CHAPTER III.

MYSORE--ITS HISTORY, GOVERNMENT, AND REPRESENTATIVE ASSEMBLY.

In my last chapter I gave a description of Mysore and its waterfalls. In

the present chapter I purpose very briefly remarking on its history,

government, and representative assembly, and shall conclude by contrasting

the last with the so-called National Indian Congress.

In his Report of December, 1804, the Acting Resident of Mysore, Colonel

Mark Wilks, observed that "the territories composing the present dominion

of His Highness the Rajah of Mysore had, from the remotest periods of

tradition, been held by a number of polygars and petty Rajahs, whose

possessions were incessantly enlarged, diminished, or alienated, by a

series of revolutions which it would perhaps be impossible to trace, and

unprofitable to describe," and it is interesting to note how little, at

that time, seems to have been known about the history of the kingdoms we

conquered. But all doubts as to the early history of Mysore have now been

removed, and the reader will find in Mr. Rice's admirable gazetteer of

Mysore a minute history of the country accompanied by coloured maps which

show at a glance the numerous transitions which the territories now

comprised under the head of Mysore have undergone in former times, but as

I think that it would certainly be unprofitable to describe these

transitions here I shall content myself with a bare enumeration of those

leading facts which are necessary for a general comprehension of the

situation. All, then, that the reader requires to know is, that a line of

Hindoo Rajahs which once reigned over a very limited portion of Mysore

gradually acquired about half of it; that a descendant of their line was

set aside by the Mahometan usurper Hyder Ali (an able soldier of fortune,

who had risen to the chief command of the army); that he conquered the

remainder of the present territory and ruled it from 1761 to 1782; and

that after his death he was succeeded by his son Sultan Tippoo, who on May

4th, 1799, lost his life at Seringapatam, and with it all the territories

acquired by his father, thereby fulfilling what Hyder Ali said when he

observed to his son one day, "I was born to win and you were born to lose

an empire." The subsequent history of the province is soon told. After the

fall of Seringapatam it was resolved to place a descendant of the old

Hindoo line on the throne, and Krishna Rajah Wodeyar--then about five

years old, became Maharajah of Mysore, with Purnaiya (formerly prime

minister of Tippoo) as Dewan and Regent, and Colonel (afterwards Sir

Barry) Close as Resident, while Colonel Arthur Wellesley (afterwards Duke

of Wellington) commanded the division. Under the new Government all at

first went well, and in 1804 the Governor-General declared that during the

past five years "the affairs of the Government of Mysore had been

conducted with a degree of regularity, wisdom, discretion and justice

unparalleled in any native state in India." But, unfortunately for himself

and his subjects, the Maharajah, in 1811, began to rule, and Purnaiya, the

able prime minister, retired, and soon afterwards died. Then followed a

long period of misgovernment, which culminated in the insurrection of

1830, to put down which the aid of British troops had to be called in. A

formal inquiry was then made by the British Government, and the result of

this was that it was determined to transfer the entire administration to

British officers, and put the Maharajah on an allowance for his personal

expenditure. At first two commissioners were appointed to administer the

government, but this was found to be inconvenient, and in April, 1834,

Colonel (afterwards Sir Mark) Cubbon was appointed as sole commissioner

for the province. He occupied the post till February, 1861, when he

retired, and when on his way home died at Suez at about seventy-seven

years of age, having spent the whole of the previous years of the century

in India. He was succeeded by other able commissioners, and nothing of any

political importance happened in the province till June, 1865, when the

Maharajah adopted as his heir a scion of one of the leading families of

his house. It was for some time doubtful whether the Government would

recognize the adoption, as, after the death of the Maharajah, it had been

generally assumed that the province would be annexed, but in April, 1867,

the Home Government decided that it should be recognized, and on September

23rd, 1868, six months after the death of Krishna Rajah, his adopted son,

Chama Rajendra Wodeyar Bahadur, at that time between five and six years

old, was duly installed at Mysore, and it was then decided that the

country should remain under British administration till the Maharajah came

of age. His Highness attained his majority at the age of eighteen, on the

5th of March, 1881, and was formally installed on the throne on the 25th

of that month, and thus the province, after having been directly

administered by the British for almost exactly fifty years, was handed

over, not as we shall afterwards see, to native rule, but to native

administration.

And here a rather interesting question naturally arises. How was such a

change--one quite unique in the history of India--received by the

inhabitants of the country? So far as the planters (of whom I am one of

the oldest, having settled in the province in 1855) are concerned, I do

not think they have been in the slightest degree affected. They were all

well satisfied with the English administration, and I think they are

equally well satisfied with the present native administration. In fact,

there is no change perceptible, except that the criminal administration,

has somewhat fallen off, and it certainly has been occasionally found that

an answer from a native official sometimes resembles death--you think it

is never coming and then it comes when least expected. But I must confess

that, as regards answers to communications, I have heard of similar

complaints made by the former Mysore Government against the Supreme

Government, and of a like complaint made by the latter against the Home

Government. But, though the change was regarded with indifference by the

settlers in the province, and was indeed of obvious advantage to them, as

there is no income-tax, and the finances are flourishing, it was not at

all acceptable to the native population in general, and the native

officials were quite aware that the new administration was not popular. I

made frequent inquiries as to the cause of this, not only from natives in

my own neighbourhood, but from those I met when travelling by easy stages

from the Gairsoppa Falls in the north-western corner of the province to my

estates in Southern Mysore, and found that the universal complaint was

that there was a want of Daryápti, or active inquiry into grievances, and

one of my old native neighbours was loud in his praises of the palmy days

of Sir Mark Cubbon. I confess, however, that though there may have been

some grounds for complaint as regards "inquiry," owing to the greater zeal

and personal activity of Englishmen, I do not think that there were any

real grounds for dissatisfaction, and feel sure that the unpopularity of

the new administration was owing partly to the fact of the country, at the

time of the rendition, not being in a very prosperous condition, partly to

the strong conservative instincts of the natives, and partly, perhaps, to

their being under some apprehension that the abuses of the old native

government might possibly be revived. But, however that may be, from

inquiries made when last in India, and especially from the absence of any

reference to the subject in the many conversations I had with natives of

all classes, I believe that the unpopularity of the new administration,

which at first undoubtedly existed, has now quite passed away.

It may be as well to mention here that, though the administration is now a

native one, there are still, in the Mysore service, about thirty-five

Englishmen in the various departments of the State, and that the most

friendly relations exist between them and the native officials. I feel

sure, too, that the value of an admixture of Englishmen in the

administration is fully recognized by the native officials. As regards

brain power they equal Englishmen, and indeed are often superior to them,

but the classes from which the native officials are mainly drawn are, as a

rule, deficient in that physical vigour which is required for executive

work, as one of the native officials, who himself was an exception to the

rule, once told me, "and therefore," he added, "we must have an admixture

of natives and Europeans in the service." I must, however, observe that,

though his remark is true as regards the Brahminical classes from which

the officials are mainly taken, I think it probable that, when education

spreads, there will ultimately be found amongst the hardy peasantry of

Mysore a fair proportion of individuals who will have a sufficient degree

of physical vigour for executive work. In confirmation of the remark I

have made as to the want of executive vigour on the part of native

officials, a defect which would be equally apparent in us were our energy

not kept up by fresh importations from home, I may mention that, under the

new regime, there has been a distinct falling off in the up-keep of

roads, and in the detection of crime.

In connection with this subject I may make a passing remark on a point

which has not hitherto been noticed, so far as I am aware, by previous

writers. It has constantly been asserted by natives that we have not kept

faith with them as regards opening to them many appointments in the public

service which are at present reserved for Englishmen. I would call

attention to the fact that one of the passages so often quoted contains

really no general promise of employment. This passage--taken from a clause

in the East India Act, passed in Parliament, 1833--merely says "That no

native of the said territories, nor any natural born subject of his

majesty resident therein, shall by reason _only_ of his religion, place of

birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be disabled from holding any

place, office, or employment under the said company." "By reason _only_."

