CHAPTER I

THE JESUITS

1534-1921

THE JESUITS

1534-1921

A History of the Society of Jesus from Its

Foundation to the Present Time

BY

THOMAS J. CAMPBELL, S.J.

[Illustration]

NEW YORK

THE ENCYCLOPEDIA PRESS

Permissu superiorum

NIHIL OBSTAT: ARTHUR J. SCANLAN, D.D., _Censor_

IMPRIMATUR: PATRICK J. HAYES, D.D., _Archbishop of New York_

COPYRIGHT 1921

THE ENCYCLOPEDIA PRESS

_All rights reserved_

PREFACE

Some years ago the writer of these pages, when on his way to what is

called a general congregation of the Society of Jesus, was asked by a

fellow-passenger on an Atlantic liner, if he knew anything about the

Jesuits. He answered in the affirmative and proceeded to give an account

of the character and purpose of the Order. After a few moments, he was

interrupted by the inquirer with, "You know nothing at all about them,

Sir; good day." Possibly the Jesuits themselves are responsible for this

attitude of mind, which is not peculiar to people at sea, but is to be

met everywhere.

As a matter of fact, no Jesuit has thus far ever written a complete or

adequate history of the Society; Orlandini, Jouvancy and Cordara

attempted it a couple of centuries ago, but their work never got beyond

the first one hundred years. Two very small compendiums by Jesuits have

been recently published, one in Italian by Rosa, the other in French by

Brucker, but they are too congested to be satisfactory to the average

reader, and Brucker's stops at the Suppression of the Society by Clement

XIV in 1773. Crétineau-Joly's history was written in great haste; he is

often a special pleader, and even Jesuits find him too eulogistic. At

present he is hopelessly antiquated, his last volume bearing the date of

1833. B. N. (Barbara Neave) published in English a history of the

Society based largely on Crétineau-Joly. The consequence of this lack of

authoritative works is that the general public gets its information

about the Jesuits from writers who are prejudiced or ill-informed or,

who, perhaps, have been hired to defame the Society for political

purposes. Other authors, again, have found the Jesuits a romantic

theme, and have drawn largely on their imagination for their statements.

Attention was called to this condition of things by the Congregation of

the Society which elected Father Martin to the post of General of the

Jesuits in 1892. As a result he appointed a corps of distinguished

writers to co-operate in the production of a universal history of the

Society, which was to be colossal in size, based on the most authentic

documents, and in line with the latest and most exacting requirements of

recent scientific historiography. On the completion of the various

parts, they are to be co-ordinated and then translated into several

languages, so as to supply material for minor histories within the reach

of the general public. Such a scheme necessarily supposes a very

considerable time before the completion of the entire work, and, as

matter of fact, although several volumes have already appeared in

English, French, German, Spanish and Italian, the authors are still

discussing events that occurred two centuries ago. Happily their

researches have thrown much light on the early history of the Order; an

immense number of _documents inédits_, published by Carayon and others,

have given us a more intimate knowledge of the intermediate period; many

biographies have been written, and the huge volume of the "Liber

sæcularis" by Albers brings the record down to our own days. Thus,

though much valuable information has already been made available for the

general reader the great collaborative work is far from completion.

Hence the present history of the Jesuits.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

ORIGIN PAGE

The Name--Opprobrious meanings--Caricatures of the

Founder--Purpose of the Order--Early life of Ignatius--

Pampeluna--Conversion--Manresa--The Exercises--Authorship

--Journey to Palestine--The Universities--Life in Paris--

First Companions--Montmartre First Vows--Assembly at

Venice. Failure to reach Palestine--First Journey to Rome

--Ordination to the Priesthood--Labors in Italy--Submits

the Constitutions for Papal Approval--Guidiccioni's

opposition--Issue of the Bull _Regimini_--Sketch of the

Institute--Crypto-Jesuits 1-35

CHAPTER II

INITIAL ACTIVITIES

Portugal, Spain, France, Germany, Italy--Election of

Ignatius--Jesuits in Ireland--"The Scotch Doctor"--Faber

and Melanchthon--Le Jay--Bobadilla--Council of Trent--

Laínez, Salmerón, Canisius--The Catechism--Opposition in

Spain--Cano--Pius V--First Missions to America--The

French Parliaments--Postel--Foundation of the Collegium

Germanicum at Rome--Similar Establishments in Germany--

Clermont and other Colleges in France--Colloque de

Poissy. 36-71

CHAPTER III

ENDS OF THE EARTH

Xavier departs for the East--Goa--Around Hindostan--

Malacca--The Moluccas--Return to Goa--The Valiant

Belgian--Troubles in Goa--Enters Japan--Returns to Goa--

Starts for China--Dies off the Coast--Remains brought to

Goa--Africa--Congo, Angola, Caffreria, Abyssinia--

Brazil, Nobrega, Anchieta, Azevedo--Failure of Rodriguez

in Portugal 72-95

CHAPTER IV

CONSPICUOUS PERSONAGES

Ignatius--Laínez--Borgia--Bellarmine--Toletus--Lessius--

Maldonado--Suárez--Lugo--Valencia--Petavius--Warsewicz--

Nicolai--Possevin--Vieira--Mercurian 96-133

CHAPTER V

THE ENGLISH MISSION

Conditions after Henry VIII--Allen--Persons--Campion--

Entrance into England--Kingsley's Caricature--Thomas

Pounde--Stephens--Capture and death of Campion--Other

Martyrs--Southwell, Walpole--Jesuits in Ireland and

Scotland--The English Succession--Dissensions--The

Archpriest Blackwell--The Appellants--The Bye-Plot--

Accession of James I--The Gunpowder Plot--Garnet,

Gerard 134-165

CHAPTER VI

JAPAN

1555-1645

After Xavier's time--Torres and Fernandes--Civandono--

Nunhes and Pinto--The King of Hirando--First Persecution

--Gago and Vilela--Almeida--Uprising against the Emperor

--Justus Ucondono and Nobunaga--Valignani--Founding of

Nangasaki--Fervor and Fidelity of the Converts--Embassy

to Europe--Journey through Portugal, Spain and Italy--

Reception by Gregory XIII and Sixtus V--Return to Japan

--The Great Persecutions by Taicosama, Daifusama, Shogun

I and Shogun II--Spinola and other Martyrs--Arrival of

Franciscans and Dominicans--Popular eagerness for death

--Mastrilli--Attempts to establish a Hierarchy--Closing

the Ports--Discovery of the Christians. 166-196

CHAPTER VII

THE GREAT STORMS

1580-1597

Manares suspected of ambition--Election of Aquaviva--

Beginning of Spanish discontent--Dionisio Vásquez--The

"Ratio Studiorum"--Society's action against Confessors

of Kings and Political Embassies--Trouble with the

Spanish Inquisition and Philip II--Attempts at a Spanish

Schism--The Ormanetto papers--Ribadeneira suspected--

Imprisonment of Jesuits by the Spanish Inquisition--

Action of Toletus--Extraordinary Congregation called--

Exculpation of Aquaviva--The dispute "de Auxiliis"--

Antoine Arnauld's attack--Henry IV and Jean Chastel--

Reconciliation of Henry IV to the Church--Royal

protection--Saint Charles Borromeo--Troubles in Venice--

Sarpi--Palafox 197-227

CHAPTER VIII

THE ASIATIC CONTINENT

The Great Mogul--Rudolph Aquaviva--Jerome Xavier--de

Nobili--de Britto--Beschi--The Pariahs--Entering Thibet

--From Pekin to Europe--Mingrelia, Paphlagonia and

Chaldea--The Maronites--Alexander de Rhodes--Ricci enters

China--From Agra to Pekin--Adam Schall--Arrival of the

Tatars--Persecutions--Schall condemned to Death--Verbiest

--de Tournon's Visit--The French Royal Mathematicians--

Avril's Journey 228-267

CHAPTER IX

BATTLE OF THE BOOKS

Aquaviva and the Spanish Opposition--Vitelleschi--The

"Monita Secreta"; Morlin--Roding--"Historia Jesuitici

Ordinis"--"Jesuiticum Jejunium"--"Speculum Jesuiticum"--

Pasquier--Mariana--"Mysteries of the Jesuits"--"The

Jesuit Cabinet"--"Jesuit Wolves"--"Teatro Jesuítico"--

"Morale Pratique des Jésuites"--"Conjuratio Sulphurea"--

"Lettres Provinciales"--"Causeries du Lundi" and

Bourdaloue--Prohibition of publication by Louis XIV--

Pastoral of the Bishops of Sens--Santarelli--Escobar--

Anti-Coton--Margry's "Descouvertes"--Norbert 268-295

CHAPTER X

THE TWO AMERICAS

1567-1673

Chile and Peru--Valdivia--Peruvian Bark--Paraguay

Reductions--Father Fields--Emigration from Brazil--

Social and religious prosperity of the Reductions--

Martyrdom of twenty-nine missionaries--Reductions in

Colombia--Peter Claver--French West Indies--St. Kitts--

Irish Exiles--Father Bath or Destriches--Montserrat--

Emigration to Guadeloupe--Other Islands--Guiana--Mexico--

Lower California--The Pious Fund--The Philippines--

Canada Missions--Brébeuf, Jogues, Le Moyne, Marquette--

Maryland--White--Lewger 296-342

CHAPTER XI

CULTURE

Colleges--Their Popularity--Revenues--Character of

education: Classics; Science; Philosophy; Art--

Distinguished Pupils--Poets: Southwell; Balde;

Sarbievius; Strada; Von Spee; Gresset; Beschi.--Orators:

Vieira; Segneri; Bourdaloue.--Writers: Isla; Ribadeneira;

