and that
in the last mentioned study they remorselessly crushed all originality.
To prove the charge about Latin, Gazier, a doctor of the Sorbonne,
exhibited a "Conversation latine, par Mathurin Codier, Jésuite."
Unfortunately for the accuser, however, it was found out that Codier not
only was not a Jesuit, but was one of the first Calvinists of France.
Greek was taught in the lowest classes; and in the earliest days the
Society had eminent Hellenists who attracted the attention of the
learned world, such as: Gretser, Viger, Jouvancy, Rapin, Brumoy, Grou,
Fronton du Duc, Pétau, Sirmond, Garnier and Labbe. The last mentioned
was the author of eighty works and his "Tirocinium linguæ græcæ" went
through thirteen or fourteen editions. At Louis-le-Grand there were
verses and discourses in Greek at the closing of the academic year.
Bernis says he used to dream in Greek. There were thirty-two editions of
Gretser's "Rudimenta linguæ græcæ," and seventy-five of his
"Institutiones." Huot, when very young, began a work on Origen, and
Bossuet, when still at college, became an excellent Greek scholar. They
were both Jesuit students.
"The Jesuits were also responsible for the collapse of scientific
studies," says Compayré (193,197). The answer to this calumny is easily
found in the "Monumenta pedagogica Societatis Jesu" (71-78), which
insists that "First of all, teachers of mathematics should be chosen who
are beyond the ordinary, and who are known for their erudition and
authority." This whole passage in the "Monumenta," was written by the
celebrated Clavius. Surely it would be difficult to get a man who knew
more about mathematics than Clavius. It will be sufficient to quote the
words of Lalande, one of the greatest astronomers of France, who, it may
be noted incidentally, was a pupil of the Jesuits. In 1800 he wrote as
follows: "Among the most absurd calumnies which the rage of Protestants
and Jansenists exhale against the Jesuits, I found that of La Chalotais,
who carried his ignorance and blindness to such a point as to say that
the Jesuits had never produced any mathematicians. I happened to be just
then writing my book on 'Astronomy,' and I had concluded my article on
'Jesuit Astronomers,' whose numbers astonished me. I took occasion to
see La Chalotais, at Saintes, on July 20, 1773, and reproached him with
his injustice, and he admitted it."
"As for history," says Compayré, "it was expressly enjoined by the
'Ratio' that its teaching should be superficial." And his assertion,
because of his assumed authority, is generally accepted as true,
especially as he adduces the very text of the injunction which says:
"Historicus celerius excurrendus," namely "let historians be run through
more rapidly." Unfortunately, however, the direction did not apply to
the study of history at all, but to the study of Latin, and meant that
authors like Livy, Tacitus, and Cæsar were to be gone through more
expeditiously than the works of Cicero, for example, who was to be
studied chiefly for his exquisite style. In brief, the charge has no
other basis than a misreading, intentional or otherwise, of a school
regulation.
The same kind of tactics are employed to prove that no philosophy was
taught in those colleges, in spite of the fact that it was a common
thing for princes and nobles and statesmen to come not only to listen to
philosophical disputations in the colleges, in which they themselves had
been trained, but to take part in them. That was one of Condé's
pleasures; and the Intendant of Canada, the illustrious Talon, was fond
of urging his syllogisms against the defenders in the philosophical
tournaments of the little college of Quebec. Nor were those pupils
merely made to commit to memory the farrago of nonsense which every
foolish philosopher of every age and country had uttered, as is now the
method followed in non-Catholic colleges. The Jesuit student is
compelled not only to state but to prove his thesis, to refute
objections against it, to retort on his opponents, to uncover sophisms
and so on. In brief, philosophy for him is not a matter of memory but of
intelligence. As for independence of thought, a glance at their history
will show that perhaps no religious teachers have been so frequently
cited before the Inquisition on that score, and none to whom so many
theological and philosophical errors have been imputed by their enemies,
but whose orthodoxy is their glory and consolation.
Their failure to produce anything in the way of painting or sculpture
has also afforded infinite amusement to the critics, although it is like
a charge against an Academy of Medicine for not having produced any
eminent lawyers, or vice versa. It is true that Brother Seghers had
something to do with his friend Rubens, and that a Spanish coadjutor was
a sculptor of distinction, and that a third knew something about
decorating churches, and that two were painters in ordinary for the
Emperor of China, but whose masterpieces however have happily not been
preserved. Hüber, an unfriendly author, writing about the Jesuits, names
Courtois, known as Borgognone, by the Italians, who was a friend of
Guido Reni; Dandini, Latri, Valeriani d'Aquila and Castiglione, none of
whom, however, has ever been heard of by the average Jesuit. An eminent
scholar once suggested that possibly the elaborate churches of the
Compañía, which are found everywhere in the Spanish-American
possessions, may have been the work of the lay-brothers of the Society.
But a careful search in the menologies of the Spanish assistancy has
failed to reveal that such was the case. That, however, may be a piece
of good fortune, for otherwise the Society might have to bear the
responsibility of those overwrought constructions, in addition to the
burden which is on it already of having perpetrated what is known as the
"Jesuit Style" of architecture. From the latter accusation, however, a
distinguished curator of the great New York Metropolitan Museum of Art,
Sir Caspar Purdon Clarke, in an address to an assembly of artists and
architects, completely exonerated the Society. "The Jesuit Style," he
said, "was in existence before their time, and," he was good enough to
add, "being gentlemen, they did not debase it, but on the contrary
elevated and ennobled it and made it worthy of artistic consideration."
So, too, the Order has not been conspicuous for its poets. One of them,
however, Robert Southwell, was a martyr, and wore a crown that was
prized far more by his brethren than the laurels of a bard. He was born
at Norfolk on February 21, 1561, and entered the Society at Rome in
1578. Singularly enough, the first verses that bubbled up from his
heart, at least of those that are known, were evoked by his grief at not
being admitted to the novitiate. He was too young to be received, for he
was only seventeen, and conditions in England did not allow it; but his
merit as a poet may be inferred from an expression of Ben Jonson that he
would have given many of his works to have written Southwell's "Burning
Babe," and, according to the "Cambridge History of Literature" (IV,
129), "though Southwell may never have read Shakespeare, it is certain
that Shakespeare read Southwell." Of course, his poems are not numerous,
for though he may have meditated on the Muse while he was hiding in out
of the way places during the persecutions, he was scarcely in a mood to
do so when he was flung into a filthy dungeon, or when he was stretched
on the rack thirteen different times as a prelude to being hanged, drawn
and quartered at Tyburn.
