CHAPTER III

FAMILY LIFE--MARRIAGE AND THE BIRTH-RATE

For an English resident in France to become an intimate in the home of

a French family is a rare enough occurrence, and for a visitor to

attempt to discover anything as to French family life first hand is

generally a quest doomed to failure. In the vast mass of the middle

classes the habit of mind is to remain as far as possible on the

estate of one's ancestors or in the place in which one is known. There

is no wish to live in foreign lands; those who are obliged to do so

are pitied, and foreigners who come to take up permanent residence in

France are in most instances regarded as people who, for some

regrettable reason, are obliged to live outside their native land.

This idea prevents the foreigner from receiving a cordial welcome, and

he generally labels the people of his adopted land as inhospitable.

On the other hand, it must be remembered that Belgians and Italians

belonging to a common stock are assimilated with extreme rapidity into

the great body of the nation.

The hospitality of the average French household of the middle classes

is, owing to the need for great thrift, narrowed down to the

necessarily limited circle of the family. No sooner is the aforetime

stranger joined to a family by the tie of marriage than the doors of

the homes of all the relations are thrown wide open to receive him. It

is this custom which makes it so essential for the prospective

parents-in-law to ascertain the antecedents, the status, and financial

prospects of a proposed husband for their daughter. Should some

disaster, monetary or otherwise, fall upon this new addition of the

family, the blow is inflicted upon all the members and all the

branches of that circle. Similar enquiries are put on foot by the

parents of a son who is intending to ally himself to another family.

[Illustration: IN THE PLACE DU THEATRE FRANCAIS, PARIS.]

Wherever the family tie is given undue importance there is inevitably

less willingness to entertain the stranger and to take the risks this

wider sociality involves. So English people, with Paris (which they

do not really know) as the basis of their observations, are too ready

to state with confidence that there is no real home life in France. It

may be that there is less in the capital than in the rest of the

country, but Paris is the least French portion of France. The English,

or more accurately the British, quarter of Paris remains outside the

closely guarded circles of Parisian family life, and large sections of

the city live in water-tight compartments even as they do in London.

What does the average middle-class family know of the French residents

in London? Probably the number of those of the upper classes who are

closely in touch with French residents of their own social rank is

very small, and the humble French population of Soho and Pimlico live

their hard-working lives almost as detached from the rest of the city

as though they were on the other side of the Channel.

One of the most marked differences between the Anglo-Saxon and the

French home is the fact that in the latter the place of the housemaid

is to a very great extent taken by men. The sterner sex dust and sweep

and polish as a matter of course. There is little restriction on the

amount of noise made by the servants, male and female, while they are

about their work. It is quite usual to hear them laughing, talking,

singing, and even shouting to one another, where in an English

household there would scarcely be a sound above the quietest

conversation drowned by the noise of the broom.