Skarga; Bouhours etc.--Historians--Publications--

Scientists and Explorers--Philosophers--Theologians--

Saints 343-386

CHAPTER XII

FROM VITELLESCHI TO RICCI

1615-1773

Pupils in the Thirty Years War--Caraffa; Piccolomini;

Gottifredi--Mary Ward--Alleged decline of the Society--

John Paul Oliva--Jesuits in the Courts of Kings--John

Casimir--English Persecutions. Luzancy and Titus Oates--

Jesuit Cardinals--Gallicanism in France--Maimbourg--Dez--

Troubles in Holland. De Noyelle and Innocent XI--

Attempted Schism in France--González and Probabilism--Don

Pedro of Portugal--New assaults of Jansenists--

Administration of Retz--Election of Ricci--The Coming

Storm 387-423

CHAPTER XIII

CONDITIONS BEFORE THE CRASH

State of the Society--The Seven Years War--Political

Changes--Rulers of Spain, Portugal, Naples, France and

Austria--Febronius--Sentiments of the Hierarchy--Popes

Benedict XIV; Clement XIII; Clement XIV 424-441

CHAPTER XIV

Pombal

Early life--Ambitions--Portuguese Missions--Seizure of

the Spanish Reductions. Expulsion of the Missionaries--

End of the Missions in Brazil--War against the Society in

Portugal--The Jesuit Republic--Cardinal Saldanha--Seizure

of Churches and Colleges--The Assassination Plot--The

Prisons--Exiles--Execution of Malagrida 442-477

CHAPTER XV

CHOISEUL

The French Method--Purpose of the Enemy--Preliminary

Accusations--Voltaire's testimony--La Vallette--La

Chalotais--Seizure of Property--Auto da fé of the Works

of Lessius, Suárez, Valentia, etc.--Appeal of the French

Episcopacy--Christophe de Beaumont--Demand for a French

Vicar--"Sint ut sunt aut non sint"--Protest of Clement

XIII--Action of Father La Croix and the Jesuits of Paris--

Louis XV signs the Act of Suppression--Occupations of

dispersed Jesuits--Undisturbed in Canada--Expelled from

Louisiana--Choiseul's Colonization of Guiana 478-503

CHAPTER XVI

CHARLES III

The Bourbon Kings of Spain--Character of Charles III--

Spanish Ministries--O'Reilly--The Hat and Cloak Riot--

Cowardice of Charles--Tricking the monarch--The Decree

of Suppression--Grief of the Pope--His death--Disapproval

in France by the Encyclopedists--The Royal Secret--

Simultaneousness of the Suppression--Wanderings of the

Exiles--Pignatelli--Expulsion by Tanucci 504-529

CHAPTER XVII

THE FINAL BLOW

Ganganelli--Political plotting at the Election--Bernis,

Aranda, Aubeterre--The Zelanti--Election of Clement XIV--

Renewal of Jesuit Privileges by the new Pope--Demand of

the Bourbons for a universal Suppression--The Three

Years' Struggle--Fanaticism of Charles III--Menaces of

Schism--Moñino--Maria Theresa--Spoliations in Italy--

Signing the Brief--Imprisonment of Father Ricci and the

Assistants--Silence and Submission of the Jesuits to the

Pope's Decree 530-554

CHAPTER XVIII

THE INSTRUMENT

Summary of the Brief of Suppression and its Supplementary

Document 555-576

CHAPTER XIX

THE EXECUTION

Seizure of the Gesù in Rome--Suspension of the Priests--

Juridical Trial of Father Ricci continued during Two

Years--The Victim's Death-bed Statement--Admission of his

Innocence by the Inquisitors--Obsequies--Reason of his

Protracted Imprisonment--Liberation of the Assistants by

Pius VI--Receipt of the Brief outside of Rome--Refused by

Switzerland, Poland, Russia and Prussia--Read to the

Prisoners in Portugal by Pombal--Denunciation of it by

the Archbishop of Paris--Suppression of the Document by

the Bishop of Quebec--Acceptance by Austria--Its

Enforcement in Belgium--Carroll at Bruges--Defective

Promulgation in Maryland. 577-603

CHAPTER XX

THE SEQUEL TO THE SUPPRESSION

Failure of the Papal Brief to give peace to the Church--

Liguori and Tanucci--Joseph II destroying the Church in

Austria--Voltaireanism in Portugal--Illness of Clement

XIV--Death--Accusations of poisoning--Election of Pius VI

--The Synod of Pistoia--Febronianism in Austria--Visit of

Pius VI to Joseph II--The Punctation of Ems--Spain,

Sardinia, Venice, Sicily in opposition to the Pope--

Political collapse in Spain--Fall of Pombal--Liberation

of his Victims--Protest of de Guzman--Death of Joseph II

--Occupations of the dispersed Jesuits--The _Theologia

Wiceburgensis_--Feller--Beauregard's Prophecy--Zaccaria--

Tiraboschi--Boscovich--Missionaries--Denunciation of the

Suppression in the French Assembly--Slain in the French

Revolution--Destitute Jesuits in Poland--Shelter in

Russia 604-635

CHAPTER XXI

THE RUSSIAN CONTINGENT

Frederick the Great and the "Philosophes"--Protection of

the Jesuits--Death of Voltaire--Catherine of Russia--The

Four Colleges--The Empress at Polotsk--Joseph II at

Mohilew--Archetti--Baron Grimm--Czerniewicz and the

Novitiate--Assent of Pius VI--Potemkin--Siestrzencewicz--

General Congregation--Benislawski--"_Approbo; Approbo_"--

Accession of former Jesuits. Gruber and the Emperor Paul

--Alexander I--Missions in Russia 636-664

CHAPTER XXII

THE RALLYING

Fathers of the Sacred Heart--Fathers of the Faith--Fusion

--Paccanari--The Rupture--Exodus to Russia--Varin in

Paris--Clorivière--Carroll's doubts--Pignatelli--Poirot

in China--Grassi's Odyssey 665-684

CHAPTER XXIII

THE RESTORATION

Tragic death of Father Gruber--Fall of Napoleon--Release

of the Pope--The Society Re-established--Opening of

Colleges--Clorivière--Welcome of the Society in Spain--

Repulsed in Portugal--Opposed by Catholics in England--

Announced in America--Carroll--Fenwick--Neale 685-715

CHAPTER XXIV

THE FIRST CONGREGATION

Expulsion from Russia--Petrucci, Vicar--Attempt to wreck

the Society--Saved by Consalvi and Rozaven 716-733

CHAPTER XXV

A CENTURY OF DISASTER

Expulsion from Holland--Trouble at Freiburg--Expulsion

and recall in Spain--_Petits Séminaires_--Berryer--

Montlosier--The Men's Sodalities--St. Acheul mobbed--

Fourteen Jesuits murdered in Madrid--Interment of Pombal

--de Ravignan's pamphlet--Veuillot--Montalembert--de

Bonald--Archbishop Affre--Michelet, Quinet and Cousin--

Gioberti--Expulsion from Austria--Kulturkampf--Slaughter

of the Hostages in the Commune--South America and Mexico

--Flourishing Condition before the Outbreak of the World

War 734-764

CHAPTER XXVI

MODERN MISSIONS

During the Suppression--Roothaan's appeal--South America

--The Philippines--United States Indians--De Smet--

Canadian Reservations--Alaska--British Honduras--China--

India--Syria--Algeria--Guinea--Egypt--Madagascar--

Mashonaland--Congo--Missions depleted by World War--

Actual number of missionaries 765-824

CHAPTER XXVII

COLLEGES

Responsibility of the Society for loss of Faith in Europe

--The Loi Falloux--Bombay--Calcutta--Beirut--American

Colleges--Scientists, Archæologists, Meteorologists,

Seismologists, Astronomers--Ethnologists 825-854

CHAPTER XXVIII

LITERATURE

Grammars and Lexicons of every tongue--Dramas--Histories

of Literature--Cartography--Sinology--Egyptology--

Sanscrit--Catholic Encyclopedia--Catalogues of Jesuit

Writers--Acta Sanctorum--Jesuit Relations--Nomenclator--

Periodicals--Philosophy--Dogmatic, Moral and Ascetic

Theology--Canon Law--Exegesis 855-890

CHAPTER XXIX

THE SOVEREIGN PONTIFFS AND THE SOCIETY

Devotion, Trust and Affection of each Pope of the

Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries manifested in his

Official and Personal Relations with the Society 891-916

CHAPTER XXX

CONCLUSION

Successive Generals in the Restored Society--Present

Membership, Missions and Provinces 917-930

WORKS CONSULTED

Institutum Societatis Jesu.

JOUVANCY--Epitome historiæ Societatis Jesu.

JOUVANCY--Monumenta Societatis Jesu.

CRÉTINEAU-JOLY--Hist. relig., pol. et litt. de la Comp. de Jésus.

B. N.--The Jesuits: their foundation and history.

ROSA, I Gesuiti dalle origini ai nostri giorni.

MESCHLER, Die Gesellschaft Jesu.

BÖHMER-MONOD--Les Jésuites.

FEVAL,--Les Jésuites.

HUBER--Der Jesuitenorden.

DUHR--Jesuiten-Fabeln.

BROU--Les Jésuites et la légende.

BELLOC, Pascal's Provincial Letters.

FOLEY--Jesuits in Conflict.

FOUQUERAY--Histoire de la compagnie de Jésus en France.

BOURNICHON--La Compagnie de Jésus en France: 1814-1914.

ALBERS--Liber sæcularis ab anno 1814 ad annum 1914.

TACCHI-VENTURI--Storia della compagnia di Gesù in Italia.