Eleven years after that tragedy, Jacob Balde was born in the imperial
free town of Ensisheim in Alsace. He studied the classics and rhetoric
in the Jesuit college of that place, and philosophy and law at
Ingolstadt, where he became a Jesuit on July 1, 1624. To amuse himself,
when professor of rhetoric, he wrote his mock-heroic of the battle of
the frogs and mice, "Batrachomyomachia." His mastery of classical Latin
and the consummate ease with which he handled the ancient verse made him
the wonder of the day. "His patriotic accents," says Herder, "made him a
German poet for all time." The tragedies of the Thirty Years War urged
him to strive to awaken the old national spirit in the hearts of the
people. He was chiefly a lyrist, and was hailed as the German Horace,
but he was at home in epic, drama, elegy, pastoral poetry and satire. Of
course, he wrote in Latin, which was the language of the cultured
classes, for German was then too crude and unwieldy to be employed as a
vehicle for poetry. His works fill eight volumes.
No less a personage than Isaac Watts, the English hymnologist, makes
Mathias Sarbiewski (Sarbievius), the Pole, another Horace, though his
poetry was mostly Pindaric. Grotius puts him above Horace (Brucker,
505). He was a court preacher, a companion of the king in his travels, a
musician and an artist. He wrote four books of lyrics, a volume of
epodes, another of epigrams, and there is a posthumous work of his
called "Silviludia." His muse was both religious and patriotic, and
because of the former, he was called by the Pope to help in the revision
of the hymns of the Breviary; and for that work he was crowned by King
Wladislaw. His prose works run into eight volumes. There are twenty-two
translations of his poems in Polish, and there are others in German,
Italian, Flemish, Bohemian, English and French.
Gosse in his "Seventeenth Century Studies" says that Famian Strada who
wrote "The Nightingale" was not professedly a poet but a lecturer on
rhetoric. "The Nightingale" was first published in Rome in 1617 in a
volume of "Prolusiones" on rhetoric and poetry, and occurs in the sixth
lecture of the second course. "This Jesuit Rhetorician," Gosse informs
us, "had been trying to familiarize his pupils with the style of the
great Classic poets, by reciting to them passages in imitation of Ovid,
Lucretius, Lucian and others. 'This,' he told them 'is an imitation of
the style of Claudian,' and so he gives us the lines which have become
so famous. That a single fragment in a schoolbook should so suddenly
take root and blossom in European literature, when all else that its
voluminous author wrote and said was promptly forgotten, is very curious
but not unprecedented." In England, the first to adopt the poem was John
Ford in his play of "The Lover's Melancholy" in 1629; Crashaw came next
with his "Music's Duel," Ambrose Philips essayed it a century later; and
in our own days, François Coppée introduced it with charming effect in
his "Luthier de Crémone."
The French Jesuit Sautel was a contemporary of Strada and Balde. He was
considered the Ovid of his time, and was as remarkable for the holiness
of his life as for his unusual poetical ability.
About this time, there was a German Jesuit, named Jacob Masen or
Masenius, who was a professor of rhetoric in Cologne, and died in 1681.
Among his manuscripts found after his death were three volumes, the
first of which was a treatise on general literature, the second a
collection of lyrics, epics, elegies etc., and the third a number of
dramas. In the second manuscript was an epic entitled "Sarcotis." The
world would never have known anything about "Sarcotis" had not a
Scotchman, named Lauder, succeeded in finding it, somewhere, about 1753,
i. e. seventy-two years after Masen's death. He ran it through the press
immediately, to prove that Milton had copied it in his "Paradise Lost."
Whereupon all England rose in its wrath to defend its idol. Lauder was
convicted of having intercalated in the "Sarcotis," a Latin translation
of some of the lines of "Paradise Lost," and had to hide himself in some
foreign land to expiate his crime against the national infatuation. Four
years later (1757), Abbé Denouart published a translation of the genuine
text of "Sarcotis." The poem was found to be an excellent piece of work,
and like "Paradise Lost," its theme was the disobedience of Adam and
Eve, their expulsion from Paradise, the disasters consequent upon this
sin of pride. Whether Milton ever read "Sarcotis" is not stated.
Frederick von Spee is another Jesuit poet. He was born at Kaiserwerth on
the Rhine on February 25, 1591, entered the Society in 1610, and
studied, taught and preached for many years like the rest of his
brethren. An attempt to assassinate him was made in 1629. He was in
Treves, when it was stormed by the imperial forces in 1635, witnessed
all its horrors, and died from an infection which he caught while
nursing the sick and wounded soldiers in the hospital. It was only in
the stormy period of his life that he wrote in verse. Two of his works,
the "Goldenes Tugendbuch," and the "Trutznachtigal" were published after
his death. The former was highly prized by Leibniz as a book of
devotion. The latter, which has in recent times been repeatedly
reprinted and revised, occupies a conspicuous place among the lyrical
collection of the seventeenth century. His principal work, however, the
one, in fact, which gave him a world-wide reputation, (a result he was
not aiming at, for the book was probably published without his consent),
is the "Cautio Criminalis," which virtually ended the witchcraft trials.
It is written in exquisite Latin, and describes with thrilling vividness
and cutting sarcasm the horrible abuses in the prevailing legal
proceedings, particularly the use of the rack. The moral impression
produced by the work soon put a stop to the atrocities in many places,
though many a generation had to pass before witch-burning ceased in
Germany.
Perhaps it may be worth while to mention the wonderful Beschi, a
missionary in Madura, whose Tamil poetry ordinary mortals will never
have the pleasure of enjoying. Besides writing Tamil grammars and
dictionaries, as well as doctrinal works for his converts, not to speak
of his books of controversy against the Danish Lutherans who attempted
to invade the missions, he wrote a poem of eleven hundred stanzas in
honor of St. Quiteria, and another known as the "Unfading Garland,"
which is said to be a Tamil classic. It is divided into thirty-six
cantos, containing in all 3615 stanzas. Baumgartner calls it an epic
which for richness and beauty of language, for easy elegance of metre,
true poetical conception and execution, is the peer of the native
classics, while in nobility of thought and subject matter it is superior
to them as the harmonious civilization of Christianity is above the
confused philosophical dreams and ridiculous fables of idolatry. It is
in honor of St. Joseph. His satire known as "The Adventures of Guru
Paramarta" is the most entertaining book of Tamil literature. Beschi
himself translated it into Latin; it has also appeared in English,
French, German and Italian.