Yes, but this does not bar disqualification for other reasons, as for

instance the want of physical vigour to which I have alluded. Then mark

the careful limitation contained in the often quoted passage from the

Queen's proclamation of 1858, which sets forth that "It is our further

will, that, _as far as may be_, our subjects, of whatever race or creed,

be freely and impartially admitted to office in our service, the duties of

which they may be qualified, by their education, _ability_ and integrity,

duly to discharge." But natives have not, generally speaking, the ability

to discharge executive duties requiring much physical vigour, and no one

is more ready to admit that than the best among the natives. But besides

executive efficiency there is the fact that the mere sight of the zeal,

energy, and general interest in progress exhibited by the English is to

the natives around them an education worth all the book instruction we

have imported into India. We cannot have too much of this leavening

element, and the effects of it are everywhere apparent. It is extremely

striking in the coffee districts, where many native planters have been,

much improved as regards go, and a desire to adopt improvements, since

Europeans have settled more freely amongst them.

But it is time now to turn to the subject of the constitution of Mysore--a

subject which, I need hardly say, is of the greatest practical importance

to those who hold, or may think of acquiring, property in the province.

The Instrument of Transfer, then, as it is officially called, by which

Mysore was made over to native administration on the 25th of March, 1881,

begins by declaring the installation of the Maharajah and his power to

rule under certain general conditions, which are--(1) That the Maharajah

and those who are to succeed him in the manner hereinafter provided, are

to hold possession of and administer the province as long as they fulfil

the conditions laid down in the Instrument of Transfer; that (2) the

succession should devolve on the Maharajah's lineal descendant, whether by

blood or adoption, except in the case of disqualification through manifest

unfitness to rule; and that (3) the Maharajah and his successors shall at

all times remain faithful in allegiance and subordination to the British

Crown, and perform all the duties which, in virtue of such allegiance and

subordination, may be demanded of them. Then follow clauses with reference

to the subsidy to be paid to the British Government for protecting and

defending the province, military stipulations, foreign relations, coinage,

railways and telegraphs, and extradition, and as regards the last, it is

declared that plenary jurisdiction over European British subjects in

Mysore shall continue to be invested in the Governor-General in Council,

and that the Maharajah of Mysore shall only exercise such jurisdiction in

respect to European British subjects as may from time to time be delegated

to him by the Viceroy. Then with reference to "Laws and Settlements," it

is declared that those in existence at the time of the transfer must be

maintained, and that the Maharajah of Mysore "shall not repeal or modify

such laws, or pass any laws or rules inconsistent therewith," and that no

material change in the system of administration as established previous to

the date of the transfer shall be made without the consent of the Viceroy.

And finally, under this head, it is declared that all title-deeds granted,

and all settlements of land revenues in force on March 25th, 1881 (the

date of the transfer), shall be maintained, excepting so far as they may

be rescinded or modified either by a competent court of law or with the

consent of the Governor-General in Council. Lastly, under the heading of

"British Relations," it is declared that "the Maharajah of Mysore shall at

all times conform to such advice as the Governor-General in Council may

offer him with a view to the management of the finances, the settlement

and collection of the revenues, the imposition of taxes, the

administration of justice, the extension of commerce, the encouragement of

trade, agriculture, and industry, and any other objects connected with His

Highness's interests, the happiness of his subjects, and his relations to

the British Government." And, "In the event of the breach or

non-observance of any of the foregoing conditions," the Governor-General

may resume possession of Mysore and administer it as he thinks fit. Such,

then, is a brief summary of the Constitution of Mysore; and it is most

necessary to dwell on it with some degree of minuteness in order to show

those Englishmen who are interested in Mysore, or who may be desirous of

settling there, that they and their possessions in that country are as

practically under British rule as they would be in any part of British

India.

I have previously pointed out that there is no income-tax in Mysore. I

have also alluded to the fact that, as the finances are in a flourishing

condition, and, beyond the subsidy annually levied, are free from any

obligation to contribute to the general expenditure of British India,

there are ample and certain means available for developing the resources

of the country. And that these means shall be devoted to that end

exclusively, I would call particular attention to the fact that it has

been laid down by the British Government that, after deducting the amount

set apart annually for the personal expenses of the Maharajah, the

remaining revenues of the province are to be spent on public purposes

only, under a regular system of an annual budget appropriation, and the

proper accounting for such expenditure. So that, taking all the

circumstances into consideration, it is clear that the settlers in Mysore

have advantages over any other settlers in India. The taxes they pay on

their lands are fixed and most moderate in amount, they have every

security that capital can enjoy, and they are living in a country which,

after an ample expenditure on public works of all kinds, has an ample

annual surplus. But, besides those circumstances, the settlers in the

province, and the inhabitants as well, have another advantage which must

by no means be lost sight of, for Mysore has a Representative Assembly,

which sits once a year, and which affords a ready means for publicly

ventilating any grievance, or making known any want which may be felt by

the community; and as there is no institution exactly like it in the

world, I propose to describe the constitution of the Assembly and its

proceedings with some degree of minuteness.

The Mysore Representative Assembly, then, which was originated by Mr.

Rungacharlu, the first Prime Minister of Mysore, was inaugurated on the

25th of August, 1881, or about five months after the accession of the

Maharajah, by the following notification:

"His Highness the Maharajah is desirous that the views and objects which

his Government has in view in the measures adopted for the administration

of the Province should be better known and appreciated by the people for

whose benefit they are intended, and he is of opinion that a beginning

towards the attainment of that object may he made by an annual meeting of

the representative landholders and merchants from all parts of the

Province, before whom the Dewan will place the results of the past year's

administration, and a programme of what is intended to be carried out in

the coming year. Such an arrangement, by bringing the people into

immediate connection with the Government, would serve to remove from their

minds any misapprehension as regards the views and action of the

Government, and would convince them that the interests of the Government

are identical with those of the people.

"The annual meeting will be conveniently held at Mysore immediately after

the close of the Dassara festival, which occasion will offer an additional

inducement to those invited to attend the meeting. For the present the

Local Fund Boards of the several districts will be asked to select from

amongst themselves and others of the district the persons who are to be

deputed to represent their respective districts at the meeting. In order

to represent the landed interests of all the Talooks (counties), as well

as the interests of trade, there should be sent one or two cultivating

landholders from each Talook, possessed of general influence and

information amongst the people, and three or four leading merchants for

the district generally. A list of them should be sent beforehand to this

office, in order to arrange for their accommodation in Mysore. They may be

allowed a small sum from the local funds to meet the actual expenses of

their travelling."

The Assembly thus constituted was, as will have been perceived at a

glance, a purely consultative body, and had no power whatever except (and

a highly important exception it is) that of publicly stating to the rulers

of the country all the grievances and wants of the people. The only

institution that I can hear of that at all resembles it is the Egyptian

General Assembly of the Legislative Council, but that, though a

consultative, and not at all a law-making body, has the power of putting a

veto on any new tax proposed by the Government. In constitution, too, it

differs widely from the Mysore Assembly, as the ministers have seats in

it, while in Mysore no Government official can be a member of the

Assembly. I may mention here that the Egyptian Assembly was initiated by

Lord Dufferin in May, 1883, and I would refer those interested in the

creation of representative institutions to his Report, No. 6 (1883), and

to the Report on Egypt, No. 3 (1892), by Sir Evelyn Baring (now Lord

Cromer), both being Blue Books presented to the Houses of Parliament. It

is interesting to note here that whereas Lord Dufferin took the first step

in the direction of representative institutions by uniting, in the same

assembly, Government officials, and members elected on the broad basis of

manhood suffrage, the native statesman began by carefully excluding the

officials, and allowing only the middle and upper classes to have anything

to do with the Assembly.