MONTI--La Compagnia di Gesù.

DUHR--Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutschen Zunge.

KROESS--Geschichte der böhmischen Provinz der Gesellschaft Jesu.

ASTRAIN--Hist. de la Comp. de Jesús en la asist. de España.

HUGHES--History of the Society of Jesus of North America.

ALEGRE--La Compañía de Jesús en la Nueva España.

FRIAS--La Provincia de España de la compañía de Jesús, 1815-63.

POLLARD--The Jesuits in Poland.

HOGAN--Ibernia Ignatiana.

TANNER--Societas Jesu præclara.

Lives of Jesuit Saints.

Menologies of the Society of Jesus.

SOUTHWELL--Bibliotheca Scriptorum Societatis Jesu.

SOMMERVOGEL--Bibl. des écrivains de la comp. de Jésus.

CHANDLERY--Fasti breviores Societatis Jesu.

MAYNARD--The Studies and Teachings of the Society of Jesus.

DANIEL--Les Jésuites instituteurs.

WELD--Suppression of the Society of Jesus in Portugal.

DE RAVIGNAN--De l'existence et de l'institut des Jésuites.

DE RAVIGNAN--Clément XIII et Clément XIV.

THEINER--Geschichte des Pontifikats Klemens XIV.

ARTAUD DE MONTOR--Histoire du pape Pie VII.

CARAYON--Documents inédits concernants la Compagnie de Jésus.

BERTRAND--Mémoires sur les missions.

BROU--Les Missions du xix^e siècle.

SEAMAN--Map of Jesuit Missions in the United States.

MARSHALL--Christian Missions.

BANCROFT--Native Races of the Pacific States.

CAMPBELL--Pioneer Priests of North America.

CHARLEVOIX--Histoire du Japon.

CHARLEVOIX--Histoire du Paraguay.

CHARLEVOIX--Histoire de la Nouvelle-France.

CRASSET--Histoire de l'église du Japon.

AVRIL--Voyage en divers états d'Europe et d'Asie.

THWAITES--Jesuit Relations.

BOLTON--Kino's Historical Memoir.

JANSSEN--History of the German People.

LAVISSE--Histoire de France.

RANKE--History of the Popes.

LINGARD--History of England.

TIERNEY-DODD--Church History of England.

POLLEN--The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell.

HAILE-BONNEY--Life and Letters of John Lingard.

POLLOCK--The Popish Plot.

GUILDAY--English Catholic Refugees on the Continent.

MACGEOGHEGAN--History of Ireland.

FLANAGAN--Ecclesiastical History of Ireland.

O'REILLY--Lives of the Irish Martyrs and Confessors.

ROCHEFORT--Histoire des Antilles.

EYZAGUIRRE--Historia de Chile.

TERTRE--Histoire de St. Christophe.

ROHRBACHER--History of the Church.

HÜBNER--Sixte-Quint.

HUC--Christianity in China, Tartary and Tibet.

ROBERTSON--History of Charles V.

SHEA--The Catholic Church in Colonial Days.

PACCA--Memorie storiche del ministero.

SAINTE-BEUVE--Causeries.

PETIT DE JULLEVILLE--Histoire de la littérature française.

GODEFROY--Littérature française.

SCHLOSSER--History of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries.

CANTÜ--Storia universale.

The Cambridge Modern History, Vols. VIII, XII.

The Month.

The Catholic Encyclopedia, passim.

The Encyclopedia Britannica, passim.

Realencyclopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, passim.

THE JESUITS

1534-1921

CHAPTER I

ORIGIN

The Name--Opprobrious meanings--Caricatures of the Founder--

Purpose of the Order--Early life of Ignatius--Pampeluna--

Conversion--Manresa--The Exercises--Authorship--Journey to

Palestine--The Universities--Life in Paris--First Companions--

Montmartre First Vows--Assembly at Venice. Failure to reach

Palestine--First Journey to Rome--Ordination to the Priesthood--

Labors in Italy--Submits the Constitutions for Papal Approval--

Guidiccioni's opposition--Issue of the Bull _Regimini_--Sketch

of the Institute--Crypto-Jesuits.

The name "Jesuit" has usually a sinister meaning in the minds of the

misinformed. Calvin is accused of inventing it, but that is an error. It

was in common use two or three centuries before the Reformation, and

generally it implied spiritual distinction. Indeed, in his famous work

known as "The Great Life of Our Lord Jesus Christ," which appeared

somewhere about 1350, the saintly old Carthusian ascetic, Ludolph of

Saxony, employs it in a way that almost provokes a smile. He tells his

readers that "just as we are called Christians when we are baptized, so

we shall be called Jesuits when we enter into glory." Possibly such a

designation would be very uncomfortable even for some pious people of

the present day. The opprobrious meaning of the word came into use at

the approach of the Protestant Reformation. Thus, when laxity in the

observance of their rule began to show itself in the once fervent

followers of St. John Columbini--who were called Jesuati, because of

their frequent use of the expression: "Praised be Jesus Christ"--their

name fixed itself on the common speech as a synonym of hypocrisy.

Possibly that will explain the curious question in the "Examen of

Conscience" in an old German prayer-book, dated 1519, where the penitent

is bidden to ask himself: "Did I omit to teach the Word of God for fear

of being called a Pharisee, a Jesuit, a hypocrite, a Beguine?"

The association of the term Jesuit with Pharisee and hypocrite is

unpleasant enough, but connecting it with Beguine is particularly

offensive. The word Beguine had come to signify a female heretic, a

mysticist, an illuminist, a pantheist, who though cultivating a saintly

exterior was credited with holding secret assemblies where the most

indecent orgies were indulged in. The identity of the Beguines with

Jesuits was considered to be beyond question, and one of the earliest

Calvinist writers informed his co-religionists that at certain periods

the Jesuits made use of mysterious and magical devices and performed a

variety of weird antics and contortions in subterraneous caverns, from

which they emerged as haggard and worn as if they had been struggling

with the demons of hell (Janssen, Hist. of the German People, Eng. tr.,

IV, 406-7). Unhappily, at that time, a certain section of the

association of Beguines insisted upon being called Jesuits. There were

many variations on this theme when the genuine Jesuits at last appeared.

In Germany they were denounced as idolaters and libertines, and their

great leader Canisius was reported to have run away with an abbess. In

France they were considered assassins and regicides; Calvin called them

_la racaille_, that is, the rabble, rifraff, dregs. In England they were

reputed political plotters and spies. Later, in America, John Adams,

second President of the United States, identified them with Quakers and

resolved to suppress them. Cotton Mather or someone in Boston denounced

them as grasshoppers and prayed for the east wind to sweep them away;

the Indians burned them at the stake as magicians, and the Japanese

bonzes insisted that they were cannibals, a charge repeated by Charles

Kingsley, Queen Victoria's chaplain, who, in "Westward Ho," makes an old

woman relate of the Jesuits first arriving in England that "they had

probably killed her old man and salted him for provision on their

journey to the Pope of Rome." No wonder Newman told Kingsley to fly off

into space.

The climax of calumny was reached in a decree of the Parliament of

Paris, issued on August 6, 1762. It begins with a prelude setting forth

the motives of the indictment, and declares that "the Jesuits are

recognized as _guilty of having taught at all times, uninterruptedly,

and with the approbation of their superiors and generals_, simony,

blasphemy, sacrilege, the black art, magic, astrology, impiety,

idolatry, superstition, impurity, corruption of justice, robbery,

parricide, homicide, suicide and regicide." The decree then proceeds to

set forth eighty-four counts on which it finds them specifically guilty

of supporting the Greek Schism, denying the procession of the Holy

Ghost; of favoring the heresies of Arianism, Sabellianism, and

Nestorianism; of assailing the hierarchy, attacking the Mass and Holy

Communion and the authority of the Holy See; of siding with the

Lutherans, Calvinists and other heretics of the sixteenth century; of

reproducing the heresies of Wycliff and the Pelagians and

Semi-Pelagians; of adding blasphemy to heresy; of belittling the early

Fathers of the Church, the Apostles, Abraham, the prophets, St. John the

Baptist, the angels; of insulting and blaspheming the Blessed Virgin; of

undermining the foundations of the Faith; destroying belief in the

Divinity of Jesus Christ; casting doubt on the mystery of the

Redemption; encouraging the impiety of the Deists; suggesting

Epicureanism; teaching men to live like beasts, and Christians like

pagans (de Ravignan, De l'existence et de l'institut des Jésuites, iii).

This was the contribution of the Jansenists to the Jesuit chamber of

horrors. It was endorsed by the government and served as a weapon for

the atheists of the eighteenth century to destroy the religion of

France, and finally the lexicons of every language gave an odious

meaning to the name Jesuit. A typical example of this kind of ill-will

may be found in the "Diccionario nacional" of Domínguez. In the article

on the Jesuits, the writer informs the world that the Order was the

superior in learning to all the others; and produced, relatively at

every period of its existence more eminent men, and devoted itself with

greater zeal to the preaching of the Gospel and the education of

youth--the primordial and sublime objects of its Institute. Nevertheless

its influence in political matters, as powerful as it was covert, its

startling accumulation of wealth, and its ambitious aims, drew upon it

the shafts of envy, created terrible antagonists and implacable

persecutors, until the learned Clement XIV, the immortal Ganganelli,

suppressed it on July 21, 1773, for its abuses and its disobedience to

the Holy See. Why the "learned Clement XIV" should be described as

"immortal" for suppressing instead of preserving or, at least, reforming

an order which the writer fancies did more than all the others for the

propagation of the Faith is difficult to understand, but logic is not a

necessary requisite of a lexicon. "In spite of their suppression," he

continues, "they with their characteristic pertinacity have succeeded in

coming to life again and are at present existing in several parts of

Europe." The "Diccionario" is dated, Madrid, 1849. In other words, the

saintly Pius VII performed a very wicked act in re-establishing the

Order.

