easily determinable date. From Mexican paintings, we know the
conquest of Mexico occurred in the year Three Calli. From this
tracing their years back by the table given earlier (Arrangement
of Years in a Mexican Cycle), we would find that the first
Thirteen Acatl we meet was in the year 1479. This is exactly the
date when, according to tradition, the great temple was finished,
and this stone dedicated by bloody sacrifices. If we count the
number of signs for cycles, we find that there are just twelve on
each side, twenty-four in all. As the artist could easily have
made this number more or less, the probabilities are that it
means something. The most plausible explanation is, that in the
year 1479, they had traditions of twenty-four cycles. But this
number of cycles is equivalent to twelve hundred and forty-eight
years, which would carry us back to about the year 231, A.D.,
which date we must bear in mind; not that we think there is any
scientific value to it, but for its bearing on other matter at
the close of the chapter.81
We come now to consider the subject of their picture writings.
The germ of writing is found in the rude attempts to assist the
memory to recall past events. Some of the northern Indian tribes
resorted for this purpose to belts of wampum. When a new sachem
was to be invested with office among the Iroquois, the historical
wampum belts were produced; an old man taking them in hand, and
walking back and forth, proceeded to “read” from them the
principles of the confederacy. In this case, particular events
were connected with particular strings of wampum.82 Pictorial
representation would be the next stage. At first the aim of the
artist would be to make his drawings as perfect as possible. A
desire to save labor would soon lead them to use only the lines
necessary to show what was meant. This seems to be about the
stage of picture writing, reached by some Indian tribes, who have
left here and there specimens carved on rocks.
Indian Picture Writing.
This cut is a specimen of such writing from the cañon of the San
Juan in Arizona. Although quite impossible to read it, there is
no doubt but what it expressed a meaning at the time it was
engraved.
Chapultepec.
From this stage of development would naturally arise symbolical
paintings. Thus “footsteps” might signify the idea of going. A
comma-shaped figure, issuing from a person’s mouth, would stand
for speech. The next step is what we might call rebus-writing,
where not the thing itself was meant but the sound. Thus this cut
represents Chapultepec—meaning grasshopper-hill, or locust mount.
It is evident, here, the pictures of the objects represent the
name. They, probably, did not use this principle farther than to
represent the proper names of persons and things before the
coming of the Spaniards.
Amen.
Some think that, in addition to the above, the Mexicans used, to
a very limited extent, a true phonetic writing—one in which the
figures refer not to the thought, but to the sound of the
thought.83 Others are not ready to concede that point. They could
not have been further along than the threshold of the discovery,
at all events. The Spanish missionaries were very desirous of
teaching the Indians the Pater-noster, the Ave-Maria, and the
Credo. Either the Indians themselves, or the priests (probably
the latter), hit on the device of using painted symbols for the
words and syllables of the church prayers and formulas. Thus in
this manner was painted the word Amen. The first sign is the
conventional figure for water, in Mexican “atl,” which stood for
A. For the second syllable they put the picture of a maguey
plant, in Mexican “metl.” The whole, then, was “atl-metl,” which
was as near as they could express the word amen. We must observe,
that this was after the conquest.84
Historical Sheet.
The plate opposite is one of the paintings of the Mendoza
collection. This collection, we must remember, was made after the
conquest, simply to gratify the curiosity of the King of Spain.
The matter treated of is the events connected with time when
Motecuma the fifth “chief-of-men” held office. Around the edge we
see the hieroglyphics of the years. We notice he was chief-of-men
from the year one calli to two tecpatl. About the only thing
recorded of him is the different pueblos he conquered. In all he
subdued thirty-three; but only eleven are shown in this plate.
The pueblos are indicated by a house toppling over—flames issuing
from under the roof. The other little hieroglyphics are the names
of the pueblos. The last one in the second transverse line from
the bottom is the hieroglyphic of Chalco, which we thus learn was
reduced to tribute under this chief. All the events indicated in
this cut took place before the discovery of America.85
Chilapi—Tribute.
A second part of this codex has reference to the tribute received
from various tribes. In this cut the left-hand figure is the
hieroglyphic of the town of Chilapi, and is an excellent
representation of their rebus-writing we have just referred to.
It is a tub of water, on which floats a red-pepper pod. The
Mexican word for this last is chilli, for water it is “atl.”. The
word “pa” means above. For the full word we have “chilli-atl-pa.”