These are about the only poets of very great prominence the Society can
boast of; but though she rejoices in the honor they won, she regards
their song only as an accidental attraction in the lives of those
distinguished children of hers. What she cherishes most is the piety of
Sarbiewski and Balde, the martyrdom of charity gladly accepted by von
Spee, the missionary ardor of Beschi, and the blood offering made by
Southwell to restore the Faith to his unhappy country.
Apart from these, Gresset also may be claimed as a Jesuit poet, but
unfortunately it was his poetry that blasted his career as an apostle,
for the epicureanism of one of his effusions compelled his dismissal
from the Society. His brilliant talents counted for nothing in such a
juncture. He left the Order with bitter regret on his part, but never
lost his affection for it, and never failed to defend it against its
calumniators. His "Adieux aux Jésuites" is a classic. In vain Voltaire
and Frederick the Great invited him to Potsdam. He loathed them both,
and withdrew to Amiens, where he spent the last eighteen years of his
life in seclusion, prayer and penance, never leaving the place except
twice in all that time. On both occasions it was to go to the French
Academy, of which his great literary ability had made him a member. In
1750 he founded at Amiens the Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters
which still exists. It is said that before he died he burned all his
manuscripts, and one cannot help regretting that instead of publishing
he had not committed to the flames the poem that caused his withdrawal
from the Society. For Gresset the Jesuits have always had a great
tenderness, and it might be added here that he is a fair sample of most
of those who, for one reason or another, have severed their connection
with the Society. There have been only a few instances to the contrary,
and even they repented before they died.
In the matter of oratory, the Society has had some respectable
representatives as for example, that extraordinary genius, Vieira, the
man whose stormy eloquence put an end to the slavery of the Indians in
Brazil, and whose "Discourse for the success of the Portuguese arms,"
pronounced when the Dutch were besieging Bahia in 1640, was described by
the sceptical Raynal to be "the most extraordinary outburst of
Christian eloquence." He is considered to have been one of the world's
masters of oratory of his time, and to have been equally great in the
cathedrals of Europe and the rude shrines of the Maranhão. He was
popular, practical, profoundly original and frequently sublime. He has
left fifteen volumes of sermons alone. Though brought up in Brazil he is
regarded as a Portuguese classic.
Paolo Segneri, who died in 1694, is credited with being, after St.
Bernardine of Siena and Savonarola, Italy's greatest orator. For
twenty-seven years he preached all through the Peninsula. His eloquence
was surpassed only by his holiness, and to the ardor of an apostle he
added the austerities of a penitent. He has been translated into many
languages, even into Arabic.
Omitting many others, for we are mentioning only the supereminently
great, there is a Bourdaloue, who is entitled by even the enemies of the
Society the _prédicateur des rois et le roi des prédicateurs_ (the
preacher of kings and the king of preachers.) For thirty-four years he
preached to the most exacting audience in the world, the brilliant
throngs that gathered around Louis XIV, and till the end, it was almost
impossible to approach the church when he was to occupy the pulpit.
Lackeys were on guard days before the sermon. The "Edinburgh Review" of
December, 1826, says of him: "Between Massillon and Bossuet, at a great
distance certainly above the latter, stands Bourdaloue, and in the vigor
and energy of his reasoning he was undeniably, after the ancients,
Massillon's model. If he is more harsh, and addressed himself less to
the feelings and passions, it is certain that he displays a fertility of
resources and an exuberance of topics, either for observation or
argument, which are not equalled by any orator, sacred or profane. It is
this fertility, this birthmark of genius, that makes us certain of
finding in every subject handled by him, something new, something which
neither his predecessors have anticipated nor his followers have
imitated."
To this Protestant testimony may be added that of the Jansenist
Sainte-Beuve in his "Causeries du Lundi." His estimate of Bourdaloue is
as follows: "I know all that can be said and that is said about Bossuet.
But let us not exaggerate. Bossuet was sublime in his 'Funeral
Orations', but he had not the same excellence in his sermons. He was
uneven and unfinished. In that respect, even while Bossuet was still
living, Bourdaloue was his master. That was the opinion of their
contemporaries, and doubtless of Bossuet himself. Unlike Bossuet,
Bourdaloue did not hold the thunders in his hand, nor did the lightnings
flash around his pulpit, nor, like Massillon, did he pour out perfumes
from his urn. But he was the orator, such as he alone could have been,
who for thirty-four years in succession could preach and be useful. He
did not spend himself all at once, did not gain lustre by a few
achievements, nor startle by some of those splendid utterances which
carry men away and evoke their plaudits; but he lasted; he built up with
perfect surety; he kept on incessantly, and his power was like an army
whose work is not merely to gain one or two battles, but to establish
itself in the heart of the enemy's country and stay there. That is the
wonderful achievement of the man whom his contemporaries called 'The
Great Bourdaloue', and whom people obstinately persist in describing as
'the judicious and estimable Bourdaloue.'
"He had what was called the _imperatoria virtus_, that sovereign quality
of a general who rules every alignment and every step of his soldiers,
so that nothing moves them but his command. Such is the impression
conveyed by the structure of his discourses; by their dialectical form,
by their solid demonstrations, which move forward from the start, first
by pushing ahead the advance corps, then dividing his battalions into
two or three groups, and finally establishing a line of battle facing
the consciences of his hearers. On one occasion, when he was about to
preach at St. Sulpice there was a noise in the church because of the
crowd, when above the tumult the voice of Condé was heard, shouting, as
Bourdaloue entered the pulpit: 'Silence! Behold the enemy!'"
We may subjoin to these two appreciations the judgment of the Abbé
Maury, himself a great orator. He is cited by Sainte-Beuve: "Bourdaloue
is more equal and restrained than Bossuet in the beauty and incomparable
richness of his designs and plans, which seem like unique conceptions in
the art and control of a discourse wherein he is without a rival; in his
dialectic power, in his didactic and steady progress, in his ever
increasing strength, in his exact and serried logic, and in the
sustained eloquence of his ratiocination, in the solidity and opulence
of his doctrinal preaching he is inexhaustible and unapproachable."
Sainte-Beuve adds to this eulogy: "Bourdaloue's life and example
proclaim with a still louder emphasis, that to be eloquent to the end,
to be so, both far and near, to wield authority and to compel attention,
whether on great or startling, simple or useful themes, you must have
what is the principle and source of it all, the virtue of Bourdaloue."