The first meeting of the Mysore Representative Assembly took place on

October 7th, 1881, when 144 members attended. The Dewan first of all read

the annual report on the administration of the province, and after that

the members were called up in succession and asked to state their

grievances and wants. At the end of the session the Dewan's annual

statement, or report, and an account of the proceedings of the Assembly,

are printed in English and in Kanarese.

The Assembly, as we have seen, consisted of members partly appointed by

the Local Fund Boards, and partly of members nominated through the agency

of Government officials, but at the conclusion of the Dewan's address of

October 28th, 1890, an important change in the constitution of the

Assembly was announced, and a new body of rules was issued. By these all

members were in future to be elected, and the qualifications entitling a

man to vote for, or be elected a member for a county (talook), were (1)

the payment of land revenues, a house and shop tax to the amount specified

in the schedule[11] for each county; (2) the ownership of land to the

value of 500 rupees a year, accompanied with residence in the county; and

(3) any resident in a county who is a graduate of any Indian university is

declared to be a duly qualified person. Those so qualified were to meet on

a certain day, of which a month's notice was to be given, and elect

members from amongst themselves. 212 members from the counties were to be

thus elected. The cities of Bangalore and Mysore return four members each,

and these must either pay a house or shop tax of twenty-four rupees, or be

a graduate of any Indian university; the nine Local Fund Boards return two

members each; the eighty-nine municipalities one for each municipality,

and associations representing approved public interests, and of not less

than 100 members, and also associations of smaller numbers, but recognized

by Government--as for instance the Planters' Associations--may depute one

member each, and the total of all the members is estimated at 351. By Rule

6 it is declared that "As the object of the Assembly is to elicit

non-official public opinion, no person holding a salaried appointment

under Government shall vote for, or be returned as, a member of the

Assembly." By Rule 7, each member is to prepare and forward to the deputy

commissioner a memo describing seriatim the representations and

suggestions he may desire to make at the meeting of the Assembly; and by

Rule 9 the memoranda are to be forwarded, with the deputy-commissioner's

remarks, to the Chief Secretary to Government. By Rule 10 all the members

are to hold a formal meeting at Mysore not less than three days before the

meeting of the Assembly, and should they decide at this preliminary

meeting to bring forward at the Assembly any subjects not mentioned in the

memoranda previously sent in by members, a supplemental list of such

subjects must be sent in to the Chief Secretary.

When announcing the adoption of these new rules, the Dewan alluded to the

fact that the constitution now given did not insure a full popular

representation, and stated that numerous practical difficulties stood in

the way of widening the representation. Finally he concluded by observing

that, "It is His Highness' sincere hope that the privilege he has now been

pleased to grant will be exercised to the fullest extent, and in the most

beneficial manner possible, and that it will be so appreciated by all as

to enable His Highness gradually to enlarge the circle of electors, so as

to give wider effect to the principle of representation in the

constitution of this Assembly."

To this, the first elected Assembly that ever sat in India, I was returned

as representative of the South Mysore Planters' Association. On the 11th I

proceeded to the city of Mysore, and on the 12th of October, 1891,

attended the preliminary meeting of members, which was held in the

Rungacharlu Memorial Hall--a fine building with a large hall, which has a

wide daïs at one end, and a, very wide gallery running along three sides

of the hall. The meeting was held at 8 a.m. in the body of the hall,

where I found that a considerable body of people, who I presume were

mostly representatives, were present. The hall was arranged with benches,

very much as most modern churches are, and just below the daïs was a long

table with chairs on one side of it. It was proposed that I, the only

European present, should take the chair, and I accordingly did so, being

supported on either hand by two members who had a fluent command of

English, and what was of more importance to me, of Kanarese, for, though I

had a colloquial knowledge of that language, I had not such a command of

it as was necessary for satisfactory public speaking. I accordingly read

out in English (which a certain number of the audience knew) each, measure

I proposed, and then informed the audience in Kanarese that one of the

members would explain the subject in that language, and I found that this

arrangement answered all practical purposes. The following measures had

been drawn up by me previously in Bangalore after consultation with some

leading members of the Assembly, and were printed and circulated amongst

the members present, and it may not be uninteresting to give some of them

here.

The first point taken up related to measures for the prevention of famine,

and, after some discussion, four proposals were unanimously agreed to, all

of them for the promotion of the digging of wells either by private

enterprise or through the agency of the State. The next point related to

fuel and fodder reserves, which it was agreed should be established on the

lands of all villages, or near all villages, wherever land suitable for

the purpose could be found. We then turned to a bill I had laid on the

table with reference to advances to labourers--an important and difficult

subject--when it was agreed that it should be referred to the Planters'

Association for consideration. An amendment on the waste land rules for

planting trees for timber and fuel was then considered and agreed to.

After this it was resolved that a Government agricultural chemist Ought to

be appointed, who would be competent to advise on agricultural practice,

cattle disease, etc., and give lectures on such subjects. We then took up

the subject of British interference with proposed irrigation works in

Mysore, and resolved that the Mysoreans should be allowed to have the full

use of the water of Mysore for irrigation purposes, and be free from any

interference as long as the water, or what is left of it, is returned to

its original channel. The subject of extradition was next considered, when

the representatives resolved that (1) complete reciprocity should be

granted between British and Mysore territory as regards warrants, and (2)

that British jurisdiction over railways in Mysore should be given up, or

at least as regards all matters of theft. It was next decided that at the

close of the session the representatives should continue in office till

new members were elected. After this it was agreed that Government

agricultural banks should be introduced. Then the representatives, having

sat for about four hours, adjourned till the following day.

On the 13th we met again accordingly at 8 a.m., and on this occasion sat

in the gallery, which was quite wide enough to accommodate the members. It

was proposed that I should take the chair, and I did so, and opened the

proceedings by introducing rules to regulate the discussion. These were

that the introducer of a proposed measure should be allowed ten, and a

discusser five minutes; that no one should interrupt or rise to speak

before the previous speaker had sat down, and that a discusser could only

be heard once. These rules were agreed to, and I found the last two of

great advantage in managing the proceedings. The first two, I was glad to

find, were hardly necessary, as anything in the shape of the British, or,

worse still, the Irish wind-bag, did not appear to exist amongst the

members.

The next subject taken up was that of organization, and on the assumption

that the Government would grant our prayer that the present members should

not be dismissed at the end of the session, but should continue to be

representatives till their successors were elected, it was resolved that

there should be a standing central committee of the Assembly, and also

district and county committees, and it was agreed that the first should

consist of twenty-two members--for Bangalore and Mysore city six members

each, one from each district, and one from each coffee planters'

association. Seven members to constitute a quorum. The district committees

were to consist of one from each county, and two from the head-quarters of

the district, five being a quorum, and the county committees of three

members. We then agreed to the members who were to form the central

committee and district committees, and, after that, that the Maharajah

should be formally thanked for his action on his part as regards the

Assembly, and that it should be prayed that the measures now asked for

might be granted. And finally, it was arranged that the standing central

committee should draw up an address to the Maharajah, embodying the views

and wishes of the representatives.

The meeting terminated at about 11 a.m., and immediately afterwards the

central committee sat upstairs in a room at an angle of the building, when

I was appointed chairman. We first took up the question of funds, and I

suggested that each member of the Assembly should subscribe one rupee.

This was agreed to, and I at once put a rupee on the table, and presently

there were about fifteen added, and a list was made out of those who had

paid. We then agreed that an address should be presented to the Maharajah

after the termination of the meetings of the Assembly, and afterwards it

was arranged that Mr. C. Rangiengar, B.A., Advocate, Mysore, should be

secretary to the central committee, spend the funds at his discretion for

printing and advertising, and render an account once a year.