Contracted, it becomes chilapi. The figure to the right is the
tribute. The five flags denotes one hundred. Below is represented
a copper ax-blade—from which we infer that the Pueblo of Chilapi
had to furnish a tribute of one hundred copper axes.
Child Training.
A third part of this same collection refers to the Mexican
customs. In this cut we have represented the training of a boy at
the different ages of four, six, thirteen and fourteen years of
age. The little round marks number the years of his age. The
little elliptical-shaped figures show the number of tortullas the
child is allowed at a meal. The boy is trained to carry and make
various things, to row a boat, and to fish.
Migration Chart.
The most interesting of Mexican picture-writings is the record of
their wanderings. This was formerly supposed to represent their
migrations from Asia—but is now known to refer only to their
wanderings in the Valley of Mexico. De Lafield, in his
“Antiquities of America,” gives a full representation of this
picture-writing. Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, pp. 548-49,
give a very good reduced copy. We will not attempt to reproduce
it all. This cut represents the beginning of it. A man is seen
crossing a stream in a boat. The figure behind him may mean an
island, on which are represented some pueblos and human figures.
On the opposite bank of the stream, to which the footsteps lead,
is the hieroglyphic of Culhuacan, “the curved mountain.” The year
date of this movement is “one tecpatl.” The character within that
of Culhuacan is Huitzilopochtli, their national god. The flakes
issuing from his mouth signify that he is guiding them. The
principal figures about this map are the hieroglyphic names of
various places where they stopped, and the time spent at each
place.
The Mayas seem to have been further advanced in the art of
writing than their Nahua neighbors. Specimens of their
hieroglyphic writings have been given in the preceding chapter.
The hopes of our scholars were greatly raised when, in 1863, the
announcement was made that there had been discovered, in Madrid,
a Maya alphabet, which, it was expected, would unlock the
mysterious tablets just mentioned.
The alphabet thus discovered is represented in the next cut. It
will be seen that some of the letters have a number of different
forms. This discovery was hailed as of the greatest importance,
and a number of scholars at once set about to decipher the
tablets. They were speedily undeceived. The alphabet is,
practically, of no help whatever. Prof. Valentine even goes so
far as to declare that this alphabet was not of native origin.
Landa Alphabet. Maya T.
He thinks that Bishop Landa, who is the authority for this
alphabet, and who was Bishop of Yucatan from 1549 to 1579, being
anxious to assist the natives in learning the new faith, set
about the manufacture of an alphabet for them. This he did by
having the natives paint some native object which came the
nearest to the sound of our alphabet. Thus, for instance, this
symbol there are excellent reasons for supposing represents the
sun, or the word “day.” The Maya word for this is _te._ We find
that this is the symbol that Landa employs for the letter T,
only, in his drawing, the central dot has fallen into the lower
dashes. Nearly all the other letters can be traced to a similar
source.86 But the professor’s reasoning does not satisfy all. He
is believed to be right in a number of his identifications; but
still the characters might have been used in a phonetic way.87
Maya Manuscript.
There is no doubt but that the Mayas had a different system than
that in use among the Nahua people. The knowledge how to use it
was, probably, confined to the priests; and, furthermore, the
system was, doubtless, a mixed one. A few phonetic characters
might have been used; but they also used picture-writing. The
plate above is a sample of the manuscripts they left behind. It
is in the nature of a religious almanac, and refers to the feasts
celebrated at the end of a year. The line of characters on the
left hand are the days characters Eb and Been. In the lower
division, a priest offers a headless fowl to the idol on the
left. In the middle division, the priest is burning incense to
drive away the evil-spirit. In the upper division, the assistant,
with the idol on his back, is on his march through the village.
As yet, we know but very little about the tables. We know the
hieroglyphics of days and of months.
Hieroglyphics—Tablet of the Cross.
Examining the tablets in the Temple of the Cross, at Palenque,
represented below, we notice a large glyph, at the commencement
of the tablet, something like a capital letter. This, Mr.
Valentine thinks, represents the censers which stood in the
temples before the idols, in which fire was constantly kept.88
Running through the tablets we notice glyphs, in front of which
are either little dots, or one or more bars with little dots in
front of them. These are day-dates. The dots count one—the little
upright bars, five. The probabilities are that this tablet is a
sort of list of feast-days in honor of the gods represented by
the central tablet.