With the exception of Padre Isla, the satirist, and Baltasar Gracián,
author of "Worldly Wisdom" and of "El Criticón," which seems to have
suggested Robinson Crusoe to Defoe, the Society has not produced any
very remarkable prose writer in the lighter kind of literature, and
perhaps even their style in other kinds of writing may have suffered
because of the intensity and rapidity with which they were compelled to
work. Nevertheless some of them are said to be classics in their
respective languages as, for instance, Vieira in Portuguese, Ribadeneira
in Spanish, and Skarga in Polish. The Frenchman, Dominique Bouhours, is
perhaps the one who is most remarkable in this respect. Petit de
Julleville in his "Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française"
says that "Bouhours was incontestably the master of correct writing in
his generation. The statutes of the Jesuits prevented him from being an
Academician, but he 'was something better,' as someone said when the
Father was striving to evade him: 'Academiam tu mihi solus facis--For me
you constitute the Academy.' Not only in his Order was he considered the
official censor, under whose eyes all sorts of writings had to pass,
even those of Maimbourg and Bourdaloue, but people came from all parts
of the literary world to consult him. Saint-Evremond and Bossuet were
only too glad to be guided by him. The President Lamoigno submitted to
him his official pronouncements, and Racine sent his poems with the
request to 'mark the faults that might have been made in the language of
which you are one of the most excellent judges.' In the history of the
French language Bouhours left no date--he made an epoch."
The Jesuits were also literary arbiters in countries and surroundings
where there was no Bouhours. Thus the Society had four or five hundred
grammarians and lexicographers of the languages of almost every race
under the sun. Wherever the missionaries went, their first care was to
compile a dictionary and make a grammar of the speech of the natives
among whom they were laboring, and if the learned world at present knows
anything at all of the language of vast numbers of aboriginal tribes
who have now vanished from the earth, it is due to the labors of the
Jesuit missionaries.
But this was only an infinitesimal part of their literary output. In his
"Bibliothèque des écrivains de la compagnie de Jésus," which is itself a
stupendous literary achievement, Sommervogel has already drawn up a list
of 120,000 Jesuit authors and he has restricted himself to those who
have ceased from their labors on earth and are now only busy in reading
the book of life. Nor do these 120,000 authors merely connote 120,000
books; for some of these writers were most prolific in their
publications. The illustrious Gretser, for instance, "the Hammer of
Heretics," as he was called, is credited with two hundred and
twenty-nine titles of printed works and thirty-nine MSS. which range
over the whole field of erudition open to his times: archæology,
numismatics, theology, philology, polemics, liturgy, and so on. Kircher,
who died in 1680, wrote about everything. During the time he sojourned
in Rome, he issued forty-four folio volumes on subjects that are
bewildering in their diversity and originality: hieroglyphics,
astronomy, astrology, medico-physics, linguistics, ethnology, horoscopy,
and what not else besides. We owe to him the earliest counting-machine,
and it was he who perfected the Aeolian harp, the speaking tube, and the
microscope.
We have chosen these great men merely as examples of the literary
activity of the Society during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
Indeed, this inundation of books grew so alarming in its proportions
that the enemies of the Church complained that it was a plot of the
Jesuits who, being unable to suppress other books, had determined to
deluge the world with their own publications.
In the domain of church history they have, it is true, nothing to
compare, in size, with the thirty volumes of the Dominican Natalis
Alexander; the thirty-six of Fleury; or the twenty-eight of the "España
Sagrada" of the Augustinian Flórez, which, under his continuator, Risco,
reached forty volumes. Bérault-Bercastel, indeed, wrote twenty-eight,
but it was after the Society was suppressed. Perhaps they refrained from
entering that field because they regarded it to be sufficiently covered,
or because, in order to devote one's self to historical work, one needs
leisure, great libraries, and security of possession. Their absorbing
pedagogical and missionary work left leisure to but a few Jesuits in
those stirring times, and they were besides being continually despoiled
of the great libraries they had gathered, and never sure of having a
roof over their heads the day after a work might be begun. Seizures and
expulsions form a continual series in the Society's history. On the
other hand, they were making history by their explorations, and the
letters they sent from all parts of the world which according to rule
they were compelled to write, furnish to-day and for all time, the most
invaluable historical data for every part of the globe. As a matter of
fact, they had not even time to write an account of their own Order.
Cordara, Orlandini, Jouvancy, and Sacchini cover only limited periods,
and as has been remarked above, it was not until Father Martín ordered a
complete series of histories of the various sections of the Society that
the work was undertaken. This is planned on a much vaster scale than the
older writers ever dreamt of, and some of the volumes have already been
published.
In profane history, however, the versatile Famian Strada distinguished
himself in 1632 by his "Wars of Flanders," and the work was continued by
two of his religious brethren, Dondini and Gallucio. Clavigero's
"Ancient History of Mexico," in three quarto volumes, published after
the Suppression, is a notable work, as are also his "History of
California," and a third on the "Spanish Conquest." Alegre's three
volumes, "History of the Society of Jesus in New Spain" is of great
value. Mariana's complete "History of Spain," in twenty-five books, is
still recognized as an authority, and it will be of interest to know
that as late as 1888 a statue was erected at Talavera, in honor of the
same tumultuous writer, who was incarcerated for his book on "Finance."
Charlevoix's voluminous histories of New France, of Japan, of Paraguay,
and of Santo Domingo are also worthy of consideration. Bancroft
frequently refers to him as a valuable historian, and John Gilmary Shea
insists that he is too generally esteemed to need commendation.
There is, however, an historical work of the Society which has no peer
in literature: the great hagiological collection known as the "Acta
Sanctorum" of the Bollandists, which was begun in the first years of the
seventeenth century, and is still being elaborated. It consists at
present of sixty-four folio volumes. This vast enterprise was conceived
by the Belgian Father Rosweyde, but is known as the work of the
Bollandists, from the name of Rosweyde's immediate successor, Bollandus.
When the first volume, which was very diminutive when compared with the
present massive tomes, was sent to Cardinal Bellarmine, he exclaimed:
"this man wants to live three hundred years." He regarded the plan as
chimerical, but it has been realized by a self-perpetuating association
of Jesuits living at Brussels. When one member is worn out or dies,
someone else is appointed to fill the gap, and so the work goes on
uninterruptedly. The two first volumes, containing pages, which appeared
in 1643, aroused the enthusiasm of the scientific world, and Pope
Alexander VII publicly testified that "there had never been undertaken
a work more glorious or more useful to the Church."