The next day was a _dies non_ as regards the Representative Assembly, but

by no means so as regards the Rungacharlu Hall, which at eight in the

morning presented a most interesting appearance, being filled with a large

assemblage of native ladies who had met together to witness the giving of

the prizes to the lady students of the Maharanee's College. The Maharajah

presided on the occasion. Besides prizes for educational proficiency,

there were others for music and singing, and the winners of these played

and sang on a platform below, on one side of the daïs. One of the

musicians, a tastefully-dressed young lady of thirteen, was a

granddaughter of Mr. Rungacharlu, the first Prime Minister of Mysore. One

of the prize-takers was a widow--plainly dressed as widows should be--and

as she came forward there was a loud clapping of hands from the women

spectators in the gallery. I found, on inquiry, that the reason of this

demonstration was that she had lately given a lecture which had been much

appreciated by the students. I have no space to give an account of the

proceedings, though I hope to do so on some future occasion, and can only

say that a more interesting and picturesque assemblage it would be

difficult to imagine.

On the day following, October 15th, the Assembly was formally opened at

twelve, when the Dewan presided at a table on the raised platform. He was

backed and flanked by the principal European and native officers of State,

while on his right sat Sir Harry Prendergast, V.C., the Resident at the

Court of Mysore. The English representatives, five in all, one of them

representing the gold mining interests of the province, had seats on the

platform, and so had as many representatives as there was room for. The

remainder occupied the body of the hall. The Dewan then opened the tenth

annual meeting of the Representative Assembly of Mysore, by reading the

already printed annual administration Report of the Province, and it may

not be uninteresting to quote the opening sentences of it:

"Gentlemen,

"By command of His Highness the Maharajah, I have much pleasure

in welcoming you to this Assembly, which meets here to-day for

the first time under the election system sanctioned last year.

You come here as the duly elected representatives of the

agricultural, the industrial, and the commercial interests of the

State. Last year, when His Highness was pleased to grant the

valued privilege of election, he was not without some misgivings

as to how the experiment would succeed, but it is most gratifying

to His Highness that, though unused to the system, the electoral

body has been able, in the very first year of its existence, to

exercise the privilege with so much judgment and sense of

responsibility as to send to this Assembly men in every way

qualified to speak on their behalf. That men representing the

industry and the intellect of the country should have already

taken so much interest in the scheme augurs well for the future

of the institution. His Highness asks me to take this opportunity

publicly to acknowledge the expressions of warm gratitude which

have reached him from all sides for the privilege of election

granted last year."

The Dewan then proceeded to make his statement of the Revenue and

Expenditure of 1890-91, by which it appeared that the Revenue for that

period--the largest ever realized by the State--was 145 lakhs of rupees,

or, at par,[12] £1,450,000, and the account showed a surplus of 23 lakhs,

or £230,000; but from this had to be deducted a sum for expenditure on

new railways, which reduced the surplus, or rather, disposed of it to such

an amount as to leave a balance of 12-1/2 lakhs, or £125,000. The budget

was then taken up in detail, and the Dewan showed in the most lucid manner

the financial position as regards the various heads of receipts and

expenditure, all of which I shall pass over except that relating to gold,

which the reader will probably find interesting, for, as the Kanarese

proverb says, "If gold is to be seen, even a corpse will open its mouth."

There was, then, an increase in State receipts from gold mining dues to

the extent of 37,000 rupees in the amount of royalty, while "Premia and

deposits on leases" brought in 71,000 rupees. The mines in the Kolar gold

field during 1890 extracted 106,903 ounces of gold. Three of them--the

Mysore, Ooregum, and Nundydroog--showed a considerable increase in

production over the previous year. The first increased from 49,238 oz. to

58,183 oz.; the second from 16,437 oz. to 27,351 oz., and the third from

6,129 oz. to 15,637 oz.

The Dewan then called the attention of the Assembly to the working of some

of the principal departments of the State, beginning with the railways,

and, after giving a very satisfactory account of the progress made,

concluded this branch of his subject by observing that "As regards our

main railway policy there will be no pause in the course of development,

and should our financial condition continue to improve, the next decade

will see the Province intersected with lines which, in the decade

preceding the rendition, were only thought of as remote possibilities." He

next remarked on other public works, and showed that in the last ten years

no less than 471 miles of entirely new roads had been opened up, while 218

miles of incomplete roads, which had been inherited at the time of the

rendition, had been brought up to standard. Then he turned to irrigation,

and stated that the large irrigation works commenced in former years were

advancing towards completion. And here the Dewan alluded to a matter of

the greatest importance, and to which I shall again return further on. It

appears that the Supreme Government had actually put a stop to certain

irrigation works begun by the Mysore Government on the ground that these

would lessen the supply of water from Mysore to British territory. As to

this the Dewan now observed on "The difference which had arisen with the

Madras authorities as to the rights of Mysore to the full use of its

drainage areas." The case had been laid before the Government of India,

and the Dewan said that "the basis for a solution of the difficulty has

been arranged with the Madras Government in a way that is likely to remove

to a considerable extent the check that the progress of our irrigation

works had received in tracts bordering upon the Madras Presidency."

The subject of well irrigation too had not been neglected, and the Dewan

pointed out that its protective value in times of drought is far superior

to tank irrigation, and observed that, "During the last famine the only

oases in the midst of the general desolate appearance of the country were,

besides the tracts watered by our river channels, those special regions

favoured with well irrigation." So important was well irrigation, that the

Government had resolved to make advances to ryots willing to construct

them, at a low rate of interest, and repayable by easy instalments in a

long series of years. In the event of water not being found, or found in

insufficient quantity, the Government had undertaken the risk of failure,

so that the farmer was placed beyond all risk of loss. And, in order to

facilitate the progress of such works, a special officer had been

appointed to give the advances on the spot, so as to avoid the delay

caused by the usual circuitous official correspondence.

I may here pause for one moment to remark on the great value of the

Assembly as regards any new measure like the one just alluded to, for it

often happens that from the scarcity of newspapers, and the inability of

the poorer ryots to purchase them, measures of great value are not taken

advantage of, or only are so after a long delay. Now an assembly like that

of Mysore provides an excellent means for distributing information on all

Government matters, and in one part of his address the Dewan particularly

requested the representatives from two important districts to explain

fully to the people certain matters, the particulars of which I cannot,

for want of space, give here.

The Dewan then went into the interesting subject of Forests, and it was

satisfactory to notice the progress that had been made in planting, and

that sandal wood had year after year been yielding an increased revenue.

The transition from forests to elephants was natural, and during the year

70 had been caught. Some died after capture and others were liberated. Of

the 44 retained, 41, of which 14 were tuskers, were sold for 50,705

rupees. Having fully discussed the elephants, the Dewan turned next to

education, and here he was able to record marked progress in every

direction, and especially in female instruction. There were now 97 girls'

schools in the province, and an important change had been made as regards

their immediate supervision, which was now exercised by local committees.