As we have made a considerable effort to acquaint ourselves with
the social organization and customs of the various tribes, and
have spent some time in learning the details of their calendar
system, and their advance in the art of writing, it will not be
out of place to inquire as to their history—to determine, if
possible, some of the dates to be given for the arrival of the
tribes, and some of the important points of their prehistoric
life. Whatever difficulties we have experienced in acquiring a
knowledge of their customs will be greatly increased now. Their
architecture, social organization, and general enlightenment
could be perceived by the conquering Spaniards, and our
information in regard to the same should have been full and
complete. We have seen, however, how meager it is. The only light
thrown on these disputed points is the result of the labors of
modern scholars. When we were made acquainted with some of the
first principles of Indian society, we could read with profit the
accounts of the early writers.
But, when we come to ask for dates in their history, we are
almost entirely at sea. The traditions, in this respect, are
almost worthless. So, all that we shall attempt to do, is to
present some of the thoughts of our scholars as to the probable
connection of the civilized tribes with each other, and what
value is to be given to the few dates at our command. We will
begin, first, with the Maya tribes. This includes those tribes
that speak the Maya language, and its dialects. It was in their
territory that the most striking ruins were found. They include
the tribes of Yucatan, Guatemala, Chiapas, and Tobasco. Then
there comes a break; but they were also settled on both banks of
the River Panuco. Many theories have been advanced as to the
origin of the Mayas. As yet, the question is not solved.
Not a few have supposed them to be the same as the Mound Builders
of the United States. Dr. Brinton has pointed out that the
language of the Natchez Indians contains some words of the
Maya.89 A Mexican scholar, Señor Orozco-y-Berra, thinks it
probable that the Mayas once occupied the Atlantic sea-board of
the United States; that they passed from the peninsula of Florida
to Cuba, and thence to the other Caribbean Islands, and so to
Yucatan. He states that the traditions of the Mayas uphold this
view.90 But others are not ready to admit it. We have found a
number of points of resemblance between the Mayas and the Nahuas.
Differences we would, of course, expect to find; but still the
points of resemblance are sufficiently strong to indicate either
that the tribes were once subject to the same influence, from
whence they derived their culture, or else that they are
descended from the same stock. We have reverted to the worship of
Quetzalcohuatl, and shown how the Quichés, under the name of
Gucumatz, worshiped a similar deity. We have also referred to the
great similarity of the calendar system.
From the limited space at our command, it is not possible to
refer to the traditions of the Maya tribes. We will refer to but
one manuscript bearing on this question; but this is, probably,
the most important one. This manuscript was written by a native
with the Spanish letter, but in the Maya language. It was written
not far from the time of the conquest of Yucatan by the
Spaniards, and the account is, doubtless, as full a one, from the
native stand-point, as can be given. The period of time used by
the author is Ahau, which we have seen is either twenty, or
twenty-four years.
Carefully going over this manuscript, Prof. Valentine arrives at
the following conclusions: About the Year 137, A.D., the Mayas
started from some place they called Tulla, or Tullapan, on their
migration. Where this place was we do not know. The traditions of
all the civilized nations refer to this place as a
starting-point. It was a “land of abundance.” It may be that this
was but some fabled place, such as almost all primitive people
have traditions of.91 About the year 231, A.D., they arrived on
the coast of Central America, and spread themselves over a large
part of it. This same manuscript speaks of the “discovery” of
Chichen-Itza, 522, A.D. The date of the founding of Uxmal is
given as about the year 1000, A.D. From 1000 to 1200, A.D., was
the golden era of the Mayas in Yucatan.
The tribes at Uxmal, Mayapan, and Chichen-Itza formed a
confederacy of which Mayapan seems to have been the head. About
the year 1200, inter-tribal war broke out. It seems to have been
caused by the arrival of Nahua tribes, who established themselves
in Mayapan. They were finally expelled, but they left the Mayas
in such a state of exhaustion that they could not present a
united front against the Spaniards. Such are the conclusions of
Prof. Valentine. He estimates the length of an Ahau at twenty
years, and it does seem that the author of the manuscript used
that number of years.92
Of the other branch of the civilized tribes we know but very
little. The historical picture writings of the Mendoza
collection, a collection compiled, remember, after the conquest,
and, therefore, representing the traditions then current among
the Mexicans, takes us back to 1325, A.D., to the first
settlement in the Pueblo of Mexico. Sahagun, a Franciscan monk,
who went to Mexico as early as the year 1529, and remained there
until his death in 1590, wrote a very voluminous account of the
Mexicans, their customs and history, and as he was in Mexico at
the time when their traditions were still fresh in the minds of
the natives, his account is probably as good as any. He obtained
his information in a very credible manner. He gathered together
some old Indians, well acquainted with the traditional history of
their country. They are supposed to have “refreshed” their memory
by inspecting a number of picture writings, which have since
disappeared.