In other fields of work the Society has not been idle. Even the acrid
"Realencyclopädie fur protestantische Theologie und Kirche" says (VIII,
758), "the Order has not lacked scholars. It can point to a long series
of brilliant names among its members, but they have only given real aid
to the advancement of science in those spheres which have close
connection with the doctrines of the Church, such as mathematics, the
natural sciences, chronology, explanation of classical writers and
inscriptions. The service of Jesuit astronomers like Christopher
Schlüssel (Clavius), the corrector of the calendar; Christopher
Schreiner, the discoverer of the sun spots; Francesco Da Vico, the
discoverer of a comet and observer of the transit of Venus; Angelo
Secchi, the investigator of the sun, and a meteorologist, are
universally acknowledged. And no less credit is given to the services of
the Order afforded by the optician Grimaldi; and that much praised
all-round scholar and universal genius (Doctor centum artium) Athanasius
Kircher. Among the classical writers is Angelo Mai."
This is certainly not a bad list from an unfriendly source, and possibly
might be helped out by a few suggestions. Thus Otto Hartig, the
Assistant Librarian of the Royal Library of Munich, tells us in "The
Catholic Encyclopedia" that Ritter very justly traces the source and
beginning of modern geography to the "Acta Sanctorum" of the Jesuit
Bollandists, who gathered up the crude notes of the journeys of the
early missionaries with their valuable information about the customs,
language and religion of the inhabitants on the frontiers of the Roman
Empire, along the Rhine and Danube, of the British Isles, Russia,
Poland, the Faröe Islands, Iceland and the Far East. Another signal
contribution to geography was the "Historia natural y moral de las
Indias" of José d'Acosta, one of the most brilliant writers on the
natural history of the New World and the customs of the Indians. The
first thorough exploration of Brazil was made by Jesuit missionaries led
by Father Ferre (1599-1632). The Portuguese priests, Alvares and
Bermudes, who went to Abyssinia on an embassy to the king of that
country, were followed by the Jesuits. Fernandes crossed southern
Abyssinia in 1613, and set foot in regions which until recently were
closed to Europeans. Páez and Lobo were the first to reach the sources
of the Blue Nile, and as early as the middle of the seventeenth century,
they with Almeida, Menendes and Teles drew up a map of Abyssinia which
is considered the best produced before the time of Abbadie (1810-97).
The Jesuit missionaries, Machado, Affonso and Paiva, in 1630 endeavored
to establish communications between Abyssinia and the Congo; Ricci and
Schall, both of whom were learned astronomers, made a cartographic
survey of China. Ricci is commonly known as the Geographer of China, and
is compared to Marco Polo. Andrada was the first to enter Tibet, a feat
which was not repeated until our own times. The Jesuits of Canada, among
whom was Marquette, were the first to furnish the learned world with
information about upper North America; Mexico and California as far as
the Rio Grande, were travelled by Kino (1644-1711), Sedlmayer (1703-79)
and Baegert (1717-77); and the Jesuit, Wolfgang Beyer, reached Lake
Titicaca between 1752 and 1766--eighty years before the celebrated
globe-navigator Meyer arrived there. Ramion sailed up the Cassiquiare,
from the Río Negro to the Orinoco in 1744, and thus anticipated La
Condamine, Humboldt, and Bonpland. Samuel Fritz in 1684 established the
importance of the Maranhão as the main tributary of the Amazon, and drew
the first map of the country. Techo (1673), Harques (1687), and Durán
(1638) told the world all about Paraguay, and d'Ovaglia (1646) about
Chile. Gruber and d'Orville reached Lhasa from Pekin, and went down into
India through the Himalaya passes.
Possibly it is worth while here to give more than a passing notice to
the ascent of the Nile in the seventeenth century, made by the noted
Pedro Páez, a Spanish Jesuit. He left an account of it which Kircher
published in his "OEdipus Ægyptiacus" but which James Bruce angrily
described as an invention. Bruce claims that he himself was the first to
explore the river. But Bruce followed Páez by at least 150 years. The
question is discussed at length by two writers in the "Biographie
universelle," under the titles "Bruce" and "Paez."
Páez was born at Olmeda in 1564. He entered the Society when he was
eighteen years of age and was sent to Goa in 1588. He was assigned to
attempt an entry of Abyssinia; to facilitate his work, he assumed the
dress of an Armenian. He had to wait a year for a ship at Ormuz, and
when, at last, he embarked he was captured by an Arab pirate,
ill-treated and thrown into prison. As he was unable to procure a
ransom, he spent seven years chained to the oar as a galley slave, but
was finally set free and reached Goa in 1596. He was then employed in
several missions of Hindostan, but again set out for Abyssinia which he
reached in 1603. To acquaint himself with the language of the people he
buried himself in a monastery of Monophysite monks, and then began to
give public lessons in the city. His success as a teacher attracted
attention, and he was finally called before the emperor, where his
eloquence and correctness of speech captivated and ultimately helped to
convert the monarch. A grant of land was given him at Gorgora where he
built a church. The question of the sources of the Nile was frequently
discussed, and in 1618 Páez ascended the river. He was thus the first
modern European to make the attempt. He told the story in the two large
octavos, which at the time of the Suppression could be found in most of
the libraries of the Society. Bruce asserts, however, that nothing is
said in these volumes about the discovery, and he accuses Kircher of
imposture. But, says the writer in the "Biographie universelle," the
fact is that between the account of Páez and that of Bruce there is
scarcely any difference except in a few insignificant details; so that
if Bruce is right, so also are Páez and Kircher. Páez explored the river
as early as 1618, whereas Bruce arrived there only in 1772, that is 154
years later. "Bruce," says another writer "makes it clear that someone
had preceded him and displays his temper in every line."
The great English work, "The Dictionary of National Biography," handles
Bruce more severely. "He was in error," it says, "in regarding himself
as the first European who had reached these fountains. Pedro Páez, the
Jesuit, had undoubtedly done so in 1615, and Bruce's unhandsome attempt
to throw doubt on the fact only proves that love of fame is not
literally the last infirmity of noble minds, but may bring much more
unlovely symptoms in its train. He was endowed with excellent abilities,
but was swayed to an undue degree by self-esteem and thirst for fame. He
was uncandid to those he regarded as rivals, and vanity and the passion
for the picturesque led him to embellish minor particulars and perhaps
in some instances to invent them. He delayed for twelve years the
composition of his narrative and then dictated it to an amanuensis,
indolently omitting to refer to the original journals and hence
frequently making a lamentable confusion of facts and dates. His report
is highly idealised and he will always be the poet of African travel."