"The committees," said the Dewan, "have been given large powers of

management, and the initiative rests, in almost all cases, with them,

subject to the approval of Government." The object of this of course was

to interest the people in the subject, and the Dewan observed that "Female

education cannot become firmly established in the country until the people

begin to look upon the education of their girls, whether children or

adults, as necessary, and as obligatory as that of their boys. The

Government have thought that the best way of securing this result in the

infancy of female education is to leave as much as possible to the

intelligent and sympathetic guidance of local committees." After alluding

to the results of the archæological survey, and dwelling on the fact that

during the past year 1,500 inscriptions were secured, some of which were

of great value and interest, the Dewan then took up the subject of excise,

and went into the reforms he proposed to institute as regards that

department. The census of Feb. 26th, 1891, was next alluded to, and by

this it appeared that, including the civil and military' station of

Bangalore, the population returned was 4,943,079 as compared with

4,183,188 in 1881, and 5,055,412 in 1871. The increase during the last

decade was thus very considerable, but Mysore has still some progress to

make before it can bring up its numbers to the census return of 1871,

nearly a million of persons having been swept away in the disastrous

famine of 1876-77. The municipal elections were next alluded to, and it

was announced that the cities of Bangalore and Mysore were to have an

extension of the electoral system. The important subject of the reform of

religious and charitable institutions (there had been several

representations made as regards these in previous years by members of the

Assembly) was next taken up, and it was announced that a specially

qualified officer had been appointed to "inquire into the subject on the

spot, and to carry out the needed reform in the case of each institution

under the general and special orders of Government, and, when once all

institutions are thoroughly reformed and placed upon a sound and efficient

footing, the future management of them on the lines laid down will, as

heretofore, have to be carried on by the local executive authorities."

After alluding to some contemplated reforms in the Civil Service of the

province, the Dewan concluded his able address by alluding to the

apprehensions of famine which had been consequent on the failure of the

rains, and congratulating the members on the fact that owing to good rain

having fallen only a fortnight ago, the threatened danger had now passed

away.

After the conclusion of the Dewan's address I then rose, and, as chairman

of the preliminary meetings of representatives, alluded to the subject of

the organization of committees which we desired to carry into effect, and

urged that, as far as possible, members should avoid going into petty

local grievances, and devote their attention to those large general

questions which affect the whole province. After I had sat down a

translation of the Dewan's address was then delivered in Kanarese, for the

benefit of the representatives who did not understand English, and the

Assembly afterwards adjourned till the following morning.

After the Assembly had adjourned the members of the central committee met

in a private room, and we agreed on the terms of the address to the

Maharajah. Then we returned to the Hall, as it had been thought advisable

to take up several matters which had not been discussed at our first

preliminary meeting, and it was again proposed that I should take the

chair. The first proposal made was that members, instead of being annually

elected to the Assembly, should be elected for three years, and this was

unanimously carried. A leading native member next rose and proposed that

no girl under ten years of age should be given in marriage. Then ensued a

scene of excitement that baffles description. The representatives who, the

moment before, had been quite calm and collected, and who looked so

passive that it seemed that nothing could have aroused them from a

condition of profound composure, became suddenly electrified. A burst of

tongues arose simultaneously all over the Assembly. Several members got up

and tried to speak at once, and one of these (I think I see him now), a

tall, stout, elderly man with a voice of thunder, and his appearance much

accentuated by an enormous bamboo pen which he had thrust behind his ear,

entered into an altercation with the proposer of the motion. I had no

president's bell, and if I had had one I am sure I might have rung it in

vain, and I thought it best to sit still for a little time, and let the

representatives liberate their minds. Presently, and the moment I saw the

first signs of an abatement of the excitement, I rose, and, with a slight

signal of my hand quieted the audience, and observed that, as this was a

subject as to which there was evidently much difference of opinion, and as

it was very desirable that, as regards the measures proposed at our

preliminary meetings,[13] there should be a complete unanimity of opinion,

I begged leave to suggest to the meeting that the subject might be

adjourned, and, if desired, brought up at the next day's meeting of the

full Assembly. This was agreed to, and a member then proposed that two

seers of grain (about equal to four lbs.) should be contributed yearly by

each ryot, and stored up in a public granary against times of famine.

This, I confess, I thought, and still think, a sensible proposal, as, in

the first burst of a famine it is very desirable, till trade operations

from a distance get under weigh, that local supplies should exist, but,

after some discussion, I found that the proposal met with such small

approval, that I did not think of putting it to the meeting. It was next

proposed, and as can easily be imagined, carried unanimously, that where,

from the failure of the rains, there was absolutely no crop whatever, a

remission of the assessment should be granted. Finally it was agreed that,

at the opening of the Assembly on the following morning, I should bring up

and speak on all the points that had been agreed to at the meetings over

which I had presided, and the meeting broke up at three o'clock. After it

was over several of the representatives expressed to me their gratitude

for the interest I had shown in the affairs of Mysore, and from the

numerous evidences I subsequently had of the appreciation of the natives,

I felt most amply repaid for the trouble I had taken.

On the following morning, Friday, Oct. 16th, the Assembly met at eight

o'clock, and I was called on to proceed with my address as chairman of the

preliminary meetings, and though I spoke as briefly as possible on each of

the points which had been agreed to, my speech lasted for one hour and

twenty minutes. After it was over the Dewan asked if any member desired to

speak on any of the points I had brought forward, but no one rose to do

so, which was satisfactory evidence that complete unanimity had existed as

regards the various points, and that I had correctly conveyed the opinions

of the representatives. The Dewan then called upon each representative in

turn to state any grievances, or make known any wants which his

constituents had desired him to represent, and a great many local wants as

regards roads, hospitals, telegraphs, etc., were brought forward. The

subject that excited most interest, and afforded some amusement, was that

of the age at which girls should be given in marriage, which had been

brought forward at the meeting of the day previous. Some discussion ensued

regarding it, when it appeared that the point as to which the

representatives were really most concerned, was that of elderly men who

had no children marrying again and again with the hope of getting them,

regarding which one of the representatives said to me in conversation, "We

object to old fogies marrying young girls." The point was especially urged

by one member, who argued in the most serious manner that, if a man when

in the prime of life had no family there was little likelihood of success

when he was between sixty and seventy years of age. This remark was

received with general laughter, and shortly afterwards the Dewan made a

judicious reply on the whole question, and said that, in his opinion, the

interference of the Government was inadvisable, and that the question was

one that ought to be settled by the people consulting privately on the

subject. Then the Assembly turned to other matters, and finally adjourned

at midday.

I may here mention that I subsequently had some conversation with natives

regarding the marriage question, especially as to the age for

consummation, when I found that the pressure of public opinion, and the

various discussions on the subject, which had appeared in the newspapers,

had already produced a considerable effect in delaying the time for

married girls leaving the paternal roof to join their husbands.

It may perhaps be not uninteresting to mention too that, on the afternoon

of the day on which I made my speech I fell in with two native gentlemen

who spoke to me about it. What I found had been particularly appreciated

(and very naturally so as water is of such vital importance in India), was

the firm protest I had made against the Supreme Government restricting the

Mysoreans as to the use, for irrigation, of the waters of Mysore on the

ground that a more extended use of them would lessen the supply to the

adjacent British territory. In the course of my speech, I made a very

telling point by supposing, for the sake of argument, that Mysore had, as

had been originally proposed, been annexed, and made an integral part of

the Madras Presidency. In that case, I asked, would the Government have

limited the supply of the water to the Mysore part of the presidency in

order to improve the more distant irrigated tracts in other parts of

British territory? I then argued that the British Government would

certainly not have done so, seeing that, to have so acted would have

diminished the means available for contending with famine, for, as I

fully urged, it is perfectly well known that the further the water travels

the greater is the waste from percolation and evaporation, and the smaller

the amount of land it can irrigate. If, then, the British Government would

not have so acted had Mysore been annexed, what right, I asked, had it to

interfere with Mysore regarding the use of its waters, and thereby to

increase the risks of famine in that country? It was no wonder, I

continued, that an English officer in the Mysore service had been heard to

say that he supposed Mysore would not be allowed to plant a tree, in case

it might precipitate some moisture that might otherwise pass over into

British territory.

I may here mention another remark which the above mentioned native

gentleman made as regards my speech. "It was not so much the speech as the

sense of fairness, and frankness, and sincerity which you showed that

impressed us." This remark showed, as I have often found, that the common

idea of natives always having recourse to flattery is a mistaken one, and

it was rather interesting to find the ideas of ancient times repeated by

one who could have heard hardly anything in the way of public speaking.