It is manifest that this history is valuable, just in proportion
as the traditions are valuable. He makes one statement that Prof.
Valentine has dwelt upon with great ability. He states that
numberless years ago the first settlers came in ships and landed
at a northern port, which, from that cause, was called Pauntla.
This is supposed to be the Panuco River. After they had settled
here, a large part of them, including their leaders and the
priests, went off south; Sahagun says as far as Guatemala. The
party left behind organized themselves into an independent body.
They reconstructed from memory the calendar; they increased and
became powerful, until pushing over the mountain, they built the
pyramid of Cholula, and finally reached the city of Teotihuacan,
where they built a central sanctuary. For some reason they
abandoned their homes, all except the Otomies, and wandered off
across the plains, and high, cold, desert places, that they might
discover new lands.93
No dates are mentioned for these occurrences, and we are not
aware that this tradition is mentioned by other writers. We
recall that from the mouth of the Panuco River southward, we
found evidence of considerable population in olden times. We also
recall that in this section are the ruined pyramids of Tuzpan and
Papantla. Prof. Valentine is inclined to think that this date is
referred to on the calendar stone; that is, 231 A.D. Just
twenty-four cycles elapsed from this time to the date of the
dedication of the calendar stone in 1479.
He also thinks that the Maya traditions refer to this same
occurrence. One more reference to this same mysterious date is
contained in the traditions of the Tezcucan tribe. According to
the traditions, the beginning of things were in the year 245 A.D.
According to this view, then, the ancestors of both Nahua and
Maya people appeared on the gulf coast about 231 A.D.; in the
same place where a Maya-speaking tribe are found to-day. From
here those who developed the Maya culture went to the south and
south-west; those who developed the Nahua went to the west and
north-west.
We do not profess to be a judge as to the value of this
tradition. Our scholars will, probably, at no distant day, come
to more definite conclusions in the matter. Prof. Short thinks
the strangers who at this early time made their appearance on the
gulf shore were colonies of Mound Builders from the Mississippi
Valley.94 We think it best to be very cautious about coming to
any such conclusions. We must not forget that back of the twelfth
century is nothing but vague traditions. Mr. Bandelier tells us
that “nothing positive can be gathered, except that even during
the earliest times Mexico was settled or overrun by sedentary, as
well as by nomadic tribes that both acknowledged a common
origin.”95 The savage tribes have the general name of
Chichimecas, but by right this term ought to be applied to the
sedentary tribes as well; however, the word Toltec stands for
these sedentary tribes. We have all read about the great Toltec
Empire in Mexico. This is a ridiculous use of words. There was no
tribe or nation of people of the name of Toltecs.96 All these
prehistoric aborigines were probably Chichimecas; but by Toltecs
we refer to the sedentary tribes, the skillful workers among
them. If we are to judge any thing of traditions, the original
home of these people were somewhere to the north of Mexico.
There was doubtless the usual state of inter-tribal warfare, but
after a prolonged period the sedentary tribes—the Toltecs—were
exterminated or expelled. Their successors were utter savages,
coming from the north also. We doubt very much whether any date
can be given for this event, but traditions assign it to about
the year 1064. Prof. Valentine thinks he finds a reference to it
in the calendar of stone. If we will notice, in the outer band
near the top are four little bundles, or knots, in all, eight. We
are told that each of these bundles refers to a cycle of
fifty-two years, or in all four hundred and sixteen years. The
date of the inauguration of the stone is 1479. If we subtract the
number of years just mentioned, we have the date 1063. Whether
this is simply a coincidence, or was really intended to refer to
that event, we can not say.
Considerable speculations have been indulged in as to where the
Toltecs went when driven out of Mexico. Some have supposed they
went to Yucatan, and that to them we are to look for the builders
of the ruined cities. This is the view of a very late explorer,
M. Charney.97 Some have supposed we yet see certain traces of
their presence in Guatemala, where they helped to build up a
great Quexche “monarchy.”98 But we know very little about it. It
is not probable that more than a feeble remnant of them escaped
with their lives.
