STAR ROUTE AND POLITICS.*

[* Col. Ingersoll entertains very pronounced ideas

concerning President Arthur, Attorney-General Brewster and

divers other people, which will be found presented herewith

in characteristically piquant style. With his family, the

eloquent advocate has a cottage here, and finds brain and

body rest and refreshment in the tumbling waves. This noon,

in the height of a tremendous thunder storm, I bumped

against his burly figure in the roaring crest, and, after

the first shock had passed, determined to utilize the

providential coincidence. The water was warm, our clothes

were in the bathing houses, and comfort was more certain

where we were than anywhere else. The Colonel is an expert

swimmer and as a floater he cannot be beaten. He was

floating when we bumped. Spouting a pint of salt water from

his mouth, he nearly choked with laughter as in answer to my

question he said:]

No, I do not believe there will be any more Star Route trials.

There is so much talk about the last one, there will not be time

for another.

_Question_. Did you anticipate a verdict?

_Answer_. I did anticipate a verdict, and one of acquittal. I

knew that the defendants were entitled to such a verdict. I knew

that the Government had signally failed to prove a case. There

was nothing but suspicion, from which malice was inferred. The

direct proof was utterly unworthy of belief. The direct witness

was caught with letters he had forged. This one fact was enough

to cover the prosecution with confusion. The fact that Rerdell

sat with the other defendants and reported to the Government from

day to day satisfied the jury as to the value of his testimony,

and the animus of the Department of Justice. Besides, Rerdell had

offered to challenge such jurors as the Government might select.

He handed counsel for defendants a list of four names that he wanted

challenged. At that time it was supposed that each defendant would

be allowed to challenge four jurors. Afterward the Court decided

that all the defendants must be considered as one party and had

the right to challenge four and no more. Of the four names on

Rerdell's list the Government challenged three and Rerdell tried

to challenge the other. This was what is called a coincidence.

Another thing had great influence with the jury--the evidence of

the defendants was upon all material points so candid and so natural,

so devoid of all coloring, that the jury could not help believing.

If the people knew the evidence they would agree with the jury.

When we remember that there were over ten thousand star routes, it

is not to be wondered at that some mistakes were made--that in some

instances too much was paid and in others too little.

_Question_. What has been the attitude of President Arthur?

_Answer_. We asked nothing from the President. We wanted no help

from him. We expected that he would take no part--that he would

simply allow the matter to be settled by the court in the usual

way. I think that he made one very serious mistake. He removed

officers on false charges without giving them a hearing. He deposed

Marshal Henry because somebody said that he was the friend of the

defendants. Henry was a good officer and an honest man. The

President removed Ainger for the same reason. This was a mistake.

Ainger should have been heard. There is always time to do justice.

No day is too short for justice, and eternity is not long enough

to commit a wrong. It was thought that the community could be

terrorized:--

_First_. The President dismissed Henry and Ainger.

_Second_. The Attorney-General wrote a letter denouncing the

defendants as thieves and robbers.

_Third_. Other letters from Bliss and MacVeagh were published.

_Fourth_. Dixon, the foreman of the first jury, was indicted.

_Fifth_. Members of the first jury voting "guilty" were in various

ways rewarded.

_Sixth_. Bargains were made with Boone and Rerdell. The cases

against Boone were to be dismissed and Rerdell was promised immunity.

Under these circumstances the second trial commenced. But of all

the people in this country the citizens of Washington care least

for Presidents and members of the Cabinets. They know what these

officers are made of. They know that they are simply folks--that

they do not hold office forever--that the Jupiters of to-day are

often the pygmies of to-morrow. They have seen too many people

come in with trumpets and flags and go out with hisses and rags to

be overawed by the deities of a day. They have seen Lincoln and

they are not to be frightened by his successors. Arthur took part

to the extent of turning out men suspected of being friendly to

the defence. Arthur was in a difficult place. He was understood

to be the friend of Dorsey and, of course, had to do something.

Nothing is more dangerous than a friend in power. He is obliged

to show that he is impartial, and it always takes a good deal of

injustice to establish a reputation for fairness.

_Question_. Was there any ground to expect aid or any different

action on Arthur's part?