The reader may remember how Quinctilian in effect said that there is no

instrument of persuasion more powerful than an opinion of probity and

honour in the person who undertakes to persuade, and how it has been

pointed out that the powerful effect caused by the speaking of Pericles

really lay in the confidence which the people reposed in his integrity.

But it is time now to turn to the proceedings of the Assembly, which had

been adjourned to Saturday, October 17th.

On that day, then, we met at 8 a.m., and it was proposed by one of the

representatives that the collection of the land revenues should in future

be postponed till after the harvest, as the present times of collection

were inconvenient to the cultivators and often compelled them to borrow

money, or mortgage their crops in order to find money to meet the

Government demands. The change asked for was warmly urged by the speaker,

who gave very convincing reasons, which I have no space to repeat here, in

favour of the proposed alteration. After this speech was over the Dewan

turned to the head revenue officer and consulted him, and also two English

officials of great experience. I did not look at my watch, but I am sure

the consultation did not last five minutes. The Dewan then turned to the

Assembly and said, "This proposal is granted," and the decision was

received with loud applause. The chief revenue and settlement officer

afterwards told me that this was the most important point ever gained by

the Assembly.

I may pause here to remark that what I saw and heard at the Assembly,

combined with what I previously knew of the Mysore Government, satisfied

me that a more perfect form of government does not exist in the world.

Here, as we have just seen, was a most important measure gained for the

country after what was really a very short consultative meeting between

the ruler and the ruled. The ruler--in other words the Dewan--was sitting

like a judge on the bench, patiently listening to and taking notes of the

various wants of the people as the representatives came

forward--occasionally consulting with his officials--granting some things,

absolutely refusing others, and announcing sometimes that the subject

brought forward would be taken into consideration, while the

representatives seemed to be perfectly satisfied that the ruler would

willingly do, and was willingly doing, the best he could for the common

interest. I may mention that I was particularly struck with the dignified,

gentlemanly and friendly manner of the Dewan when consulting his English

officials, and there was evidently a mutual appreciation existing, which I

had afterwards distinct knowledge of when I subsequently heard some of

these officials alluding, in private conversation, to the Dewan. I have a

great dislike to the idea of being thought guilty of flattery, but I

cannot refrain from recording the remarkable fact that (and how rarely can

this be said of any public man), while I have heard much in favour of the

Dewan, I have never heard a single deprecatory remark made concerning his

administration of the province, either by natives or Europeans. Mysore is

indeed extremely fortunate in having such a man as Mr. Sheshadri Iyer,

since made Sir K. Sheshadri Iyer, K.C.I.E., at the head of affairs. He has

already been granted an extension of the usual period of office (five

years), and it is to be hoped that the very doubtful practice of selecting

a new man for this important office, even though there may be a valuable

one at the helm, may be put aside for at least some years more.

The Assembly sat on the two following days, and was concluded by the

presentation of an address to the Maharajah, thanking His Highness for

having instituted an elected Assembly, and praying that the various wants

brought forward might meet with favourable consideration. In all, the

Assembly, inclusive of the preliminary meetings of the representatives,

sat for eight days, and though there was much earnestness in discussion,

and much difference of opinion, not a single case of an exhibition of ill

feeling occurred, with the exception, as we have seen, of the occasion

when the marriage question was brought forward, though that may be called

an exhibition of warm and excited feeling rather than ill feeling.

As the reader will remember, the representatives have no power whatever,

except, and a very important exception it of course is, of ventilating in

public, and in the presence of the Dewan and the leading officers of

State, whatever grievances and wants they may desire to call attention to,

and the machinery for this ventilation is now so complete that the

requirements even of those inhabiting the most inaccessible corners of

the province can be readily made known to the Government. And now this

question naturally arises. When, if ever, is it probable that this

Assembly will demand for itself some direct power of controlling, or

directing the Government? As far as I could see at the time, or can see

now, the Assembly is never likely to ask for any power whatever, and I

confess that I was much struck with the fact that, though I had many

private conversations relating to the Assembly, both with natives and

Europeans, I never expressed myself, nor did I ever hear anyone express, a

desire that the Assembly should have any power. But after a little

reflection, the explanation of the absence of any such demand seems to be

extremely obvious, for if we look into the history of all parliamentary

institutions such as we have, we shall find that they have arisen

primarily from misgovernment, and I say primarily because such

institutions in the United States and in our colonies are merely

inheritances from the forefathers of the English founders of these

countries. The insuperable difficulty, then, in the way of those who

desire to create parliamentary institutions in India is, that there is no

misgovernment on which to start them, and that is why the Indian National

(so called, for there is nothing really national about it) Congress have

found it advisable, as a preliminary step, to try and persuade the people,

with the aid of lying and seditious pamphlets, that they are misgoverned.

If indeed I were the absolute monarch of Mysore I could certainly, I feel

sure, create Parliamentary Institutions, but only in one way that I can

think of. I should misgovern the country and worry and oppress the people,

and at the same time keep the Assembly going, and after a time I should

thus create a desire on the part of the representatives to have some means

of keeping me in check. But at present there is no one to keep in check.

The Government is really too good for the creation of any desire for

change. For the ruler of Mysore is not only desirous of meeting the people

half way, but even of anticipating their wants, and the people have a

ready means of making their wants known. And, when making known these

wants, their representatives are not only free from the expense and

annoyances to which Members of Parliament are exposed, but have a most

enjoyable time of it as well, for the Assembly is held at the time of the

great annual festival of the Dassara, when there are wonderfully

picturesque processions, illuminations, and displays of fireworks. In

fact, were it not for these attractions, I feel sure that it would be a

difficult matter to get the representatives together, because, though they

are of course easily able to find many wants, there are no grievances so

real as to make the people generally take much, or indeed any, interest in

the proceedings of the Assembly, and in this connection I may mention the

following confirmatory facts.

On the morning following the breaking up of the Assembly I left Mysore to

make a tour in Coorg to visit the plantations in that district, and drove

first of all sixteen miles to breakfast at a Travellers' Bungalow on the

main road. While breakfast was being prepared I went for a stroll, and

fell into conversation with the first native I met, who, I found, was,

with the aid of a number of labourers, working a plantation of palms and

fruit-trees at a short distance from the bungalow. I expressed a wish to

see the plantation, and, when on our way there, told him that I had just

been attending the Representative Assembly at Mysore. Just imagine my

feelings, when he told me that he had never heard of it, nor indeed when

he did hear of it did he ask me a single question about it. And yet we

were only sixteen miles from the capital, and on one of the main roads of

the province. He was, too, a man of fair intelligence and, though we

conversed in Kanarese, he told me that he knew some English, which proved

that he was a man of a certain degree of education. On my return to my

estates I found that, though the natives had heard of the Assembly

(probably because the native representative lived within a few miles of my

house), no one seemed to take any interest in its proceedings, and I do

not remember having been asked a single question with reference to it. The

explanation, of course, of this state of things is that the people are

perfectly contented, and satisfied with the steady progress they see going

on around them. There is therefore no demand[14] for representative

institutions, or the acquisition of power by the people, for while they

see abundant signs of progress, there is no oppression, and therefore

there are no real grievances. But, though there is no such demand, I must

caution the reader against supposing that I do not attach much importance

to the Assembly as a highly valuable means of bringing the people and

their rulers into friendly touch with each other, and as a most useful

means of inter-communication regarding every fact that it is important for

the ruler and the ruled to know. Such an assembly is indeed of the highest

value, and I have no doubt that a similar kind of assembly would be

valuable in many parts of India. And such assemblies will in the future be

far more necessary and valuable than such institutions would have been in

the past, because, in former times, the rulers, not being nearly so much

burdened with office and desk-work as they now are, had far more leisure

time to mix with the people, and hear from them the expression of their

wants or grievances.