The ordinary house of the middle classes does not enjoy that

periodical refurbishing and redecorating accepted as necessary north

of the Channel. With a wife as keen as himself on living well within

their joint income the French head of the family is not urged to put

aside a certain annual sum for new curtains, carpets, chair and sofa

covers, and such expensive items. The initial outlay on the home is

generally considered to be almost sufficient for a lifetime if care is

used in maintaining what has been purchased. It is not necessary to

have entered many French homes to become familiar with the typical

bedroom which is reflected faithfully enough in the average hotel. One

essential feature of a bedroom as the Anglo-Saxon knows it is alone

allowed to form a feature of the furnishing of the apartment. It is

the bed, draped as a rule with elaborate curtains and coverings and

surmounted by some form of canopy. A massive feather-bed-like

eiderdown, covering about one-half of the necessary area of the bed,

reposes at the foot and leaves those unfamiliar with these nightmare

pillows wondering if the people who use them are a practical race. The

dressing-table and washstand are generally hard to find. If there is a

_cabinet de toilette_, these essentials of a bedroom will be stowed

away in what is often a roomy cupboard, and where the feature does not

exist, both pieces of furniture will be so modest in dimensions and

sufficiently well disguised to be almost unrecognisable at a casual

glance. Conspicuously placed, however, will be an ample sofa and a

writing-table not necessarily provided with adequate writing

materials. Every effort is made to give the sleeping apartment as much

the atmosphere of a reception-room as sofas and chairs and an absence

of toilet appliances will allow, for when, right away in the fifteenth

century, it became the custom for the sovereign to hold audiences in

the bed-chamber the rest of French society imitated the royal example,

until it became an established usage in _bourgeois_ circles as much as

in those of the class which enjoyed the direct influence of court

fashions. Democratic and Republican France has swept away the whole

edifice of the monarchy, but unconsciously perpetuates in a most

remarkable fashion the weakness of a sovereign to carry on the

business of the day from his bed!

The average husband regards the _cabinet de toilette_ as the peculiar

possession of his wife, and would hesitate to enter that annexe to his

bedroom unbidden. Possibly to those who have been brought up with this

idea the English custom of providing a small dressing-room for the

husband and allowing _madame_ paramount rights over the whole bedroom

may seem unaccountably odd.

Formality is generally the prevailing note of the reception-rooms.

Comfortable chairs have only lately begun to make their appearance at

all, and as a rule the middle-class household maintains a traditional

severity in the arrangements of its drawing-room. Straight uninviting

chairs and an absence of any indications of books, magazines or

papers, or anything in the way of a needlework bag or a writing-table

that is in regular use, deprive the room of any home-like

individuality. The extreme economy exercised in the use of fuel makes

the unnecessary lighting of a fire a wanton extravagance. Commodities

in Paris cost double or even more than double what they do in the

British Isles, and in the country generally one-third more; the

salaries of the civil and military officials, who form such a big

section of the middle-class population, are considerably less than

those enjoyed in England, and the incomes of the professional classes

are as a rule smaller than those of the Englishman. Add to this the

abnormally high rents of Paris and it will be understood that in the

capital there is always need for the most rigid economy. _Madame_ must

keep a watchful eye on the household store of coal, not only to see

that it is not wasted in her own fires, but to make sure that

pilfering is not carried on by her servants. Where in England a fire

is kept quietly smouldering, it will be raked out in France and

relighted when required a few hours later. In this way a good deal of

hardihood in the endurance of cold is developed, and contrivances in

the way of stoves that burn fuel with extreme economy are much in use.

This restraint in coal consumption reduces the quantity of carbon

particles discharged into the atmosphere of French cities, and

accounts to a great extent for the clearer air the inhabitants enjoy,

at the same time keeping the annual bill for coal and wood down to

very modest proportions.

Economy must also be rigidly maintained in the purchase of food, and

this is generally accomplished by discreet buying in the markets. A

servant or a member of the household makes daily purchases in this

manner, and the middleman's profits on the chief part of the food

required are successfully avoided. In Paris the maid-of-all-work, who

is generally the only servant employed in a modest flat, makes these

daily purchases, out of which she obtains from those with whom she

deals a commission of a _sou_ in every _franc_ expended. This is a

universally recognised custom, but in addition there is a prevalent

but altogether reprehensible practice, known as _faire danser l'anse

du panier_. It is pure dishonesty, for the _bonne_ puts down in the

books a small overcharge on each item, and this with the market-man's

_sou du franc_ amounts to a considerable sum in the course of a year,

often nearly equal to her wage. It is an interesting fact that Breton

servants are generally quite guiltless of the overcharge system, for

the people of Brittany are of much the same stock as the Welsh,

concerning whom there is a proverb for which the writer fails to find

justification.