Of course the founder of this terrible Society had to be presented to

the public as properly equipped for the malignant task to which he had

set himself; so writers have vied with each other in expatiating on what

they call his complex individuality. Thus a German psychologist insists

that the Order established by this Spaniard was in reality a Teutonic

creation. The Frenchman Drumont holds that "it is anti-semitic in its

character," though Polanco, Loyola's life-long secretary, was of Jewish

origin, as were Laínez, the second General, and the great Cardinal

Toletus. A third enthusiast, Chamberlain, who is English-born, dismisses

all other views and insists that, as Loyola was a Basque and an Iberian,

he could not have been of Germanic or even Aryan descent, and he

maintains that the primitive traits of the Stone Age continually assert

themselves in his character. In reading the Spiritual Exercises, he

says, "I hear that mighty roar of the cave bear and I shudder as did the

men of the diluvial age, when poor, naked and defenceless, surrounded by

danger day and night, they trembled at that voice." (Foundations of the

Nineteenth Century, I, 570.) "If this be true," says Brou in "Les

Jésuites et la légende," "then, by following the same process of

reasoning, one must conclude that as Xavier was a Basque, his voice also

was ursine and troglodytic; and as Faber was a Savoyard, he will have to

be classified as a brachycephalous _homo alpinus_." Herman Müller, in

"Les Origines de la Compagnie de Jésus" claims the honor of having

launched an entirely novel theory about Loyola's personality. "The

'Exercises' are an amalgam of Islamic gnosticism and militant

Catholicism," he tells us; "but where did Ignatius become acquainted

with these Mussulmanic congregations? We have nothing positive on that

score, though we know that one day he met a Moor on the road and was

going to run him through with his sword. Then too, there were a great

many Moors and Moriscos in Catalonia, and we must not forget that

Ignatius intended to go to Palestine to convert the Turks. He must,

therefore, have known them and so have been subject to their influence."

Strange to say, Müller feels aggrieved that the Jesuits do not accept

this very illogical theory, which he insists has nothing discreditable

or dishonoring in it.

Omitting many other authorities, Vollet in "La Grande Encyclopédie" (s.

v. Ignace de Loyola, Saint), informs his readers that "impartial history

can discover in Loyola numberless traits of fantastic exaltation,

morbific dreaminess, superstition, moral obscurantism, fanatical hatred,

deceit and mendacity. On the other hand, it is impossible not to admit

that he was a man of iron will, of indomitable perseverance in action

and in suffering, and unshakeable faith in his mission; in spite of an

ardent imagination, he had a penetrating intelligence, and a marvelous

facility in reading the thoughts of men; he was possessed of a

gentleness and suppleness which permitted him to make himself all to

all. Visionary though he was, he possessed in the supreme degree, the

genius of organization and strategy; he could create the army he needed,

and employ the means he had at hand with prudence and circumspection. We

can even discover in him a tender heart, easily moved to pity, to

affection and to self-sacrifice for his fellow-men." Michelet says he

was a combination of Saint Francis of Assisi and Machiavelli. Finally

Victor Hugo reached the summit of the absurd when he assured the French

Assembly in 1850 that "Ignatius was the enemy of Jesus." As a matter of

fact the poet knew nothing of either, nor did many of his hearers.

As far as we are aware, St. Ignatius never used the term Jesuit at all.

He called his Order the _Compañía de Jesús_, which in Italian is

_Compagnia_, and in French, _Compagnie_. The English name Society, as

well as the Latin _Societas_, is a clumsy attempt at a translation, and

is neither adequate nor picturesque. Compañía was evidently a

reminiscence of Loyola's early military life, and meant to him a

battalion of light infantry, ever ready for service in any part of the

world. The use of the name _Jesus_ gave great offense. Both on the

Continent and in England, it was denounced as blasphemous; petitions

were sent to kings and to civil and ecclesiastical tribunals to have it

changed; and even Pope Sixtus V had signed a Brief to do away with it.

Possibly the best apology for it was given by the good-natured monarch,

Henry IV, when the University and Parliament of Paris pleaded with him

to throw his influence against its use. Shrugging his shoulders, he

replied: "I cannot see why we should worry about it. Some of my officers

are Knights of the Holy Ghost; there is an Order of the Holy Trinity in

the Church; and, in Paris, we have a congregation of nuns who call

themselves God's Daughters. Why then should we object to Company of

Jesus?"

The Spaniards must have been amazed at these objections, because the

name _Jesus_ was, as it still is, in very common use among them. They

give it to their children, and it is employed as an exclamation of

surprise or fear; like _Mon Dieu!_ in French. They even use such

expressions as: _Jesu Cristo!_ _Jesu mille veces_ or _Jesucristo, Dios

mio!_ The custom is rather startling for other nationalities, but it is

merely a question of _autre pays, autres moeurs_. A compromise was

made, however, for the time being, by calling the organization "The

Society of the Name of Jesus," but that was subsequently forbidden by

the General.

As a rule the Jesuits do not reply to these attacks. The illustrious

Jacob Gretser attempted it long ago; but, in spite of his sanctity, he

displayed so much temper in his retort, that he was told to hold his

peace. Such is the policy generally adopted, and the Society consoles

itself with the reflection that the terrible Basque, Ignatius Loyola,

and a host of his sons have been crowned by the Universal Church as

glorious saints; that the august Council of Trent solemnly approved of

the Order as a "pious Institute;" that twenty or thirty successive

Sovereign Pontiffs have blessed it and favored it, and that after the

terrible storm evoked by its enemies had spent its fury, one of the

first official acts of the Pope was to restore the Society to its

ancient position in the Church. The scars it has received in its

numberless battles are not disfigurements but decorations; and Cardinal

Allen, who saw its members at close quarters in the bloody struggles of

the English Mission, reminded them that "to be hated of the Heretikes,

S. Hierom computeth a great glorie."

It is frequently asserted that the Society was organized for the express

purpose of combatting the Protestant Reformation. Such is not the case.

On the contrary, St. Ignatius does not seem to have been aware of the

extent of the religious movement going on at that time. His sole purpose

was to convert the Turks, and only the failure to get a ship at Venice

prevented him from carrying out that plan. Indeed it is quite likely

that when he first thought of consecrating himself to God, not even the

name of Luther had, as yet, reached Montserrat or Manresa. They were

contemporaries, of course, for Luther was born in 1483 and Loyola in

1491 or thereabouts; and their lines of endeavor were in frequent and

direct antagonism, but without either being aware of it. Thus, in 1521,

when Loyola was leading a forlorn hope at Pampeluna to save the citadel

for Charles V, Luther was in the castle of Wartburg, plotting to

dethrone that potentate. In 1522 when the recluse of Manresa was writing

his "Exercises" for the purpose of making men better, Luther was posing

as the Ecclesiast of Wittenberg and proclaiming the uselessness of the

Ten Commandments; and when Loyola was in London begging alms to continue

his studies, Luther was coquetting with Henry VIII to induce that

riotous king to accept the new Evangel.

Ignatius Loyola was born in the heart of the Pyrenees, in the sunken

valley which has the little town of Azcoitia at one end, and the equally

diminutive one of Azpeitia at the other. Over both of them the Loyolas

had for centuries been lords either by marriage or inheritance. Their

ancestral castle still stands; but, whereas in olden times it was half

hidden by the surrounding woods, it is today embodied in the immense

structure which almost closes in that end of the valley.

The castle came into the possession of the Society through the

liberality of Anne of Austria, and a college was built around it. The

added structure now forms an immense quadrangle with four interior

courts. From the centre of the façade protrudes the great church which

is circular in form and two hundred feet in height. Its completion was

delayed for a long time but the massive pile is now finished. At its

side, but quite invisible from without, is the castle proper, somewhat

disappointing to those who have formed their own conceptions of what

castles were in those days. It is only fifty-six feet high and

fifty-eight wide. The lower portion is of hewn stone, the upper part of

brick. Above the entrance, the family escutcheon is crudely cut in

stone, and represents two wolves, rampant and lambent, having between

them a caldron suspended by a chain. This device is the heraldic symbol

of the name Loyola. The interior is elaborately decorated, and the upper

story, where Ignatius was stretched on his bed of pain after the

disaster of Pampeluna, has been converted into an oratory.

The church looks towards Azpeitia. A little stream runs at the side of

the well-built road-way which connects the two towns. Along its length,

shrines have been built, as have shelters for travelers if overtaken by

a storm. The people are handsome and dignified, stately in their

carriage--for they are mountaineers--and are as thrifty in cultivating

their steep hills, which they terrace to the very top, as the Belgians

are in tilling their level fields in the Low Countries. There is no

wealth, but there is no sordid poverty; and a joyous piety is everywhere

in evidence. Azpeitia glories in the fact that there St. Ignatius was

baptized; and when some years ago, it was proposed to remove the font

and replace it by a new one, the women rose in revolt. Their babies had

to be made Christians in the same holy basin as their great compatriot,

no matter how old and battered it might be.

Ignatius was the youngest of a family of thirteen or, at least, the

youngest of the sons; he was christened Eneco or Inigo, but he changed

his name later to Ignatius. His early years were spent in the castle of

Arévalo; and, according to Maffei he was at one time a page of King

Ferdinand. He was fond of the world, its vanities, its amusements and

its pleasures, and though there is nothing to show that there was ever

any serious violation of the moral law in his conduct, neither was he

the extraordinarily pious youth such as he is represented in the

fantastic stories of Nieremberg, Nolarci, García, Henao and others.