I have alluded previously to the lying and seditious pamphlets which have

been circulated by the so-called Indian National Congress (and I say

so-called because, as we shall see, there is really nothing national about

it), and allude to them again partly in order to point out that they are a

most cheering evidence of the universal good government in India, because,

had it been really ill governed, there would have been no occasion to

issue the pamphlets in question. The fact is, that the agitators of the

Congress found it necessary to create a case as a ground-work for

demanding representative institutions for India, and began by imitating

the action of the Irish agitators. And here, for the benefit of those who

have not had time to study Indian affairs, it may be as well to give a

brief description of the Indian Congress, more especially as those who

know but very little of India may confound it with the kind of assembly we

have in Mysore, and which I have suggested for adoption in other parts of

India.

When I was passing through Poona in the year 1879, I was called upon by

seven leading members of the native community who knew of the interest I

had taken in Indian affairs, and in the course of our conversation they

made some remarks on the desire of the educated natives for some share of

political power. I then explained to them that, as it was clear that India

was entirely unfit for representative institutions, the only result would

be that power would be transferred from a limited class of Englishmen to a

very limited class of natives, which would be of no advantage to the

country whatever. My remarks were followed by a dead silence which was

broken by one of them saying, in a desponding tone, "you have educated us,

and you have made us discontented accordingly," thus illustrating very

forcibly what I suppose Solomon meant when he said, "He that increaseth

knowledge increaseth sorrow." But, however that may be, the utterance of

the native in question explains the origin of the Indian Congress which

was started in 1885 by a small number of the educated classes who began to

climb the political tree with considerable vigour, illustrating as they

did so the native proverb which tells us that "The higher the monkey

climbs the more he shows his tail." And, in fact, the members of the

Congress showed theirs so completely when they climbed to the top of their

political tree at Madras in 1887, that their proceedings would be hardly

worth noticing were it not that they might be the means of prejudicing the

proper claims of the natives to consultative assemblies like the one we

have in Mysore. With people less advanced as regards common sense than the

natives of India, and also less suspicious of the educated classes, the

Congress wallahs, as they are sometimes called, might have done some

mischief, but the only harm they have really done, and I consider it no

small harm, is to lower the educated natives in general in the ideas of

those who have not had an opportunity of knowing the best of them, and so

appreciating their admirable abilities and calm common sense. For when the

public knows, as all those who have paid any attention to the subject do

know, that the members of the Congress are now selling pamphlets which are

intended to bring the Queen's Government into hatred and contempt, its

opinion of the educated natives of India is not likely to be a high one.

And in order to make quite sure that the Congress is still selling the

pamphlets in question, I suggested to the secretary of the Athenæum in

June, 1892, to purchase for the library of that club (and he accordingly

did so), from the Indian Congress office in London, a copy of the Congress

proceedings with which the pamphlets in question are bound up. And it may

not be uninteresting to note here that Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, M.P., as a

leading member of the Congress, is therefore one of the sellers of the

pamphlets. It is, however, only fair to add, as an excuse for Mr.

Dadabhai Naoroji and his misguided associates, that they have, after all,

only followed on the track of the Irish agitators, and no doubt consider

that the preaching of sedition against the Government to whom they owe so

much is the proper course to pursue when aiming at political power. And as

an extenuation of their action it should also be considered that the

members of the Congress, who at first were acting in a perfectly

legitimate manner, eventually fell under the guidance of a retired member

of the Indian Civil Service--a certain Mr. Hume--who seems to have lodged

some of his own extravagant ideas in the heads of the raw and

inexperienced members of the Congress, and who is supposed to be the

author of the seditious pamphlets. And now let me give a brief account of

the Congress, and its aims and views.

The first Congress, which met in Bombay in December, 1885, consisted of

seventy-eight persons, who came from twenty-five places. They were neither

elected nor delegated, and how they came together does not appear in the

published proceedings of the Congress. The principal resolution passed on

the occasion related to the reforms of the various Indian Councils.

The second Congress, which was composed of 440 persons, who were partly

elected and partly delegated, and of persons who could produce no evidence

of being one or the other, met in Calcutta in December, 1886, and (p. 10

of Report of 1887) "passed a series of resolutions of the highest

importance," which is undoubtedly true, as the result of them would, if

carried into effect, practically be to substitute the rule of the Congress

for that of the Queen. This change was proposed to be effected by

reconstituting the Provincial, Legislative, and Governor-General's

Council, enlarging them, and giving "not less than one half" (p. 217 of

Report of 1887) of the seats to members elected through the agency of the

Congress. This proposed measure was justly considered by the delegates to

be the key of the position, as we shall more fully see when we come to the

consideration of the proceedings of the next Congress.

This, the third Congress, met at Madras in December, 1887, when 604

delegates (a large number of whom were lawyers and newspaper editors), who

"were appointed either at open public meetings or by a political or trade

association," assembled and passed no less than eleven resolutions. The

second, fifth and eighth of these are worthy of notice, as also are the

seditious political pamphlets previously alluded to, which, for convenient

reference, are bound up with the report of the proceedings.

The second resolution (p. 82 of Report of 1887) reaffirms the resolutions

of the two previous Congresses, which demand the expansion and reforms of

the various Indian Councils. Here the first speaker (p. 83) was a Mr.

Bannerjee, a newspaper editor, who in his introductory remarks in support

of the resolution assured the delegates that "the dream of ages is about

to be realized." We are not the legislators of the country, he further on

remarks, "though we hope to be so some day when the Councils are

reconstituted," and eloquent was the language of the speaker when he

subsequently dwelt on the fact that the power of making the laws would at

once give them every reform they could desire. Mr. Bannerjee was succeeded

by other native speakers, who dwelt warmly upon the advantages of

representative institutions, and these were followed by Mr. Norton,

Coroner of Madras, who most highly extolled the resolution. "That," he

said, "is the key of all your future triumph" (p. 90), and further on in

his speech he urges them to persevere up to the day "when you shall place

your hand upon the purse strings of the country and the government," for,

he continued, "once you control the finances, you will taste the true

meaning of power and freedom."

And here, after all the talk about the value of representative

institutions, and just as the Congress seemed to be on the verge of

recommending parliamentary institutions such as we have, the members

suddenly wheeled about and practically declared that India was unfit for

them by deciding (p. 91) that, as the rural districts might not elect

suitable members, the so-called representatives of the people were to be

nominated by an electoral college, which was to be composed of members

sent up from the various district and municipal boards, chambers of

commerce, and universities. The power of election was thus to be

conferred, to use Mr. Norton's words, on "a body of men who would

practically represent the flower of the educated inhabitants." These views

were much applauded by the delegates, who thus ratified the system of

nominating the so-called representatives, and which system, I may add, is

carefully laid down in Clause 2 of Resolution IV. of 1886 (p. 217). Having

thus most practically declared that India is quite unfit for

representative institutions in the ordinary sense of the word, Mr. Norton

proceeded to point out that, as the desired power for reconstituting the

government is not likely to be obtained in India, they must work on the

people of England, who at present believe, he says (p. 92), that the

Indian Government is "being beneficiently carried on." "You must disturb

that belief," he continued. In other words, he might have said, you must

do what the Parnellites did, or attempted to do, in England. And

accordingly the Congress wirepullers have set up an agency in London, and

have posted placards purporting to be an appeal from 200 millions of India

to the people of England.

But after all, the desired majority in the Indian Councils, which the

delegates rightly declared to be the key of the whole position, would be

insufficiently supported without an army and an armed population at the

back of it, and all in sympathy with the native soldiers in the English

service. These wants, however, are carefully attended to in Resolutions 5

and 8, which we will now briefly glance at.