From the same mysterious regions from where had issued the
aboriginal Chichimecas and Toltec people, there subsequently came
still other bands of sedentary Indians, who finally came to
settle around the lakes of Anahuac. These settlers all spoke
closely related dialects of the same language as their
predecessors, the Toltecs. Finally the Aztecs appeared on the
scene, coming from the same mysterious land of the “Seven Caves.”
According to their historical picture-writings, they founded the
Pueblo of Mexico in 1325. It is somewhat singular that no record
of this event appears on the calendar stone. If the artist was
ingenious enough, as Prof. Valentine thinks he was, to represent
the dispersion of the Toltecs in the eleventh century, he surely
would have found some way to refer to such an important event as
the founding of their Pueblo. From this date the Mexicans
steadily rose in power, until they finally became the leading
power of the valley.99
REFERENCES
The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to A. F. Bandelier
for criticism. The part bearing on religion was subsequently
rewritten. Absence from the country prevented his examining it.
Mr. Bandelier is the author of three essays on the culture of
the ancient Mexicans. These are published in Volume II of
“Peabody Museum Reports.” We wish to make a general reference
to these essays. They are invaluable to the student. Every
position is sustained by numerous quotations from the early
writers. In order to save constant references to them, we will
here state that, unless other authorities are given for
striking statements as to the culture of the Mexicans, their
social organizations, etc., it is understood that our authority
is found in these essays.
In Mexican, “Tlaca-tecuhtli.”
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 572.
“Contribution to North American Ethnology,” Vol. IV, p. 229.
Morgan’s “Contributions to N.A. Ethnology,” p. 256.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 576.
“Who over heard of an imperfectly developed race decorating so
profusely and so delicately their ordinary abodes, in a manner
usually reserved for temples and palaces?” S. F. Haven, in
Proceedings of Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1880, p. 57.
Morgan’s “Contribution to N.A. Ethnology,” Vol. IV, p. 186.
Cortez saw “trinkets made of gold and silver, of lead, bronze,
copper, and tin.” They were on the confines of a true Bronze
Age. Proceedings of Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1879, p. 81.
“History of the Conquest of Mexico.”
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II.
“History of America,” 1818, Vol. III, book viii, p. 9.
Wilson’s “Conquest of Mexico.”
Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 91.
But, on this point, see “Peabody Reports,” Vol. II, p. 685
—note, p. 282.
Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 197.
Ibid., p. 205.
“Ancient Society,” p. 118.
Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 147.
We refer again to Mr. Bandelier’s articles. A careful reading
of them will convince any one that the picture of Mexican
Government as set forth in Mr. Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol.
II, is very erroneous. Mr. Bancroft’s views are, however, those
of many writers.
“Ancient Society,” p. 528.
Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 537.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 435.
It is needless to remark that these results are greatly at
variance with those generally held, as will be seen by
consulting Mr. Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, Chap. xiv.
Mr. Bancroft, however, simply gathers together what other
writers have stated on this subject. We follow, in this matter,
the conclusions of an acknowledged leader in this field, Mr.
Bandelier, who has fully worked out Mr. Morgan’s views,
advanced in “Ancient Society.”
Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 193.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 95.
Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 194.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 94.
Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 195.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. I, p. 344.
Valentine, in Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society,
April, 1879.
Gallatin: “American Ethnological Society’s Transactions,” Vol.
I, p. 119.
Valentine: Proceedings American Antiq. Soc., October, 1880, p.
75.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 381. Proceedings
American Antiquarian Society, April, 1879, p. 110.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 193.
“Fifth Annual Report Archæological Institute of America,” p.
83.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 389.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 325.
Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1879, p. 90.
Ibid., p. 111.
_North American Review,_ Oct. 1880, p. 310.
See “Copper Age in Wisconsin,” in Proceedings American
Antiquarian Society, No. 69, p. 57.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 483.
Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, Oct., 1881, P. 66. (Valentine.)
Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, Oct., 1881, p. 66. (Valentine.)
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 489.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. III, pp. 182-199. In this
connection, see also Bandolier: “An Archæological Tour in
Mexico,” p. 185, note 2. It seems that none of the early
writers speak of such a belief. The idea of one single God is
first found in the writings of Ixtilxochitl.
Brinton’s “Myths of the New World,” p. 45.
Tezcatlipoca, the tutelar deity of Tezcuco; Huitzilopochtli,
the tutelar deity of Mexico; Camaxtli, the tutelar deity of
Tlaxcala; Quetzalcohuatl, the tutelar deity of Cholula.