After the fashion of the hagiographers of the seventeenth century and

later, they describe him as a sort of Aloysius who, under the tutelage

of Doña María de Guevara, visited the sick in the hospitals, regarding

them as the images of Christ, nursing them with tenderest charity, and

so on. All that is pure imagination and an unwise attempt to make a

saint of him before the time.

Indeed, very little about the early life of Ignatius is known, except

that when he was about twenty-six he gained some military distinction in

an attack on the little town of Najara. Of course, he was conspicuous in

the fight at Pampeluna, but whether he was in command of the fortress or

had been merely sent to its rescue to hold it until the arrival of the

Viceroy is a matter of conjecture. At all events, even after the

inhabitants had agreed to surrender the town, he determined to continue

the fight. He first made his confession to a fellow-knight, for there

was no priest at hand, and then began what was, at best, a hopeless

struggle. The enemy soon made a breach in the walls and while rallying

his followers to repel the assault he was struck by a cannon-ball which

shattered one leg and tore the flesh from the other. That ended the

siege, and the flag of the citadel was hauled down. Admiring his

courage, the French tenderly carried him to Loyola, where for some time

his life was despaired of. The crisis came on the feast of St. Peter, to

whom he had always a special devotion. From that day, he began to grow

better. Loyalty to the Chair of Peter is one of the distinguishing

traits of the Compañía which he founded.

It is almost amusing to find these shattered limbs of Ignatius figuring

in the diatribes of the elder Arnauld against the Society, sixty or

seventy years after the siege. "The enmity of the Jesuits for France,"

he said, "is to be traced to the fact that Loyola took an oath on that

occasion, as Hannibal did against Rome, to make France pay for his

broken legs." An English Protestant prelate also bemoaned "the ravages

that had been caused by the fanaticism of that lame soldier." Other

examples might be cited. To beguile the tediousness of his

convalescence, Ignatius asked for the romance "Amadis de Gaul," a

favorite book with the young cavaliers of the period; but he had to

content himself with the "Life of Christ" and "The Flowers of the

Saints." These, however, proved to be of greater service than the story

of the mythical Amadis; for the reading ended in a resolution which

exerted a mighty influence in the history of humanity. Ignatius had made

up his mind to do something for God. The "Life of Christ" which he read,

appears to have been that of Ludolph of Saxony in which the name

"Jesuit" occurs. It had been translated into Spanish and published at

Alcalá as early as 1502. Thus, a book from the land of Martin Luther

helped to make Ignatius Loyola a saint.

When sufficiently restored to health he set out for the sanctuary of

Montserrat where there is a Madonna whose thousandth anniversary was

celebrated a few years ago. It is placed over the main altar of the

church of a Benedictine monastery, which stands three thousand feet

above the dark gorge, through which the river Llobregat rushes head-long

to the Mediterranean. You can get a glimpse of the blue expanse of the

sea in the distance, from the monastery windows. Before this statue,

Ignatius kept his romantic Vigil of Arms, like the warriors of old on

the eve of their knighthood; for he was about to enter upon a spiritual

warfare for the King of Kings. He remained in prayer at the shrine all

night long, not however in the apparel of a cavalier but in the common

coarse garb of a poverty-stricken pilgrim. From there he betook himself

to the little town of Manresa, about three miles to the north, on the

outskirts of which is the famous cave where he wrote the "Spiritual

Exercises." It is in the face of the rock, so low that you can touch the

roof with your hand, and so narrow that there is room for only a little

altar at one end. Possibly it had once been the repair of wild beasts.

It is a mistake, however, to imagine that he passed all his time there.

He lived either in the hospital or in the house of some friend, and

resorted to the cave to meditate and do penance for his past sins. At

present it is incorporated in a vast edifice which the Spanish Jesuits

have built above and around it.

Perhaps no book has ever been written that has evoked more ridiculous

commentaries on its contents and its purpose than this very diminutive

volume known as "The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius." Its very

simplicity excites suspicion; its apparent jejuneness suggest all sorts

of mysterious and malignant designs. Yet, as a matter of fact, it is

nothing but a guide to Christian piety and devotion. It begins with the

consideration of the great fundamental truths of religion, such as our

duty to God, the hideousness and heinousness of sin, hell, death, and

judgment on which the exercitant is expected to meditate before asking

himself if it is wise for a reasonable creature who must soon die to

continue in rebellion against the Almighty. No recourse is had to

rhetoric or oratory by those who direct others in these "Exercises," not

even such as would be employed in the pulpit by the ordinary parish

preacher. It is merely a matter of a man having a heart to heart talk

with himself. If he makes up his mind to avoid mortal sin in the future,

but to do no more, then his retreat is over as far as he is concerned.

But to have even reached that point is to have accomplished much.

There are, however, in the world a great many people who desire

something more than the mere avoidance of mortal sin. To them the

"Exercises" propose over and above the fundamental truths just mentioned

the study of the life of Christ as outlined in the Gospels. This outline

is not filled in by the director of the retreat, at least to any great

extent. That is left to the exercitant; for the word _exercise_ implies

personal action. Hence he is told to ask himself: "Who is Christ? Why

does He do this? Why does He avoid that? What do His commands and

example suppose or suggest?" In other words, he is made to do some deep

personal thinking, perhaps for the first time in his life, at least on

such serious subjects. Inevitably his thoughts will be introspective and

he will inquire why the patience, the humility, the meekness, the

obedience and other virtues, which are so vivid in the personality of

the Ideal Man, are so weak or perhaps non-existent in his own soul. This

scrutiny of the conscience, which is nothing but self-knowledge, is one

of the principal exercises, for it helps us to discover what perhaps

never before struck us, namely that down deep in our natures there are

tendencies, inclinations, likes, dislikes, affections, passions which

most commonly are the controlling and deciding forces of nearly all of

our acts; and that some of these tendencies or inclinations help, while

others hinder, growth in virtue. Those that do not help, but on the

contrary impede or prevent, our spiritual progress are called by St.

Ignatius inordinate affections, that is tendencies, which are out of

order, which do not go straight for the completeness and perfection of a

man's character, but on the contrary, lead in the opposite direction.

The well-balanced mind will fight against such tendencies, so as to be

able to form its judgments and decide on its course of action both in

the major and minor things of life without being moved by the pressure

or strain or weight of the passions. It will look at facts in the cold

light of reason and revealed truth, and will then bend every energy to

carry out its purpose of spiritual advancement.

Such is not the view of those who write about the "Exercises" without

knowledge or who are carried away by prejudice, an exalted imagination,

an overwhelming conceit or religious bias or perhaps because of a

refusal to recognize the existence of any spiritual element in humanity.

It is difficult to persuade such men that there are no "mysterious

devices" resorted to in the Exercises; no "subterraneous caverns," no

"orgies," no "emerging livid and haggard from the struggle," no

"illuminism," no "monoideism" as William James in his cryptic English

describes them; no "phantasmagoria or illusions;" no "plotting of

assassinations" as the Parliament of Paris pretended to think when

examining Jean Chastel, who had attempted the life of Henry IV; no

"Mahommedanism" as Müller fancies in his "Origins of the Society of

Jesus," nothing but a calm and quiet study of one's self, which even

pagan philosophers and modern poets assure us is the best kind of

worldly occupation.

Even if some writers insist that "their excellence is very much

exaggerated," that they are "dull and ordinary and not the dazzling

masterpieces they are thought to be," or are "a Japanese culture of

counterfeited dwarf trees," as Huysmans in his "En Route" describes

them; yet on the other hand they have been praised without stint by such

competent judges as Saints Philip Neri, Charles Borromeo, Francis de

Sales, Alphonsus Liguori, Leonard of Port Maurice, and by Popes Paul

III, Alexander VII, Clement XIII, Pius IX and Leo XIII. Camus, the

friend of St. Francis of Sales, thought "they were of pure gold; more

precious than gold or topaz;" Freppel calls them "a wonderful work

which, with the 'Imitation of Christ' is perhaps of all books the one

which gains the most souls for God;" Wiseman compares the volume to "an

apparently barren soil which is found to contain the richest treasures,"

and Janssen tells us that "the little book which even its opponents

pronounced to be a psychological masterpiece of the highest class, ranks

also as one of the most remarkable and influential products of later

centuries in the field of religion and culture in Germany.... As a guide

to the exercises it has produced results which scarcely any other

ascetic writings can boast of" (Hist. of the German People, VIII, 223).

Whatever may be thought of it, it is the Jesuit's manual, the _vade

mecum_, on which he moulds his particular and characteristic form of

spirituality. In the novitiate, he goes through these "Exercises" for

thirty consecutive days; and shortly after he becomes a priest, he makes

them once again for the same period. Moreover, all Jesuits are bound by

rule to repeat them in a condensed form for eight days every year; and

during the summer months the priests are generally employed in

explaining them to the clergy and religious communities. Indeed the use

has become so general in the Church at the present time, that houses

have been opened where laymen can thus devote a few days to a study of

their souls. Even the Sovereign Pontiffs themselves employ them as a

means of spiritual advancement. Thus we find in the press of today the

announcement, as of an ordinary event, that "in the Vatican, the

Spiritual Exercises which began on Sunday, September 26, 1920, and ended

on October 2, were followed by His Holiness, Benedict XV, with the

prelates and ecclesiastics of his Court; during which time, all public

audiences were suspended. After the retreat, the two directors and those

who had taken part in it were presented to the Sovereign Pontiff, who

pronounced a glowing eulogy of what he called the 'Holy' Exercises."