Read by itself, the Fifth Resolution seems to be harmless, and even

laudable, for it expresses a desire (p. 123) for "A system of volunteering

for the Indian inhabitants of the country such as may qualify them to

support the Government in a crisis." But the writer of the introductory

article to the Report (p. 48) shows the great value the force would be in

bringing pressure to bear on the Government, and points out that, with

250,000 native volunteers, with many times that number trained in previous

years, and backed by the whole country, and with all the native troops (p.

49) more in sympathy with their fellow-countrymen than with the English,

the present system of government would be impossible. And it is further

pointed out in the introductory article that "This means a revolution--a

noiseless bloodless revolution--but none the less a complete revolution."

Then the writer reckons that these volunteers "will be backed by the whole

country," and this naturally leads to the consideration of the Eighth

Resolution, for the backing would obviously be of much greater value were

the whole population armed.

This Resolution (p. 147) demands the repeal of the Arms Act on account of

the "hardship it causes, and the unmerited slur which it casts on the

people of this country." Now as any respectable person can obtain a

license to carry firearms for under 4s., and as cultivators are granted

licenses gratis in order that they may, free of all charge, defend

themselves and their crops from wild animals, and as we know further from

the great number of licenses granted that there can be no difficulty in

obtaining them, it is evident that there can be no hardship in connection

with this Act--a conclusion which is further confirmed by the fact that,

in consequence of the number of guns in the hands of natives, wild animals

are becoming rarer, and, as I can personally testify, have in many cases

been almost completely exterminated. And if we consider further that the

necessity for taking out a license in India can inflict no greater slur

than is cast on the English in England by their having to take out gun

licenses, it is evident that the vehemently expressed desire for the

repeal of this Act is only explicable when read along with the previously

quoted remarks with reference to the native volunteering and the armed

population in sympathy with them at their back, and with the detonating

matter which appears in those seditious pamphlets to which I shall now

briefly refer.

These pamphlets, or rather translations of them, are printed at the close

of the Report of 1887, and complete our view of the situation, which may

be shortly described by saying that, while the delegates in the van

deliver speeches for English consumption full of expressions of loyalty

and praises of our rule, the wirepullers in the rear are distributing

pamphlets amongst the people in which all expressions of loyalty are

absent, while all the evils the people suffer from are attributed to our

Government, and the Queen's English officials are held up to execration as

types of everything that is at once brutal and tyrannical. The second

pamphlet gives us a dialogue between a native barrister, and a farmer

called Rambaksh, and between them as much evil is said of us and our rule

as can well be packed into so short a space. As an instance of the way in

which the English officials ill-treat the natives, Rambaksh declares that

because on one occasion he had not furnished enough grass for the horses

of the collector--Mr. Zabardust (literally a brutal and overbearing

tyrant), he had been struck by the Sahib over the face and mouth, and that

by his orders he (Rambaksh) had been "dragged away and flogged till he

became insensible. It was months before he could walk" (p. 209 of Report).

Then the India of the present is contrasted with what India would be if it

were under the rule of the Congress, and an allegorical comparison is made

between the village of Kambaktpur (the abode of misery) and that of

Shamshpur (the abode of joy). The moral is that British rule, which is

typified by the former, is making the people poorer and poorer, that

through it land is going out of cultivation, that oxen for the plough are

becoming scarce, that the villages are going to ruin, and that nothing

nourishes except the liquor shops in which the Government encourages

drinking, while the very irrigation works we are providing as a protection

against famine are described as an evil, and a mere pretext for extorting

more money from the people. The village of Shamshpur (the abode of joy),

on the other hand, is described in glowing colours, and we need hardly say

is the home of the institutions to be introduced by the Congress. The only

conclusion to be drawn from all this by the masses of India is, that the

sooner they rebel against the existing rule, and substitute for it the

rule of the Congress, the sooner will they leave the abode of misery, and

enter the abode of joy, where all the delights to be provided by the

Congress will be theirs. The imaginary dialogue concludes (p. 214) with a

demand for money to carry on the work, and the barrister suggests to the

farmer various injurious means for the collection, which Rambaksh promises

to carry out. He then tenders payment of some fees previously owing to the

barrister, who indeed receives the money, but magnanimously declares his

intention of enrolling Rambaksh as a member of the association, and paying

in the fees as a contribution from Rambaksh. "Blessed are the earnings of

the virtuous which go to the service of God," said the barrister, and with

this pious utterance the dialogue closes.

With the aid of these pamphlets in dialogue form, it appears, from the

statement in the introductory article of the Report, that the emissaries

of this Indian League have been gathering in money from the poorest

classes in India, down even to coolies. No less than 5,500 rupees, it

appears (p. 11), were collected from 8,000 persons, in sums varying from 1

anna to 1 rupee 8 annas, and some 8,000 rupees were contributed in sums of

from 1 rupee 8 annas to 30 rupees. But it is unnecessary to pursue further

the work of the Congress, and it is sufficient to say that its proceedings

were lately brought before the House of Commons, and that the action of

Mr. Hume, in writing and publishing a kind of proclamation of a most

objectionable character in connection with the Congress, was denounced in

the House of Commons in strong terms. It is time, however, to close these

brief remarks on the Indian Congress. It still exists, but in a

languishing form, and will probably gradually disappear. It has sought to

bring the Queen's Government into hatred and contempt. The only effect it

has had is to bring the educated classes of India into ridicule and

contempt in the minds of those who are imperfectly acquainted with them,

and perhaps to delay the extension of those Representative Assemblies

which are so well suited to the requirements of the inhabitants of India,

and the value of which I trust I have sufficiently shown.

Since this chapter was written I have met with a passage in one of the

speeches of a member of the Congress which is highly creditable to the

candour of the Congressionists, and which proves that we are quite right

in keeping in our own hands all, or nearly all, important executive and

governing power. The passage occurs in the Fourth Report of the Indian

National Congress (p. 49), and one of the members said on this occasion:

"But it is a fact, which no one present will call in question, that what

preponderates in the national character is quiescence or passivity, the

active virtues being thrown into the background, or remaining in a state

of dormancy." And further on the speaker says, "The virtues we are sadly

deficient in are courage, enterprise, the will to do and the heart to do."

(Cheers.)

These remarks, which were received with assenting cheers, should be read

in connection with those made on the Queen's Proclamation in the earlier

pages of this chapter.

I may observe finally that if the above-mentioned qualities are, as the

native speaker complains, deficient, it is simply because the climate of

India is not favourable to their production. As an Indian gentleman once

said to me in London, "Here I am glad to go out for a walk. In Madras I

find it an exertion to walk across a room." That explains our presence in

India, and the necessity for keeping all important active work in our own

hands. The natives are not at all to blame for being deficient in the

active virtues. We ourselves, our bull-dogs, and our vegetables would

alike decline without constant renewal by fresh importations from England.

FOOTNOTES:

[11] The landed qualification varies from 100 rupees to 300 rupees, and

the house and shop qualification from 13 rupees to 18 rupees. This

arrangement has evidently been made to suit the wealth or poverty of

particular parts of the country. This seems to be rather an inconvenient

system, and it is difficult to see why the lower rates of qualification

should not be made universal.

[12] For all practical spending purposes in India the rupee may be

reckoned at par. It is only when it requires to be turned into gold for

the purchase of articles in England that its gold value must be taken into

account.

[13] The meeting now held was, I am aware, quite out of order, but as the

Assembly had taken a new departure some laxness was permissible at first.

[14] On looking at the Government Report of the proceedings of the

Assembly for 1891 (which I may observe was not published till the year

following), I find that, though 340 members were elected, only 262

attended. No less than seventy-eight members failed to put in an

appearance, and the only probable explanation of this that I can give is

that these members felt that they had nothing in particular to represent

to the Government, and therefore thought that they might much better

remain at home.