_Dejeuner_ at 11.30 or 12 and dinner at 6.30 or 7 are the two

essential meals of the day. Breakfast, served in the bedroom, consists

of coffee or chocolate and small crisply baked rolls with butter and

perhaps honey, while the Anglo-Saxon meal called tea is only an

established feature among the upper classes, where English customs are

extremely fashionable. The two chief meals both consist of at least

four courses, with a cup of coffee added to give a finish to the

whole. It might be thought absurd for those who are poor or living

with great economy to begin their meals with an _hors-d'oeuvre_, but

Miss Betham-Edwards, whose knowledge of the French is sufficiently

wide to be an authority, asserts that a careful housekeeper will give

this preliminary course as an economy, for being great bread-eaters a

little scrap of ham or sausage or herring eaten with several mouthfuls

of bread will take the edge off the appetite and enable her to be less

lavish with the other courses. Soup is very frequently made out of the

water in which vegetables have been stewed with a suspicion of

flavouring added, and the meat courses are provided not from large

joints, but from little scraps of meat which the French butcher

produces in astonishing quantities from the same animal as his English

neighbour handles in an entirely different and very much less

economical fashion. These methods of cutting with a view to quantity

rather than quality give much of the meat an unhappy toughness as

though it were cut across or against the grain. Even the

_bonne-a-tout-faire_ will prefer to make a sacrifice in the quantity

of food in each course of a meal if by so doing she can be quite sure

of finishing with a cup of coffee.

The contrast of the mid-day meal, consisting of a chop and bread and

cheese, supplied by the small provincial hotel to the commercial

traveller in England, with that provided or obtainable in France, is

astonishing. It is true that the knife and fork given for the first

course must be retained for those that follow, but this little

labour-saving custom can be overlooked in the presence of the savoury

dishes that follow. Still more pronounced is the contrast when

dinner-time arrives, for a very large majority of country hostelries

in England will offer nothing more varied than a large plate of ham

and eggs or cold meat, followed by bread and cheese and perhaps

apple or plum tart. It is the universal demand for appetising and

well-cooked meals throughout France that ensures for the wayfarer

wherever he goes an excellent dinner of several courses. It would,

however, be unfair not to mention that a very great improvement has

been taking place in the hotels of England in the last few years owing

to the demand for well-cooked meals caused by motorists. The

pre-eminence of France in this matter will cease to be remarkable

before long if the present rapid progress is maintained. If one

enquires still further into the reasons for French folk being dainty

in the way their food is prepared, the explanation given by Mr. T.

Rice Holmes that Celtic peoples as a rule have weak stomachs may

perhaps be the correct answer.

[Illustration: EVENING IN THE PLACE D'IENA, PARIS.]

If wall-papers are not often renewed in French houses, there is a

delight in clean raiment which is most commendable. Clothes which are

not washable are frequently sent to the cleaner, and as the most

poorly paid _midinette_ generally buys good materials for her clothes

they last some time, and will stand cleaning and refurbishing better

than the average clothes worn by her equals in England. This is

typical of the inborn thrift of the whole nation. Personal ablutions

are, on the other hand, not so frequent or so thorough as among

Anglo-Saxons, the supply of water for this purpose being generally

very meagre and the basin for washing the face and hands awkwardly

small. The itinerant bath is still to be found in country towns. It is

brought to the house of those who desire to indulge in this luxury,

and the water at the required temperature is provided also. The

rinsing out of a bath with a little clean water after it has been used

is not considered a sufficiently thorough method of satisfying

individual fastidiousness, and a cotton covering large enough to

entirely line the bath is therefore usually provided for each person.

If one adds to this the difficulties confronting those for whom it is

considered scarcely within the limits of propriety that they should be

entirely unhampered by garments while in the bath, this simple

operation of the toilet becomes a somewhat laborious undertaking!

It has been already stated how great is the reverence of the French

for the family. It is certainly fostered by that wonderful institution

the Family Council, a form of highly developed autonomy dating from

the far-away days when France was a Romanised province. The council

is formed to look after the welfare of orphans and weak-minded and

ne'er-do-weel minors. It consists of six members--three from among the

relatives of each parent--and is presided over by a local _juge de

paix_, who is attended by his clerk.

For those sons of wealthy parents who are developing into incorrigible

idlers and a source of perpetual anxiety to their parents, owing too

often to the excess of ill-judged kindness lavished on only sons by

widowed mothers, there has been instituted in France what is known as

_la maison paternelle_. If sent to this establishment the boy

generally threatens to commit suicide or some other desperate act. He

is at first placed in a solitary cell, where he is under the constant

supervision and the special care of a "professor," who is appointed to

deal with the particular case. By salutary talk, the most inflexible

discipline, and regular studies, accompanied by a judicial kindliness,

the refractory youths are almost invariably brought to their senses

after a few months, and retain the warmest affection for the

professors in after years.