The book did not appear till 1790. The missionary success of Páez
consisted in uniting schismatical Abyssinia to Rome in 1624. He died
shortly afterwards, and, when the depraved Emperor Basilides mounted the
throne in 1634, the Jesuit missionaries were handed over to the axe of
the executioner. Páez, it may be remarked, was not the only one whom
Bruce vilified. After Páez came the Portuguese Jesuit Jeronimo Lobo, a
very interesting and lengthy account of whose daring missionary work may
be found in the "Biographie universelle." The writer tells us that Lobo
published his narrative in 1659, and that it was again edited by the
Royal Society of London in 1688. Legrand translated it into French in
1728, and Dr. Samuel Johnson gave a compendious translation of it in
1734. The complete book was reprinted in 1798, and in the preface the
editors take Bruce to task for his treatment of both Páez and Lobo. It
is worthy of remark that the notice of "Bruce" in the "Encyclopedia
Britannica" (ninth edition) does not say a single word either of Páez or
Lobo, although both had attracted so much notice in the modern literary
world.
It was due to the Jesuits that France established subventions for
geographical research. In 1651 Martino Martini, kinsman of the
celebrated Eusebio Kino, published his "Atlas Sinensis", which Richtoven
described as "the fullest geographical description of China that we
have." Kircher published his famous "China illustrata" in 1667. Verbiest
was the imperial astronomer in China, and so aroused the interest of
Louis XIV that he sent out six Jesuit astronomers at his own expense
and equipped them with the finest instruments. One of these envoys,
Gerbillon, explored the unknown regions north of China, and he, with
Buvet, Régis and Jarton and others, made a survey of the Great Wall, and
then mapped out the whole Chinese empire (1718). Manchuria and Mongolia
as far as the Russian frontier and Tibet to the sources of the Ganges
were included. The map ranks as a masterpiece even to-day. It consists
of 120 sheets, and it has formed the basis of all the native maps made
since then. De Halde edited all the reports sent to him by his brethren,
and published them in his "Description géographique, historique,
politique, physique et chronologique de l'empire de Chine et de la
Tartarie chinoise." The material for the maps in this work was prepared
by d'Anville, the greatest geographer of the time, but he was not a
Jesuit. In addition to these works, were written fifteen volumes by the
missionaries of Pekin about the history and customs of the Chinese, and
published in Paris.
These Jesuit astronomers and geographers were associate members of all
the learned societies of Europe, and were especially serviceable to
those bodies in being able to determine the longitude and latitude of
the places they described. Between 1684 and 1686 they fixed the exact
position of the Cape of Good Hope and of Louveau in Siam. As early as
1645 Riccioli attempted to determine the length of a degree of
longitude. Similar work was done by Thoma in China, Boscovitch and Maire
in the Papal States, Leisganig in Austria; Mayer in the Palatinate, and
Beccaria and Canonica in northwestern Italy. Veda published the first
map of the Philippines about 1734. Mezburg and Guessman made maps of
Galicia and Poland, Andrian of Carinthia, and Christian Meyer of the
Rhine from Basle to Mainz. Riccioli, a distinguished reformer of
cartography, published his "Almagestum novum", and his "Geographia et
hydrographia reformata" as early as 1661. Kircher gave the world his
"Arsmagnetica" and "Mundus subterraneus" about the same time, and made
the ascent of Etna and Stromboli at the risk of his life, to measure
their craters. His theory of the interior of the earth was accepted by
Leibniz and by the entire Neptunist school of geology. He was the first
to attempt to chart the ocean currents. Heinrich Scherer of Dillingen
(1620-1704) devoted his whole life to geography, and made the first
orographical and hydrographical synoptic charts. Johann Jacob Hemmer was
the founder of the first meteorological society, which had contributors
from all over the world. This list is sufficiently glorious.
Perhaps it might be noted here that these eminent men were not primarily
seeking distinction or aiming at success in the sciences to which they
devoted themselves. That consideration occupied only a secondary place
in their thoughts and the glory they achieved was sought exclusively to
enable them the more easily to reach the souls of men. But on the other
hand, that motive inspired them with greater zeal in the prosecution of
their work than a merely human purpose would have done. Assuredly, it
would have been much more comfortable for Ricci and Schall and Verbiest
and Grimaldi to be looking through telescopes in the observatories of
Europe than at Canton or Pekin, where every moment they were in danger
of having their heads cut off. As a matter of fact, after more than
forty years of service for China's education in mathematics and
astronomy, the only reward that Father Schall reaped was, as we have
seen, to be dragged to court, though he was paralyzed and speechless,
and to be condemned to be hacked to pieces.
It is quite true that the philosophers of the Society have never evolved
any independent philosophical or theological thought, in the modern
acceptation of that term. That is, they have never acted like the
captain of a ship who would throw his charts and compass overboard, and
insist that North is South because he thinks it so. The aim of
philosophy is intellectual truth and not the extravagances of a
disordered imagination. Contrary to the modern superstition, Catholic
philosophers are not hampered in their speculations by authority, nor
are they compelled in their study of logic, metaphysics and ethics to
draw proofs from revelation. Philosophy is a human not a divine science,
but on the other hand, Catholic philosophy is prevented from going over
the abyss by the possession of a higher knowledge than unassisted human
reason could ever attain. Thus protected, it speculates with an
audacity, of which those who are not so provided can have no conception.
For them philosophy runs through the whole theological course, and when
Holy Scripture, the pronouncements of the Church, and the utterances of
the Fathers have established the truth of the particular doctrine which
is under consideration, then reason enters, and elevated, ennobled,
fortified and illumined, it walks secure in the highest realms of
thought. Three entire years are given to the explicit study of it, in
the formation of the Jesuit scholastic, and it continues to be employed
throughout his four or five years of theology. Both sciences are
fundamental in the Society's studies, and it has not lacked honor in
either. But as philosophy is subsidiary and ancillary, it will be
sufficient to set forth what is said about the Society's theologians.