_Answer_. All we expected was that Arthur would do as the soldier

wanted the Lord to do at New Orleans--"Just take neither side."

_Question_. Why did not Brewster speak?

_Answer_. The Court would not allow two closings. The Attorney-

General did not care to speak in the "middle." He wished to close,

and as he could not do that without putting Mr. Merrick out, he

concluded to remain silent. The defendants had no objection to

his speaking, but they objected to two closing arguments for the

Government, and the Court decided they were right. Of course, I

understand nothing about the way in which the attorneys for the

prosecution arranged their difficulties. That was nothing to me;

neither do I care what money they received--all that is for the

next Congress. It is not for me to speak of those questions.

_Question_. Will there be other trials?

_Answer_. I think not. It does not seem likely that other attorneys

will want to try, and the old ones have. My opinion is that we

have had the last of the Star Route trials. It was claimed that

the one tried was the strongest. If this is so the rest had better

be dismissed. I think the people are tired of the whole business.

It now seems probable that all the time for the next few years will

be taken up in telling about the case that was tried. I see that

Cook is telling about MacVeagh and James and Brewster and Bliss;

Walsh is giving his opinion of Kellogg and Foster; Bliss is saying

a few words about Cook and Gibson; Brewster is telling what Bliss

told him; Gibson will have his say about Garfield and MacVeagh,

and it now seems probable that we shall get the bottom facts about

the other jury--the actions of Messrs. Hoover, Bowen, Brewster

Cameron and others. Personally I have no interest in the business.

_Question_. How does the next campaign look?

_Answer_. The Republicans are making all the mistakes they can,

and the only question now is, Can the Democrats make more? The

tariff will be one of the great questions, and may be the only one

except success. The Democrats are on both sides of the question.

They hate to give up the word "only." Only for that word they

might have succeeded in 1880. If they can let "only" alone, and

say they want "a tariff for revenue" they will do better. The fact

is the people are not in favor of free trade, neither do they want

a tariff high enough to crush a class, but they do want a tariff

to raise a revenue and to protect our industries. I am for protection

because it diversifies industries and develops brain--allows us to

utilize all the muscle and brain we have. A party attacking the

manufacturing interests of this country will fail. There are too

many millions of dollars invested and too many millions of people

interested. The country is becoming alike interested in this

question. We are no longer divided, as in slavery times, into

manufacturing and agricultural districts or sections. Georgia,

Alabama, Tennessee, Louisiana and Texas have manufacturing interests.

And the Western States believe in the protection of their industries.

The American people have a genius for manufacturing, a genius for

invention. We are not the greatest painters or sculptors or

scientists, but we are without doubt the greatest inventors. If

we were all engaged in one business we would become stupid.

Agricultural countries produce great wealth, but are never rich.

To get rich it is necessary to mix thought with labor. To raise

the raw material is a question of strength; to manufacture, to put

it in useful and beautiful forms, is a question of mind. There is

a vast difference between the value of, say, a milestone and a

statue, and yet the labor expended in getting the raw material is

about the same. The point, after all, is this: First, we must

have revenue; second, shall we get this by direct taxation or shall

we tax imports and at the same time protect American labor? The

party that advocates reasonable protection will succeed.*

[* At this point, with far away peals of thunder, the storm

ceased, the sun reappeared and a vault of heavenly blue

swung overhead. "Let us get out," said Colonel Ingersoll.

Suiting the action to the word, the Colonel struck out

lustily for the beach, on which, hard as a rock and firm as

flint, he soon planted his sturdy form. And as he lumbered

across the sand to the side door of his comfortable cottage,

some three hundred feet from the surf, the necessarily

suggested contrast between Ingersoll in court and Ingersoll

in soaked flannels was illustrated with forcible comicality.

Half an hour later he was found in the cozy library puffing

a high flavored Havana, and listening to home-made music of

delicious quality. Ingersoll at home is pleasant to

contemplate. His sense of personal freedom is there aptly

pictured. Loving wife and affectionate daughters form, with

happy-faced and genial-hearted father, a model circle into

which friends deem it a privilege to enter and a pleasure to

remain.

The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. 08 (of 12) Dresden Edition—Interviews · 第 35 / 144 题