As a rule the French child of almost every class except the very

lowest comes into the world with the prospect of some future

inheritance of land or capital. The first infant in a very large

proportion of families is both alpha and omega, and it is very

exceptional for parents not to restrict their offspring to two or

perhaps three, which is almost counted as a large family. For some

time past census figures reveal the very remarkable fact that

considerably over 1-3/4 millions of married couples are childless.

Rather more than a quarter of the marriages result in one child;

another quarter has two children, and 17 per cent are childless. Thus

the duty of making up the deficiency of one large section and the

total failure of another falls upon one-third of the married couples,

and the latest returns show that this task is only just accomplished,

the average number of births for each family hovering about the

bed-rock figure 2. The year 1907 was altogether alarming, for the

figures showed 19,890 more deaths than births for the twelve months,

and it has been with considerable relief that the civilised world has

seen the surplus turned over to the more healthy direction in

subsequent years. With a population that does not increase there is

less and less danger of overcrowding or of extreme poverty, and

therefore France houses her citizens better than Germany, England, or

the United States. The individual child arrives in the world with his

or her place more or less made in advance, and as the years pass by

the son or daughter steps into the vacancy caused by the departure to

"the land o' the leal" of a parent or relation. Such an even balance

of vacancies and new arrivals tends to make livelihoods more stable in

France than in the countries where the number of persons to the square

mile is steadily increasing; it robs the whole nation of any desire to

find homes outside the limits of the fatherland, and makes it

practically impossible to make any real use of colonial possessions.

Until civilised countries come to settle their differences without the

senseless and futile appeals to brute force, by which they have

unsuccessfully striven to do so in the past, this static condition of

the population of France can only be looked upon as a calamity, but

the growing strength of commercial ties is weakening bellicist

prejudices and national antipathies every day, and the fact that the

nations are now asking themselves whether any advantage is gained by

fighting a civilised people shows that the world is on the threshold

of emancipation from what is most truly a great illusion.

Being so often the only child or one of two, the infant enters on life

as the ruler of the household. The devoted parents, instead of

following the golden maxim, which says "Apply the rod early enough and

there will be no need to use it at all," give way to every passing

mood or whim of their offspring, and insist that the nurse shall

follow the same foolish course. If the infant cries it obviously needs

something, and this must be supplied regardless of character-building.

No wonder that _la maison paternelle_ has been found a needful

institution in the land! Maternal duties are not as a rule undertaken

by the mother, and in a very large number of instances this is

necessitated or at least encouraged by the large share in the

maintenance of the household taken by the wife. In Parisian flats the

_concierge_, owing to the smallness of his wage, is generally obliged

to go out to work and depute his wife to undertake his duties during

his absence. A mewling and puking infant under these conditions is a

nuisance and must be brought up elsewhere.

In the average middle-class home the children are not given their

meals in the nursery, but at a very early age eat at the same table

as their parents, and enjoy a varied menu including wine when English

children are still having little besides milk puddings and mince.

Much more is concentrated into the earlier years of life in France

than across the Channel. This is particularly so in regard to the

_jeune fille_, who ceases to come under that title as soon as she has

reached the age of twenty-five. The business of getting married must

be achieved by that time, or else there is nothing for it but

acquiescence in the popular judgment that the young girl has become an

old girl--is on the shelf--and to preserve her self-respect must

retire either to a convent or a conventual boarding-house. This custom

is, like many others, as undesirably mediaeval, gradually breaking

down owing to the strongly intellectual training now given to the

_jeune fille_ at state _lycees_. No religious instruction is given in

these schools, and the girls are therefore developing a new

independence. A change, too, is taking place in the extremely secluded

life that girls of the middle and upper classes have hitherto led.