Bandelier: “An Archæological Tour in Mexico,” p. 188.
This subject is fully treated of in Brinton’s “Myths of the New
World.”
“Among the Indians it is very easy to become deified. The
development of the Montezuma myth among the Pueblo Indians of
New Mexico is an instance.” (Bandelier.)
Brinton’s “Myths of the New World.”
Bandelier: “An Archæological Tour in Mexico.” pp. 168-213.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. III, p. 298, note 9.
“American Antiquarian,” January, 1883, p. 78.
“An Archæological Tour in Mexico,” p. 67.
“Peabody Museum Reports,” Vol. II, p. 600. Dr. Brinton in
“Myths of the New World,” p. 281, gives some instances that
might be thought to show the contrary. But even in those
extracts we notice the parties had to deserve the office, and
that in no case was it confined to certain persons.
Bancroft: “Native Races,” Vol. III, p. 335.
Bancroft: “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 500.
Mr. Bandelier remarks that the numbers from five to ten should
be macuil-pa-oc-ce, etc. We give the same table as both Mr.
Gallatin and Mr Bancroft.
For authorities on this subject see Gallatin in “American
Ethnological Society’s Transactions,” Vol. I, p, 49; Bancroft’s
“Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 497; Valentine, in Am. Antiq. Soc.
Proceedings, Oct., 1880, p. 61.
Perez “Chronology of Yucatan,” in Stephens’s “Yucatan,” Vol. I,
p. 435.
See Valentine: “The Katunes of Maya History,” in Proceedings
Am. Antiq. Soc., October, 1879, p. 114.
We refer to the division of five days, not to the thirteen day
period, of which we will soon speak.
Bandelier: “Peabody Museum Reports,” Vol. II, p. 579. Note 29.
Mr. Bancroft, “Native Races,” p. 508, gives a table showing the
variation of authors in this respect. Gallatin “American
Ethnological Society’s Transactions,” Vol. I, p. 66, says, “the
published hieroglyphics are dissimilar in many respects.”
Stephens’s “Yucatan,” Vol. I, p. 438.
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 513, note 15.
Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1878, p. 99.
Gallatin: “American Ethnological Soc. Trans.,” Vol. I, p. 71.
See Valentine, in Proceedings American Antiq. Society, April,
1878, p. 106. Gallatin, who is also good authority, gives the
order different, viz., Tochtli, Acatl, Tecpatl, Calli.
Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc., Oct., 1879, p. 84, _et
seq._
Thomas: “A study of the Manuscript Troano,” in “Contributions
to North American Ethnology,” Vol. V, p. 29.
According to the teachings of the Mexican priests nine deities
governed the days. They had painted lists of these weeks, and
the deities governing each.
Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc., Oct., 1879, p. 85.
In this table we have followed Mr. Gallatin. According to Prof.
Valentine, the order of the years is different. This, however,
is immaterial to an understanding of the system.
Gallatin: “Am. Eth. Soc. Transactions,” Vol. I, p. 94, _et
seq._
Thus says Prof. Valentine. The cast of this stone in the
Smithsonian Institution gives the date eight, instead of seven
Ozomatl.
For information on the Calendar Stone, consult, “American
Ethnological Society’s Transactions,” Vol. I, p. 94, _et seq.;_
Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, chap. xvi, and p. 755, _et
seq.;_ Valentine: American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings,
April, 1878, p. 92, _et seq.;_ Short’s “North Americans of
Antiquity,” p. 419, _et seq._
Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 143.
Brinton: “Introduction to the Study of the Manuscript Troano.”
Valentine: Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, April,
1880.
Gallatin: “American Ethnological Society’s Transactions,” Vol.
I, p. 131.
Valentine: Amer. Antiq. Society’s Transactions, April, 1880,
pp. 59-91.
Brinton’s “Introduction to Study of manuscript Troans,” p.
xxvi.
American Antiquarian Society, April, 1881, p. 294.
“Myths of the New World.” The doctor now thinks his statement
just referred to, too strong. There is, indeed, a resemblance,
as he pointed out; but it is not strong enough to found any
theories on.
Short’s “North Americans of Antiquity,” p. 474.
Brinton’s “Myths of the New World.”