Dr. Joseph Pohle writing in "The Catholic Encyclopedia" tells us that
controversial theology was carried to the highest perfection by Cardinal
Bellarmine. Indeed, there is no theologian who has defended almost the
whole of Catholic theology against the attacks of the Reformers with
such clearness and convincing force. Other theologians who were
remarkable for their masterly defence of the Catholic Faith were the
Spanish Jesuit Gregory of Valencia (d. 1603) and his pupils Adam Tanner
(d. 1635) and Jacob Gretser (d. 1625). Nor can there be any question
that Scholastic theology owes most of its classical works to the Society
of Jesus. Molina was the first Jesuit to write a commentary on the
theological "Summa" of St. Thomas, and was followed by Cardinal Toletus
and those other brilliant Spaniards, Gregory of Valencia, Suárez,
Vasquez, and Didacus Rúiz. Suárez, the most prominent among them, is
also the foremost theologian the Society of Jesus has produced. His
renown is due not only to the fertility and wealth of his literary
productions, but also to his clearness, moderation, depth and
circumspection. He had a critic, both subtle and severe, in his
colleague, Gabriel Vásquez. Didacus Rúiz wrote masterly treatises on God
and the Trinity, as did Christopher Gilles; and they were followed by
Harruabal, Ferdinand Bastida, Valentine Herice, and others whose names
will be forever linked with the history of Molinism. During the
succeeding period, John Præpositus, Caspar Hurtado, and Antonio Pérez
won fame by their commentaries on St. Thomas. Ripalda wrote the best
treatise on the supernatural order. To Leonard Lessius we owe some
beautiful treatises on God and his attributes. Coninck made the Trinity,
the Incarnation, and the Sacraments his special study. Cardinal John de
Lugo, noted for his mental acumen and highly esteemed as a moralist,
wrote on the virtue of Faith and the Sacraments of Penance and the
Eucharist. Claude Tiphanus is the author of a classical monograph on
the notions of personality and hypostasis, and Cardinal Pallavicini,
known as the historiographer of the Council of Trent, won repute as a
dogmatic theologian by several of his writings (XIV, 593-94).
With regard to moral theology, Lehmkhul tells us that in the middle of
the eighteenth century there arose a man who was, so to say, a blessing
of Divine Providence. Owing to the eminent sanctity which he combined
with solid learning, he definitely established the system of moral
theology which now prevails in the Church. That man was St. Alphonsus
Maria Liguori, who was canonized in 1839, and declared a Doctor of the
Church in 1871. In his youth he was imbued with the stricter principles
of moral theology, but as he himself confesses, the experience of
fifteen years of missionary life and careful study brought him to
realize the falseness and the evil consequences of the system in which
he had been educated, and the necessity of a change. He, therefore, took
the "Medulla" of the Jesuit, Hermann Busembaum, subjected it to a
thorough examination, confirmed it by internal reasons and external
authority, and then published a work which was received with universal
applause, and whose doctrine is entirely on Probabilistic principles.
This approval and appropriation of Busembaum's teaching by one who has
been made a Doctor of the Church is a sufficient vindication of the
doctrine of Probabilism, for which the Society suffered so much, and is
at the same time a magnificent tribute to the greatness of Busembaum,
"whose book," Lehmkuhl contents himself with saying, "was widely used,"
whereas forty editions of it had been issued during the author's own
life, which happened to be an entire century before the publication of
Liguori's great work. Busembaum's "Medulla" was printed in 1645, and
Liguori's "Moral Theology" in 1748. Up to 1845, there were 200 editions
of Busembaum; that is, one edition for every year of its existence. In
the history of moral theology Sánchez, Layman, Azor, Castro Palao,
Torres, Escobar also may be cited as leading lights.
In Scripture there are the illustrious names of Maldonado, Ribera,
Prado, Pereira, Sancio and Pineda. Of the saintly Cornelius a Lapide
(Vanden Steen) a Protestant critic, Goetzius, said in 1699: "He is the
most important of Catholic Scriptural writers." His "Commentary of the
Apocalypse" has been translated into Arabic. In ascetical theology, St.
Ignatius is a leader in modern times; and his "Spiritual Exercises" form
a complete system of asceticism. With him are a great number of his
sons, whose names are familiar in every religious house, such as
Bellarmine, Rodríguez, Alvarez de Paz, Gaudier, da Ponte, Lessius,
Lancicius, Surin, Saint-Jure, Neumayr, Dirckink, Scaramelli, Nieremberg
and many others. Finally, it can not be denied that the Society has
hearkened to the second rule of the Summary of its Constitutions, which
is read publicly and with an unfailing regularity every month of the
year, in every one of its houses throughout the world, namely: that "the
End of this Society is not only to attend to the salvation and
perfection of our own souls, with the divine grace, but with the same,
seriously to employ ourselves in procuring the salvation and perfection
of our neighbor."
The canonization of saints proceeds very slowly in the modern Church.
Years and years are spent in preliminary investigations of the life, the
holiness, the doctrines, and the miracles of the one who is to be
presented to the public recognition of the Church. Theologians and
canonists have to pass on all those points and those who testify speak
only under the most solemn oaths and the threat of dire censure if they
witness to what they know to be false. Infinite labor has been expended
before the question is presented to the Holy See. Very many of these
causes never reach even that stage, for everywhere, in its progress,
stands an official called the Promoter of the Faith, but popularly known
as the "Devil's Advocate," whose work consists in doing his utmost to
throw obstacles in the way of the canonization. Nevertheless, the
Society has a sufficient number on its roll of fame, in spite of its
comparatively brief and perpetually perturbed existence, to convince the
world that it is not the maleficent organization that it is credited
with being.
At the head of the list come the two friends, Ignatius and Xavier, dying
within four years of each other: the latter in 1552, the former in 1556.
The third is Borgia, who died in 1572. He had set aside all the honors
of the world, except that of actual royalty, in order to take the lowest
place in the Society, but he became its chief. In charming contrast with
these three great men, are the three boy saints: Stanislaus, Aloysius,
and Berchmans, dying respectively in 1568, 1591 and 1621. Stanislaus,
the little Polish noble, travelled all the way from Vienna to Rome on
foot, a distance of 1500 miles, to enter the novitiate. He had no money,
or guide, or friends, but he arrived safely, for the angels gave him
Communion on his journey, and he has ever since been the darling of the
beginners in religious life. Aloysius was of princely blood, but died
nursing the sick in the hospital. He is the patron of youthful purity,
and was never a priest, though an unwise writer makes a missionary of
him. The third, John Berchmans, was neither prince nor noble. On the
contrary, it used to be the delight of foreigners, when rambling through
the little Flemish town of Diest, to see the name of "Berchmans" on the
humble shops of hucksters and grocers, and to fancy that some of the
little lads who clattered about in their sabots, on their way to school,
were relatives of his. His sanctity has made his family name famous in
the world. His beatification was especially welcome, because, as
Berchmans was the very incarnation of the Jesuit rule, the Order cannot
have been the iniquitous organization it is frequently said to be.