They are not invariably taken to school and fetched by a maid, and it

is quite possible that this emancipation from continual supervision

may lead to a considerable modification in the present method of

arranging marriages. The existing system of the choice of a husband

for their daughter being made by the devoted parents has a striking

similarity to the customs of the Far East. The young men the _jeune

fille_ is allowed to see are only those who are eminently eligible,

that is, whose financial position is sound and whose family

connections are not likely to cause anxiety when brought into the

family circle by the union of the two young people.

[Illustration: THE CENTRE OF PARIS.]

To the French mind the idea of the betrothal of a man and a girl

without the necessary means for immediately entering the state of

matrimony is looked at with the most extreme disfavour. "Falling in

love" might lead to most undesirable family ties, for each of the two

parties concerned marries a family as well as a husband and wife

respectively. No, the _mariage d'inclination_ is a danger, and the

young people must learn to fall in love during the honeymoon, a task

the French girl seems to find less impossible than it sounds. The

Anglo-Saxon method of a growing and entirely non-committal intimacy

followed by a period of betrothal scarcely exists in France. Having

little knowledge or experience of men, the girl accepts the suitor

proposed by her parents because, as a rule, she has not much choice

and the time is short before she has reached the old-maidish age of

twenty-five. Then beyond this there is all the thrill and romance of

some new and strange life in which she may succeed in falling

desperately in love with her husband. If not, the situation has

occurred before, and the average married woman seems to find some

solace in other interests; there will perhaps be a son or a daughter,

or possibly both, and on them it will be easy for her to expend her

pent-up feelings of love, and later on there will perchance come what

is an ideal with the average Frenchwoman--the satisfaction of being a

grandmother.

During the short time between the formal acceptance of her proposed

husband and the wedding ceremony the affianced pair are not as a rule

allowed to be together alone. No doubt in many instances this harsh

ruling of long-established custom is broken through, but it would be

done surreptitiously unless the parties concerned were exceptionally

emancipated from the great body of French tradition. It is also quite

unusual for the mother to speak of love when discussing with her

daughter a man who has offered himself as a husband; it is merely

understood that he is pleased with the girl's general appearance and

not dissatisfied with her _dot_.

Strict Roman Catholics do not recognise the civil contract beyond

going through the required legal ceremony. The banns, stating several

personal particulars regarding the parents as well as the contracting

parties, are put up at the _mairie_ ten days before the marriage can

be performed. If the betrothed pair have not reached the age of

thirty, they must have the consent of their parents, but over

twenty-one they are able to obtain that consent through a legal

process at the office of a certified notary. Even extreme action of

this character does not entail total loss of a certain portion of the

parental inheritance, for the Civil Code does not permit parents to

leave more than a proportion to strangers. One-half must fall to the

children's share. Quite recently an example of the small satisfaction

this may cause to the recipients came to light. An aged grandparent's

estate produced a sum of 100 francs, to be divided equally between

four legatees. The legal expenses entailed in certifying the status of

each party and other matters ran up to such a large sum that the

surplus divisible was barely 20 francs.

On the appointed day the wedding party assembles at the _mairie_,

where the mayor, after reading to the couple that portion of the Civil

Code relating to the duties of the married state, hears their

declaration and the permission of the parents, after which both

parties exchange wedding rings and are pronounced man and wife. The

register having been signed, first by the wife and then by the

husband, the civil ceremony is complete, and in Republican society the

wedded pair as a rule trouble themselves not at all about the attitude

of the Church to the contract they have made. Many, however, as

already stated, do not regard this as the real wedding, and the bride

and bridegroom remain apart until the next day, or perhaps two or

three days later, when the religious ceremony is performed in a

church. There the wedding rings are blessed before being put on, and

the completion of the religious ceremony is marked by the presentation

of a tray for offerings. One cannot be very long in a French church

without this opportunity presenting itself. The writer has vivid

recollections of his almost precipitate retreat from the Madeleine

after he had been present for a short time at a service in that

classic church on the occasion of his first visit to Paris. His memory

recalls how cheerfully he paid for his seat for the first time, how he

produced another coin when, with a charming smile, a young woman

applied for a second alms, and how, when a third bag was placed before

him with the words _pour les pauvres_, he found a sou, and in a few

moments had, with a sigh of relief, exchanged the Gregorian

solemnities of the great church for the rattle and stir of the

_Boulevard des Capucines_.