This historical manuscript represents the traditions of the
Maya people shortly after the conquest. It is very likely its
author had before him picture records of what he wrote. Such
records have since disappeared. The manuscript itself, the
interpretation of it, and Perez’s remarks are found in
Stephen’s “Yucatan,” Vol. II, Appendix. The same in Bancroft’s
“Native Races,” Vol. V, p. 628. The fullest and most complete
discussion is by Prof. Valentine in Proceedings Am. Antiq.
Soc., October, 1879, p. 80, _et seq._ Whether there is any
thing worthy of the name of history is doubtful.
Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, Oct., 1882.
“North Americans of Antiquity,” p. 578.
“Peabody Museum Reports,” Vol. II, p. 387.
Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, October, 1882, p.
209.
_North American Review,_ from Sept., 1880, to 1883.
Short’s “North Americans of Antiquity,” p. 218.
This historical notice is a mere outline. Such, however, is all
we wished to give. Those who wish for more details can not do
better than to refer to Mr. Bancroft’s fifth volume on the
“Native Races.” We do not believe, however, that any thing
definite is known of the early periods of which some writers
give such glowing descriptions. When they talk about the doings
of monarchs, the rise and fall of dynasties, and royal
governors, we must remember the majority of the descriptive
matter is mere nonsense, consequently our faith in the dates
given can not be very great.
Chapter XVI
ANCIENT PERU.
First knowledge of Peru—Expeditions of Pizarro—Geography of
Peru—But a small part of it inhabitable—The tribes of ancient
Peru—How classified—Sources of our knowledge of Peru—Garcillasso
De La Vega—Origin of Peruvian civilization—The Bolson of
Cuzco—Historical outline—Their culture—Divided into phratries and
gentes—Government—Efforts to unite the various tribes—Their
system of colonies—The roads of the Incas—The ruins of Chimu—The
arts of the Chimu people—The manufacture of pottery—Excavation at
Ancon—Ruins in the Huatica Valley—The construction of a Huaca—The
ruins at Pachacamac—The valley of the Canete—The Chincha
Islands—Tiahuanuco—Carved gateway—The Island of
Titicaca—Chulpas—Ruins at Cannar—Aboriginal Cuzco—Temple of the
Sun—The Fortress—General remarks.
The
early part of the sixteenth century was surely a stirring time in
the world’s history. The night of the Dark Ages was passing off
of the Old World; the darker gloom of prehistoric times was
lifting from off the New. Spanish discoveries followed each other
in rapid succession in the South. As yet, they supposed these
discoveries to be along the eastern shores of Asia, but, in 1513,
Balboa, from a mountain peak, in Darien, saw the gleam of the
great Pacific, which intervenes between America and Asia. At the
same time he was informed there was a country to the southward
where gold was in common use, and of as little value among the
people as iron among the Spaniards. As gold was what the
Spaniards most desired, we can imagine how they rejoiced over
such information.
The rich country of which Balboa was thus informed was later
known as Peru. Balboa himself did not attempt its discovery.
There was no lack, however, of those who wished to achieve fame
and fortune by so doing. Among other restless spirits who had
been attracted to the New World, was Francisco Pizarro. He had
been associated with Balboa in founding the settlement of Darien,
and, of course, he was among the first to hear of the marvelous
country farther south. In 1518, Panama, on the Pacific coast, was
made the seat of government for the Spaniards in that section of
the country. Pizarro was one of the first there—his services had
been rewarded by the grant of an estate. The historian of his
expedition speaks of him as “one of the principal men of the
land, possessing his house, his farm, and his Indians.”1 We need
not doubt but what he often pondered over his knowledge of the
rich country south. He was well acquainted with Indian character,
and knew that a small band of resolute Europeans, possessed of
fire-arms, could sweep every thing before them.
He could not endure the quiet life on his estate, and so he
obtained from the governor permission to explore the coast of the
South Sea to the eastward. He spent a large part of his fortune
on a good ship and the necessary supplies for the voyage, and
finally set sail from Panama in November of 1524. It needed a man
of no common spirits to withstand the disappointments of the next
few years. In less than a year this ship returned to Panama for
reinforcements. Pizarro himself and a few of his men remained at
a place not very far from Panama. Here he was joined by
reinforcements under Almagro. Undismayed by his first experience,
he again sailed southward along the coast. Xeres’s brief account
is as follows: “When they thought they saw signs of habitations,
they went on shore in their canoes they had with them, rowed by
sixty men, and so they sought for provisions. They continued to
sail in this way for three years, suffering great hardships from
hunger and cold. The greater part of the crew died of hunger,
insomuch that there were not fifty surviving. During all these
years they discovered no good land; all was swamp and inundated
land without inhabitants.”