St. Ignatius' authorship of these "Exercises" has been frequently

challenged, and they have been described as little else than a

plagiarism of the book known as the "Ejercitatorio de la vida

espiritual," which was given to him by the Benedictines of Montserrat.

It is perfectly true that he had that book in his hands during all the

time he was at Manresa, and that he went every week to confession to Dom

Chanones, who was a monk of Montserrat, but there are very positive

differences between the "Ejercitatorio" and the "Spiritual Exercises."

In the first place it should be noted that the title had been in common

use long before, and was employed by the Brothers of the Common Life, to

designate any of their pious publications. Even Ludolph of Saxony speaks

of the "Studia spiritualis exercitii." Secondly, the "Ejercitatorio" is

rigid in its divisions of three weeks of seven days each, whereas St.

Ignatius takes the weeks in a metaphorical sense, and lengthens or

shortens them at pleasure. Thirdly, the object of the Benedictine manual

is to lead the exercitant through the purgative and illuminative life up

to the unitive; whereas St. Ignatius aims chiefly at the election of

that state of life which is most pleasing to God, or at least at the

correction or betterment of the one in which we happen to be. Finally,

the "Ejercitatorio" does not even mention the foundation, the Kingdom,

the particular examen, the Two Standards, the election, the discernment

of spirits, the rules for orthodox thinking, the regulation of diet, the

three degrees of humility, the three classes or the three methods of

prayer. Only a few of the Benedictine counsels have been adopted, as in

Annotations 2, 4, 13, 18, 19 and so. Some of thoughts, indeed, are

similar in the first week; but the three succeeding weeks of St.

Ignatius are entirely his own. In any case, the "Ejercitatorio" itself

is nothing else than a compilation from Ludolph, Gerson, Cassian, Saint

Bernard, Saint Bonaventure and contemporary writers. (Debuchy, article

"Spiritual Exercises of Saint Ignatius" in the "Catholic Encyclopedia,"

XIV, 226.)

It would be much easier to find a source of the "Exercises" in "The

Great Life of Christ" by Ludolph of Saxony, which as has been said, was

one of the books read by Ignatius in his convalescence. It is not really

a life but a series of meditations, and in it we find a number of things

which are supposed to be peculiar to the Exercises of St. Ignatius, for

instance, the composition of place, the application of the senses and

the colloquies. On the other hand there is nothing of the "first week"

in it, such as the end of man, the use of creatures, sin, hell, death,

judgment, etc., besides many other things which are employed as

"Exercises" in the book of Ignatius.

It will be a surprise to many to learn that the famous meditation of the

"Kingdom" which is supposed to be particularly Ignatian is only an

adaptation. Father Kreiten, S. J., writing in the "Stimmen" traces it to

a well-known romance which had long been current in the tales of

chivalry, but which, unfortunately, is linked with a name most abhorrent

to Catholics; William of Orange. The medieval William, however, is in no

way identified with his modern homonym. He was a devoted Knight of the

Cross, indignant that his prowess had not been recognized by his king

and he asked for some royal fief as his reward. "Give me Spain," he

cries, "which is still in the power of the Saracens." The curious

request is granted whereupon William springs upon the table and shouts

to those around him: "Listen, noble knights of France! By the Lord

Almighty! I can boast of possessing a fief larger than that of thirty of

my peers, but as yet it is unconquered. Therefore I address myself to

poor knights who have only a limping horse and ragged garments, and I

say to them that if, up to now, they have gained nothing for their

service, I will give them money, lands and Spanish horses, castles and

fortresses, if together with me, they will brave the fortunes of war in

order, to help me to effect the conquest of the country and to

re-establish in it the true religion. I make the same offer to poor

squires, proposing, moreover, to arm them as knights." In answer to

these words all exclaim, "By the Lord Almighty! Sir William! haste thee,

haste thee; he who cannot follow thee on horseback will bear thee

company on foot." From all parts there crowded to him knights and

squires with any arms they could lay hold of, and before long thirty

thousand men were ready to march. They swore fealty to Count William and

promised never to abandon him, though they should be cut to pieces. St.

Ignatius applies this legend to Christ in the "Exercises".

Finally, the "Two Standards" is a picture of those who want to do more

than obey the Commandments. Their "Captain," the Divine Redeemer,

reveals to them the wiles of the foe, which they resolve to defeat.

What is emphatically distinctive in the "Exercises" is their coherence.

With inexorable logic, each conclusion is deduced from what has been

antecedently admitted as indisputable. Thus, at the end of the first

"week", it is clear that mortal sin is an act or condition of supreme

folly; and in the course of the second, third, and fourth, we are made

to see that unless a man chooses that particular state of life to which

God calls him, or unless he puts to rights the one he is already in, he

has no character, no courage, no virility, no gratitude to God, and no

sense of danger. The fourth "week", besides enforcing what preceded, may

be regarded as intimating, though not developing, the higher mysticism.

Throughout the "Exercises," the insistent consideration of the

fundamental truths of Christianity, and the contemplation of the

mysteries or episodes of the life of Christ so illumine the mind and

inflame the heart that we cannot fail, if we are reasonable, at least to

desire to make the love of Christ the dominating motive of our life;

and, in view of that end, we are given at every step a new insight into

our duties to God, chiefly under the double aspect of our Creation and

Redemption; we are taught to scrutinize our thoughts, tendencies,

inclinations, passions and aspirations, and to detect the devices of

self-deceit; we are shown the dangers that beset us and the means of

safety that are available; we are instructed in prayer, meditation and

self-examination. The proper co-ordination of these various parts is so

essential, that if their interdependence is neglected, if the

arrangements and adjustments are disturbed and the connecting links

disregarded or displaced, the end intended by Saint Ignatius is

defeated. Hence the need of a director. It may be noted that the

"Exercises" were not produced at Manresa in the form in which we have

them now. They were touched and retouched up to the year 1541, that is

twenty years after Loyola's stay in the "Cueva", but they are

substantially identical with the book he then wrote.

After spending about a year in the austerities of the Cave, Ignatius

begged his way to Palestine, but remained there only six weeks. The

Guardian of the Holy Places very peremptorily insisted upon his

withdrawal, because his piety and his inaccessibility to fear exposed

him to bad treatment at the hands of the infidels. He then returned to

Spain and set himself to the study of the Latin elements, in a class of

small boys, at one of the primary schools of Barcelona. It was a rude

trial for a man of his years and antecedents, but he never shrank from a

difficulty, and, moreover, there was no other available way of getting

ready for the course of philosophy which he proposed to follow at

Alcalá. At this latter place, he had the happiness of meeting Laínez,

Salmerón and Bobadilla, but he also made the acquaintance of the jails

of the Inquisition, where he was held prisoner for forty-two days, on

suspicion of heresy, besides being kept under surveillance, from

November, 1526, till June of the year following. It happened, also, that

as he was being dragged through the streets to jail, a brilliant

cavalcade met the mob, and inquiries were made as to what it was all

about, and who the prisoner was. The cavalier who put the question was

one who was to be later a devoted follower of Ignatius; he was no less a

personage than Francis Borgia. Six years after the establishment of the

Society, Ignatius repaid Alcalá for its harsh treatment, by founding a

famous college there, whose chairs were filled by such teachers as

Vásquez and Suárez.

Ignatius had no better luck at Salamanca. There he was not even allowed

to study, but was kept in chains for three weeks while being examined as

to his orthodoxy. But as with Alcalá, so with Salamanca. Later on he

founded a college in that university also, and made it illustrious by

giving it de Lugo, Suárez, Valencia, Maldonado, Ribera and a host of

other distinguished teachers. Leaving Salamanca, Ignatius began his

journey to Paris, travelling on foot, behind a little burro whose only

burden were the books of the driver. It was mid-winter; war had been

declared between France and Spain, and he had to beg for food on the

way; but nothing could stop him, and he arrived at Paris safe and sound,

in the beginning of February, 1528. In 1535 he received the degree of

Master of Arts, after "the stony trial," as it was called, namely the

most rigorous examination. For some time previously he had devoted

himself to the study of theology, but ill health prevented him from

presenting himself for the doctorate. He lived at the College of Ste

Barbe where his room-mates were Peter Faber and Francis Xavier.

Singularly enough and almost prophetic of the future, Calvin had studied

at the same college. The names of Loyola and Calvin are cut on the walls

of the building to-day. In 1533 Calvin, it is said, came back to induce

the rector of the college, a Doctor Kopp, to embrace the new doctrines.

He succeeded, and, before the whole university, Kopp declared himself a

Calvinist. Calvin had prepared the way by having the city placarded with

a blasphemous denunciation of the Blessed Eucharist. A popular uprising

followed and Calvin fled. In reparation a solemn procession of

reparation was organized on January 21, 1535. There is some doubt,

however, about the authenticity of this story.

Ignatius encountered trouble in France as he had in Spain. On one

occasion he was sentenced to be flogged in presence of all the students;

but the rector of the college, after examining the charge against him,

publicly apologized. There was also a delation to the Inquisition, but

when he demanded an immediate trial he was told that the indictment had

been quashed. Previous to these humiliations and exculpations he had

gathered around him a number of brilliant young men, all of whom have

made their mark on history. They afford excellent material for an

exhaustive study of the psychology of the Saints.

Most conspicuous among them was Francis Xavier, who will ever be the

wonder of history. With him were Laínez and Salmerón, soon to be the

luminaries of the Council of Trent, the former of whom barely escaped

being elevated to the chair of St. Peter, and then only by fleeing Rome.

There was also Bobadilla, the future favorite of kings and princes and

prelates, the idol of the armies of Austria, the tireless apostle who

evangelised seventy-seven dioceses of Europe, but who unfortunately

alienated Charles V from the Society by imprudently telling him what

should have come from another source or in another way. There was

Rodriguez who was to hold Portugal, Brazil and India in his hands,

ecclesiastically; and Faber who was to precede Canisius in the salvation

of Germany.