But to return to the wedding ceremony. The young couple having been

now made man and wife in the sight of Church as well as the State,

they start on their voyage together into the unknown, to discover one

another and, if possible, after what answers to a time of courting, to

fall in love with each other. Should this time of exploration into

each other's characters and temperaments, likes and dislikes, prove

entirely unsatisfactory, it becomes a matter of acute interest to

enquire how the knot may be loosened or untied. Until 1883 divorce was

not legal, but since that year of emancipation the Civil Code permits

it for several reasons. These are divided under three headings:

first, unfaithfulness or desertion on either side; second, acts of

violence and _injures graves_, which covers the great area of

incompatibility of temperament; and third, penal sentences passed on

the man or woman. It is fairly obvious that this wide doorway will

permit the entrance of a great majority of those who wish for freedom

from an ill-chosen partner, and the result has been a steady increase

in the number of divorces in recent years. The figures were 10,573 in

1906 and 13,049 in 1910. Even the Church of Rome will allow the

marriage tie to be severed under certain conditions not perhaps open

to a poor couple.

There can be little doubt that divorce in France is facilitated by the

fact that the wife has in most cases an independent source of income,

and is therefore economically on her feet in the event of a

termination of her wedded state. She is, generally speaking, looked

upon with less favour as a divorced woman than is a man. No doubt this

is due to slow-dying prejudice in favour of the man in these

circumstances. Changes are, however, coming with such accelerating

speed in these matters that anything written to-day is more or less

out of date by the time it is printed.

To come back to the normal condition of married persons in France,

there is no doubt that, surprising as it may seem, the _jeune fille_

does in a very large majority of cases settle down contentedly with

the husband chosen by her parents. She blossoms with the speed of an

Indian juggler's magic plant into a woman of affairs, and in a very

short time is taken into the fullest confidence in monetary matters by

her husband. Many develop such a capacity for business that they

rapidly out-distance their men folk in such matters, and if, as is

very often the case in middle-class life, they are obliged to

contribute towards the family budget, their earnings will frequently

exceed those of the easy-going husband. Any one at all intimate with

France knows the keenness and capacity of the woman in business,

whether as a shopkeeper, a manageress, or a hotel proprietor. They can

drive a hard bargain and are less easy to deal with than men, although

the writer is inclined to think that he has met quite as many men as

women who are difficult or unpleasant in a financial matter.

In spite of this frequently existing superior ability in dealing with

money matters, a wife must obtain her husband's written consent before

she touches her capital! And further than this, the Civil Code

requires that the husband must make good any deficiency from his

wife's original _dot_ should he wish to obtain a divorce,

notwithstanding the fact that the diminution had taken place with her

consent; and it is a curious and interesting fact that in the case of

disagreement the husband finds the Code ignores the perchance superior

wisdom of the wife.

As a rule it is _madame_ who rules the household, while "_mon mari_"

is a worshipper who obeys willingly, both being the slaves of their

child or children, to whom within the strict boundaries of _comme il

faut_ nothing must be denied. How, with such spoiling as children, the

French man and woman grow up to do their share in the world's work it

is hard to understand. Possibly the dislike evinced by the race as a

whole to undertake an adventurous career entailing risk, the lack of

some of the luxuries which have been long enjoyed, and an element of

uncertainty may be in part ascribed to the lack of discipline in the

nursery. An explanation for this characteristic might be given by

merely pointing to the figures of population, which, as just

mentioned, remain almost stationary, and do not provide that driving

force which sends other peoples out into new lands in great numbers;

but this condition of a static population has been brought about

voluntarily by the people themselves, through their desire to be sure

of a safe and prearranged career for their offspring. And so it is the

family life of the French, the predominance of the weaker partner, and

the craving after those conditions of existence generally regarded as

feminine, which result in a weakening of France as a colonising

nation, and often cause misgivings in the minds of those who are her

well-wishers.

[Illustration: THE MARKET PLACE AND CATHEDRAL AT ABBEVILLE.]

France · 第 3 / 11 章