Then there are three Japanese Jesuits who were crucified at Nagasaki in
1597; and in 1616 came Alfonso Rodríguez, who had prepared Peter Claver
to be the Apostle of the negro slaves in America, and who went quietly
from his post at the gates of the College of Minorca to the gates of
heaven. Peter Claver had to wait for thirty-eight years before going to
join his venerable friend. Besides the two St. Francises of the early
days, there are two more of that name in the Society: the Frenchman,
John Francis Regis, who died in 1640, and the Italian, Francis
Hieronymo, whose work ended in 1716. They were both preachers to the
most abandoned classes. Hieronymo could gather as many as 15,000 men to
a regular monthly Communion, and when he entered the royal convict
ships, he converted those sinks of iniquity into abodes of peace and
resignation.
It may be noted here that St. Francis Regis had a distinction peculiarly
his own. Long after his canonization as a saint, he was proclaimed to
have been actually expelled from the Society, and that the public
disgrace was prevented only by his death, which occurred before the
official papers arrived from Rome. This accusation is trident-like in
its wounding power or purpose. It transfixes Regis, and kills his
reputation for virtue; then it inflicts a gash on the Society by making
it present to the Church, as worthy of being raised to the altars, a
man whom it was unwilling to keep in its own houses; finally, it assails
the Church and attempts to show that no respect should be had for its
decrees of canonization. It was almost unnecessary for the learned
Bollandist, Van Ortroy, to show that there is no foundation whatever for
this story of the dismissal of St. John Francis Regis from the Society
of Jesus.
Such are the canonized Jesuits. The Blessed are more numerous. There are
ninety-one of them. First in time are the forty Portuguese martyrs under
Ignatius de Azevedo, who were slain by the French Huguenots in a harbor
of the Azores in the year 1570. Then follow the English witnesses to the
Truth. The first to die was Thomas Woodhouse, who was executed in 1573.
Between that date and 1582 four others were put to death; among them the
illustrious Edmund Campion. Of those who died in the persecutions of
Japan, between 1617 and 1627, there are thirty-one Japanese as well as
European Jesuits. Rudolf Aquaviva was put to death in Madura in 1583,
and John de Britto in 1693. Two Hungarians, Melchior Grodecz and Stephen
Pongracz were slain in Hungary in 1619, and Andrew Bobola was butchered
by the Cossacks in 1657. There are others among the Society's Blessed
who were not martyred, but would have been willing to win their crown in
that way, if God so wanted. They are Peter Faber, the first priest of
the Society; Peter Canisius, the Apostle of Germany; and the Italian
Antonio Baldinucci, a great missionary who used to whip himself to
blood, to move the hearts of the hardened sinners around him, and who
lighted bonfires of bad books and pictures and playing cards in the
public squares to impress his excitable fellow-countrymen. His
missionary methods were somewhat like those of Savonarola.
Those who are ranked as Venerable are fifty in number, including Claude
de la Colombiére, the Apostle of the devotion to the Sacred Heart;
Cardinal Bellarmine; Nicholas Lancicius, the well-known ascetical
writer; Julien Maunoir, the apostle of his native Brittany; and José
Anchieta, the thaumaturgus of Brazil. There are, however, a great many
others under consideration, among them being the heroes of North
America--Jogues, Goupil, Lalande, Brébeuf, Lalemant, Garnier, Daniel,
Chabanel--who were slain by the Iroquois. In the conclaves of 1605,
which elected Clement VIII and Leo XI, Bellarmine was very seriously
considered as a possible pope, but the fact that he was a Jesuit was an
obstacle in the eyes of many. When he died in 1621, there was a general
expectation that he would be canonized for his extraordinarily holy
life. In fact, Urban VIII who was so rigid in such matters placed him
among the "Venerable" six years after his death. His case was
re-introduced for beatification in 1675, 1714, 1752 and 1832, but
nothing was done chiefly because it would have angered the French
regalist politicians, as his name was associated with a doctrine most
obnoxious to them. In 1920 the case was again taken up.
We omit the countless thousands of Jesuits who ever since the Society
was established have striven in every possible way to realize its
ideals; the heroes who have hurried with delight to the most disgusting
and dangerous missions they could find in the farthermost parts of the
world; who have died by thousands of disease and exhaustion in the
pest-laden ships that carried them to their destination or flung them
dead on some desolate coast; or those who have been slain by savages or
devoured by wild beasts; or who died of starvation in the forests and
deserts where they were hunting for souls; or have given their lives
with joy for the privilege of ministering to the plague-stricken. Nor
do we mention here the great phalanxes of the unknown who, without a
single regret for what they might have been in the world, have
endeavored to obey, to some extent, at least, that startling admonition
that they hear so often: _Ama nesciri et pro nihilo reputari_: "Love to
be unknown and to be reputed as nothing,"--the men who have truly lived
up to that ideal in the repulsiveness of hospitals and jails and
asylums, or in the ceaseless drudgery and obscurity of the class-room
and the unchanging routing of household occupations.
These men have seen themselves time and time again robbed of all their
possessions, hounded out of their own countries and cities as if they
were criminals, their names branded with infamy and a by-word for all
that is vile, and they understood better and better, as time went on,
what is meant by that page which stares at them from their rule book and
which is entitled: "The Sum and Scope of Our Constitutions," and which
tells them: "We are men crucified to the world, and to whom the world is
crucified; new men who have put off their own affections to put on
Christ, dead to themselves to live to justice; who, with St. Paul, in
labors, in watching, in fastings, in chastity, in knowledge, in
long-suffering, in sweetness, in the Holy Ghost, in charity unfeigned,
in the word of truth, shew themselves ministers of God; and, by the
armor of justice, on the right hand and on the left, by honor and
dishonor, by evil report and good report, by good success and ill
success, press forward with great strides to their heavenly country, and
by all means possible, and with all zeal, urge on others also, ever
looking to God's greatest glory."