Each one of these remarkable men differed in character from the rest.

Bobadilla, Salmerón, Laínez and Xavier were Spaniards; but the

blue-blooded and somewhat "haughty" Xavier must have been tempted to

look with disdain on a man with a Jewish strain like Laínez. Salmerón

was only a boy of about nineteen, but already marvelously learned; and

Bobadilla was an impecunious professor whom Ignatius had helped to gain

a livelihood in Paris, but whose ebulliency of temper was a continued

source of anxiety; Rodriguez was a man of velleities rather than of

action, and his ideas of asceticism were in conflict with those of

Ignatius. The most docile of all was the Savoyard Peter Faber, who began

life as a shepherd boy and was already far advanced in sanctity when he

met St. Ignatius. In spite, however, of all this divergency of traits

and antecedent environment, the wonderful personality of their leader

exerted its undisputed sway over them all, not by a rigid uniformity of

direction, but by an adaptation to the idiosyncrasies of each. His

profound knowledge of their character, coupled as it was with an intense

personal affection for them, was so effective that the proud aloofness

of Xavier, the explosiveness of Bobadilla, the latent persistency of

Laínez, the imaginativeness and hesitancy of Rodriguez, the enthusiasm

of the boyish Salmerón, and the sweetness of Faber, all paid him the

tribute of the sincerest attachment and an eagerness to follow his least

suggestion. Rodriguez was the sole exception in the latter respect, but

he failed only twice. Two other groups of young men had previously

gathered around Ignatius, but, one by one, they deserted him. All of the

last mentioned persevered, and became the foundation-stones of the

Society of Jesus.

On August 15, 1534, Ignatius led his companions to a little church on

the hill of Montmartre, then a league outside the city, but now on the

Rue Antoinette, below the present great basilica of the Sacred Heart. In

its crypt which they apparently had all to themselves that morning, they

pronounced their vows of poverty, chastity and obedience. Faber, the

only priest among them, said Mass and gave them communion. Such was the

beginning of the new Order in the Church. A brass plate on the wall of

the chapel proclaims it to be the "cradle of the Society of Jesus." It

is almost startling to recall that while in the University of Paris, not

only Ignatius but also Francis Xavier and Peter Faber, who were to be so

prominent in the world in a short time, were in destitute circumstances.

They had no money even to pay for their lodging, and they occupied a

single room which had been given them, out of charity, in one of the

towers of Ste Barbe. It was providential, however, for in the same

college, but paying his way, was a former schoolmate of Faber and like

him a native of Savoy. This was Claude Le Jay, or Jay, as he is

sometimes called. Of course he had noticed Ignatius and the group of

brilliant young Spaniards, but he had little or nothing to do with them

until once, when Ignatius was absent in Spain, Faber let him into the

secret of their great plan of converting the Turks. The result was that

when next year the associates went out to Montmartre to renew their

vows, Le Jay was with them as were also two other university men: Jean

Codure from Dauphiné and the Picard, Pasquier Brouet, who was already a

priest.

It had been arranged that in 1536 when their courses of study were

finished and their degrees and certificates secured, they were to meet

at Venice to embark for the Holy Land. They were to make the journey to

Venice on foot. They set out, therefore, in two bands, a priest with

each, taking the route that passed by Meaux and then through Lorraine,

across Switzerland to Venice. It was a daring journey of fifty-two days

in the dead of winter, over mountain passes, without money to pay their

way or to purchase food; with poor and insufficient clothing, across

countries filled with soldiers preparing for war, or angry fanatics who

scoffed at the rosaries around their necks, and who might have

ill-treated them or put them to death; they bore it all, however, not

only patiently but light-heartedly, and on January 6, 1537, arrived in

Venice, where Ignatius was waiting for them. To them was added a new

member of the association, Diego Hozes, who had known Ignatius at Alcalá

and now came to him at Venice.

After a brief rest, which they took by waiting on the poor and sick in

the worst hospital of the city, they were told to go down to Rome to ask

the Pope's permission to carry out their plans. This journey was not as

long or as dangerous as the one they had just made, but the bad

weather, the long fasts, the sickness of some of them, the rebuffs and

abusive language which they received when they asked for alms, made it

hard enough for flesh and blood to bear; however their devotion to the

end they had in view, or what the world might call their Quixotic

enthusiasm bore them onward. They were apprehensive, however, about

their reception in Rome, not it is true, from the Father of the Faithful

himself, but from a certain great Spanish canonist, a Doctor Ortiz, who

happened to be just then at the papal court, making an appeal to the

Sovereign Pontiff in behalf of Catherine of Aragon against Henry VIII.

Ortiz had met Ignatius in Paris and was bitterly prejudiced against him.

That, indeed, was the reason why the little band appeared in the Holy

City without their leader, but neither he nor they were aware that Ortiz

had changed his mind and was now an enthusiastic friend. Hence when the

travel-stained envoys from Venice presented themselves, they could

scarcely believe their eyes. Ortiz received them with every

demonstration of esteem and affection. He presented them to the Pope,

and urged him to grant all their requests. Subsequently, Faber acted as

theologian for Ortiz, when that dignitary represented Charles V at Worms

and in Spain. Of course the Pontiff was overjoyed and not only blessed

the members of the little band but gave them a considerable sum of money

to pay their passage to the Holy Land. So they hurried back to Ignatius

with the good news, and on June 24 all those who were not priests were

ordained.

The custom that prevails in the Church, in our days, is for a

newly-ordained priest to celebrate Mass on the morning following his

ordination; but Ignatius and his companions prepared themselves for this

great act in an heroic fashion. They buried themselves in caverns or in

the ruins of dilapidated monasteries for an entire month, giving

themselves up to fasting and prayer, preaching at times in some

adjoining town or hamlet. It was on this occasion that the vacillating

character of Rodriguez revealed itself. He and Le Jay had taken up their

abode in a hermitage near Bassano where a venerable old man named

Antonio was reviving in the heart of Italy the practices of the old

solitaries of the Thebaid. Rodriguez fell ill and was at the point of

death when Ignatius arrived and told him that he would recover. So,

indeed, it happened, but singularly enough he was anxious to continue

his eremitical life and, without speaking of his doubts to Ignatius, set

out to consult the old hermit about it, but became conscience-stricken

before he arrived. "O man of little faith, why did you doubt?" was all

St. Ignatius said, when Rodriguez confessed what he had done.

Nevertheless, that did not cure him, for the desire of leading a life of

bodily austerity had taken possession of him and was at the bottom of

the trouble which he subsequently caused in Portugal, and also when, in

1554, he wrote entreatingly to Pope Julius III for permission to leave

the Society and become a hermit (Prat, Le P. Claude Le Jay, 32, note).

At the end of the retreat, they all returned to Venice, where they

waited in vain for a ship to carry them to the land of the Mussulmans.

It was only when there was absolutely no hope left, that they made up

their minds to go back to Rome, and put themselves at the disposal of

the Pope for any work he might give them. As this was fully twenty years

after Martin Luther had nailed his thesis to the church door of

Wittenberg, it is clear that Ignatius had no idea of attacking

Protestantism when he founded the Society of Jesus.

Possibly this stay in Venice has something to do with the solution of a

question which has been frequently mooted and was solemnly discussed at

a congress of physicians at San Francisco as late as 1900, namely, why

did Vesalius, the great anatomist, go to the Holy Land? The usual

supposition is that it was to perform a penance enjoined by the

Inquisition in consequence of some alleged heretical utterances by the

illustrious scientist. However, Sir Michael Foster of the University of

Cambridge, who was the principal speaker at the Congress, offered

another explanation. "It is probable," he said, "that while pursuing his

studies in the hospitals of Venice, Vesalius often conversed with

another young man who was there at the time and who was known as

Ignatius Loyola." Such a meeting may, indeed, have occurred, for

Ignatius haunted the hospitals, and his keen eye would have discerned

the merit of Vesalius, who was a sincerely pious man. Hence, it is not

at all unlikely that the young physician may have made the "Spiritual

Exercises" under the direction of Ignatius, and that his journey to the

Holy Land was the result of his intercourse with the group of brilliant

young students, who just then had no other object in life but to convert

the Turks.

On the journey to Rome Ignatius went ahead with Faber and Laínez, and it

was then that he had the vision of Christ carrying the cross, and heard

the promise: "Ego vobis Romæ propitius ero" (I will be propitious to you

in Rome.) They were received affectionately and trustingly by the Pope,

who sent Laínez and Faber to teach in the Sapienza, one lecturing on

holy scripture and the other on scholastic theology; while Ignatius gave

the "Spiritual Exercises" wherever and whenever the opportunity

presented itself. When the other four arrived, they were immediately

employed in various parts of Rome in works of charity and zeal.

It was in Rome that Ignatius first came in personal contact with the

Reformation. A Calvinist preacher who had arrived in the city had

succeeded in creating a popular outcry against the new priests, by

accusing them of all sorts of crimes. As such charges would be fatal in

that place above all, if not refuted, the usual policy of silence was

not observed. By the advice of the Pope the affair was taken to court

where the complaint was immediately dismissed and an official

attestation of innocence given by the judge. The result was a

counter-demonstration, that made the accuser flee for his life to

Geneva. As an assurance of his confidence in them, the Sovereign Pontiff

employed them in several parts of Italy where the doctrines of the

Reformation were making alarming headway. Thus, Brouet and Salmerón were

sent to Siena; Faber and Laínez accompanied the papal legate to Parma;

Xavier and Bobadilla set out for Campania; Codure and Hozes for Padua;

and Rodriguez and Le Jay for Ferrara. It is impossible to follow them

all in these various places, but a brief review of the difficulties that

confronted Rodriguez and Le Jay in Ferrara may be regarded as typical of

the rest.

In conformity with the instructions of Ignatius, they lodged at the

hospital, preached whenever they could, either in the churches or on the

public streets, and taught catechism to the children and hunted for

scandalous sinners. An old woman at the hospital discovered by looking

through a crack in the door that they passed a large part of the night

on their knees. At this point Hozes died at Padua, and Rodriguez had to

replace him; Le Jay was thus left alone at Ferrara. The duke, Hercules

II, became his friend, but the duchess, Renée of France, daughter of

Louis XII, avoided him. She was a supposedly learned woman, a

forerunner, so to say, of the _précieuses ridicules_ of Molière, and an

ardent patron of Calvin, a frequent visitor at the court along with the

lascivious poet Clément Marot, who translated the Psalms into verse to

popularize Calvin's heretical teachings. Another ominous figure that

loomed up at Ferrara was the famous Capuchin preacher, Bernardo Ochino,

a man of remarkable eloquence, which, however, was literary and dramatic

rather than apostolic in its character. His emaciated countenance, his

long flowing white beard and his fervent appeals to penance made a deep

impression on the people. They regarded him as a saint, never dreaming

that he was a concealed heretic, who would eventually apostacize and

assail the Church. He was much admired by the duchess, who conceived a

bitter hatred for Le Jay and would not even admit him to her presence.

The trouble of the Jesuit was increased by the attitude of the bishop,

who, knowing the real character of Ochino, looked with suspicion on Le

Jay as possibly another wolf in sheep's clothing; but his suspicions

were soon dispelled, and he gave Le Jay every means in his power to

revive the faith and morals of the city. The duchess, however, became so

aggressive in her proselytism that the duke ordered her into seclusion,

and when he died, his son and successor sent her back to her people in

France where she died an obstinate heretic.

From Ferrara Le Jay hastened to Bagnorea to end a schism there, and

though neither side would listen to him at first, yet his patience

overcame all difficulties, and finally, everybody met everybody else in

the great church, embraced and went to Holy Communion. Peace then

reigned in the city. The other envoys achieved similar successes

elsewhere throughout the peninsula; and Crétineau-Joly says that their

joint efforts thwarted the plot of the heretics to destroy the Faith in

Italy. The winter of 1538 was extremely severe in Rome, and a scarcity

of provisions brought on what amounted almost to a famine. This distress

gave Ignatius and his companions the opportunity of showing their

devotion to the suffering poor; and they not only contrived in some way

or other to feed, in their own house, as many as four hundred famishing

people, but inspired many of the well-to-do classes to imitate their

example.

With this and other good works to their credit, they could now ask the

authorization of the Sovereign Pontiff for their enterprise. Hence on

September 3, 1539, they submitted a draught of the Constitution, and

were pleased to hear that it evoked from the Pope the exclamation: "The

finger of God is here." But they were not so fortunate with the

commission of cardinals to whom the matter was then referred.

Guidiccioni, who presided, was not only distinctly hostile, but

expressed the opinion that all existing religious orders should be

reduced to four and hence he contemptuously tossed the petition aside.

It was only after a year that he took it up again--he scarcely knew

why--and on reading it attentively he was completely converted and

hastened to report on it as follows: "Although as before, I still hold

to the opinion that no new religious order should be instituted, I

cannot refrain from approving this one. Indeed, I regard it as something

that is now needed to help Christendom in its troubles, and especially

to destroy the heresies which are at present devastating Europe." Thus

it is Guidiccioni who is responsible for setting the Society to undo the

work of Martin Luther.

The Pope was extremely pleased by the commission's report, and on

September 27, 1540, he issued the Bull "Regimini Ecclesiæ," approving

"The Institute of the Society of Jesus." In this Bull and that of

Julius III, the successor of Paul III, we have the official statement of

the character and the purpose of the Society. Its object is the

salvation and perfection of the souls of its members and of the

neighbor. One of the chief means for that end is the gratuitous

instruction of youth. There are no penances of rule; but it is assumed

that bodily mortifications are practised and employed, though only under

direction. Great care is taken in the admission and formation of

novices, and lest the protracted periods of study, later, should chill

the fervor of their devotion, there are to be semi-annual spiritual

renovations, and when the studies are over, and the student ordained to

the priesthood, there is a third year of probation, somewhat similar to

the novitiate in its exercises. There are two grades in the Society--one

of professed, the other of coadjutors, both spiritual and temporal.

All are to be bound by the three vows of poverty, chastity and

obedience, but those of the coadjutors are simple, while those of the

professed are solemn. The latter make a fourth vow, namely, one of

obedience to the Sovereign Pontiff, which binds them to go wherever he

sends them, and to do so without excuse, and without provisions for the

journey. The Father-General is elected for life. He resides in Rome, so

as to be at the beck of the Sovereign Pontiff, and also because of the

international character of the Society. All superiors are appointed by

him, and he is regularly informed through the provincials about all the

members of the Society. Every three years there is a meeting of

procurators to report on their respective provinces and to settle

matters of graver moment. The General is aided in his government by

assistants chosen mostly according to racial divisions, which may in

turn be subdivided. There is also an admonitor who sees that the General

governs according to the laws of the Society and for the common good.

Disturbers of the peace of the Order are to be sharply admonished, and

if incorrigible, expelled. When approved scholastics or formed

coadjutors are dismissed they are dispensed from their simple vows. The

simple vow of chastity made by the scholastics is a diriment impediment

of matrimony. Because of possible withdrawals or dismissals from the

Society, the dominion of property previously possessed is to be

retained, as long as the general may see fit, but not the usufruct--an

arrangement which has been repeatedly approved by successive Pontiffs,

as well as by the Council of Trent.

All ambition of ecclesiastical honors is shut off by a special vow to

that effect. There is no choir or special dress. The poverty of the

Society is of the strictest. The professed houses are to subsist on

alms, and cannot receive even the usual stipends. Moreover, the

professed are bound by a special vow to watch over and prevent any

relaxation in this respect. The rule is paternal, and hence an account

of conscience is to be made, either under seal of confession or in

whatever way the individual may find most agreeable. A general

congregation may be convened as often as necessary. Its advisability is

determined at the meeting of the procurators. In the first part of the

Constitution, the impediments and the mode of admission are considered;

in the second, the manner of dismissal; in the third and fourth, the

means of furthering piety and study and whatever else concerns the

spiritual advancement, chiefly of the scholastics; the fifth explains

the character of those who are to be admitted and also the various

grades; the sixth deals with the occupations of the members; the seventh

treats of those of superiors; the eighth and ninth relate to the

General; and the tenth determines the ways and means of government.

Before the Constitutions were promulgated, Ignatius submitted them to

the chief representatives of the various nationalities then in the

Order, but they did not receive the force of law until they were

approved by the first general congregation of the whole Society. After

that they were presented to Pope Paul III, and examined by four

Cardinals. Not a word had been altered when they were returned. The

Sovereign Pontiff declared that they were more the result of Divine

inspiration than of human prudence.

For those who read these Constitutions without any preconceived notions,

the meaning is obvious, whereas the intention of discovering something

mysterious and malignant in them inevitably leads to the most ridiculous

misinterpretations of the text. Thus, for instance, some writers inform

us that St. Ignatius is not the author of the Constitutions, but Laínez,

Mercurian or Acquaviva. Others assure their readers that no Pope can

ever alter or modify even the text; that the General has special power

to absolve novices from any mortal sins they may have committed before

entering; that the general confessions of beginners are carefully

registered and kept; that a special time is assigned to them for reading

accounts of miraculous apparitions and demoniacal obsessions; that

before the two years of novitiate have elapsed a vow must be taken to

enter the Society; that all wills made in favor of one's family must be

rescinded; that in meditating, the eyes must be fixed on a certain point

and the thoughts centered on the Pater Noster until a state of

quasi-hypnotism results; that the grades in the Society are reached

after thirty or thirty-five years of probation, after which the

applicant becomes a probationer; the professed are called "ours"; the

spiritual coadjutors "externs." The latter do the plotting and have

aroused all the ill-will of which the Society has been the object;

whereas the professed devote themselves to prayer and are admired and

loved.

There are also, we are assured, secret, outside Jesuits. The Emperors

Ferdinand II and III, and Sigismund of Poland are put in that class, and

probably also John III of Portugal and Maximilian of Bavaria; while

Louis XIV is suspected of belonging to it. The Father-General dispenses

such members from the priesthood and from wearing the soutane. "Imagine

Louis XIV," says Brou, who furnishes these details, "asking the General

of the Jesuits to be dispensed from wearing the soutane!" Unlike the

other Jesuits, these cryptics would not be obliged to go to Rome to

pronounce their vows. Again, it is said, Pope Paul IV had great

difficulty in persuading the Jesuits to accept the dispensation from the

daily recitation of the breviary. Perhaps the most charming of all of

these "discoveries" is that the famous phrase _perinde ac cadaver_, "you

must obey as if you were a dead body," was borrowed from the Sheik

Si-Senoussi who laid down rules for his Senoussis in Africa, about two

centuries after St. Ignatius had died. The authors of these

extraordinary conceptions are Müller, Reuss, Cartwright, Pollard, Vollet

and others, all of whom are honoured with a notice posted in the British

Museum, as worthy of being consulted on the puzzling subject of

Jesuitry, and yet the Constitutions of the Society and the explanations

of them, by prominent Jesuit writers, can be found in any public

library.

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