This expedition accomplished nothing further than to obtain
definite information as to Peru. Pizarro’s grant from the
governor having expired, and the further fact that he had spent
all his fortune in these unsuccessful expeditions, made it
necessary for him to go to Spain. Received by the emperor with
favor, clothed with ample authority, he was able to raise men and
money, and finally sailed from Panama in 1531 on his third and
successful expedition for the conquest of Peru. Thus was made
known to the world what is regarded as the most wonderful example
of native civilization in the two Americas.
The dawn of history for Peru was the sunset of her native
culture. In a few short years what has come down to us as the
Empire of the Incas was completely overthrown; the enslaved
Indians were groaning under the weight of Spanish oppression; the
demolition of her ancient monuments had already begun, and
romance, tradition, and wonder had already thrown their subtle
charms around the ruins. The old customs and usages were on the
sudden dropped, a new culture was forced upon the unwilling
natives, and prehistoric Peru, though distant but a few years in
time, was as completely separated from historic Peru as is the
culture of the Neolithic Age in Europe from that of the early
historic period.
The magician’s wand in the fairy stories of olden days did not
present results more bewildering in their changes than did the
operations of the Spaniards in Peru. All accounts unite in
praising the government of ancient Peru. There is probably no
question but what the government the Spaniards overthrew was one
far better adapted to the wants of the native inhabitants than
the one they forced them to accept. But when we read the accounts
of that government as set forth by the early writers, we are at a
loss to know what to believe. There is such an evident mixture of
fables, traditions, and facts, that the cautious student
hesitates, and asks what support the researches of later scholars
give to these early writers. We doubt whether we have to this day
clear ideas of the culture of ancient Peru. This is to be
regretted. There is no question but that here was the highest
development of the Indian race in America. If we accept the
accounts given us, here rose an empire which will not suffer by
comparison with the flourishing empires of early times in
Oriental lands. Let us try and learn what we can of this culture,
and see wherein it differed from that of the civilized tribes
already discussed.
Map of Peru
We must, first of all, acquaint ourselves with the physical
features of the country. We can never fairly judge of the
civilization or culture of a people until we know their
surroundings. One of the discoveries of late years is, that the
culture of a people is greatly influenced by their surroundings.
The very appearance of a country whether it is mountainous or
plain, sea-girt or inland, influences the character of a people.
Civilization is found to depend upon such common factors as
climate, food, and physical surroundings.2 Now if we will examine
the map of South America, we will see that the entire section of
country occupied by the tribes under consideration is very
mountainous. What is known as the Andes is in reality the most
eastern of the two ranges. The western one nearer the coast is
called the Cordillera, or the Coast Range. The summit of this
mountain range often spreads out into great undulating plains,
the general elevation of which is from fourteen to eighteen
thousand feet above the sea. This series of elevated plains forms
a dreary, uninhabited stretch of country, “frigid, barren, and
desolate, where life is only represented by the hardy vicuna and
the condor.”3
This is the uninhabited portion of Peru. The general width of
this plateau region is about one hundred and fifty miles. Passing
this dreary stretch of country we come to another still elevated
plateau section, which extends to the snow-clad Andes proper. The
distance between these two great mountain ranges is from one to
two hundred miles, but as we see on the map they come together in
places. One such place, the Pass of La Raya, fifteen degrees
south latitude is of importance as marking the northern extremity
of the great basin of Lake Titicaca. This basin is remarkable in
many respects. It is of no inconsiderable size, being six hundred
miles in length by one hundred and fifty in width. It has a lake
and river system of its own. At the northern extremity of the
basin is the noted Lake Titicaca, which is given by some as the
traditional place of origin of the Incas. This lake finds an
outlet in the River Desaguadero, which flows in a broad and swift
stream in a southerly direction, where it empties into Lake
Aullagas.
Of this lake we know next to nothing, but it seems to be
established that it has no outlet to the sea. Thus this Titicaca
basin is but another example of interior basins like that of our
own great Salt Lake. It is not, however, favorably situated for
agricultural purposes. It is a “region where barley will not
ripen except under very favorable circumstances and where maize
in its most diminutive size has its most precarious development;
where the potato, shrunk to its smallest proportions, is bitter;
where the only grain is the quinoa, and where the only indigenous
animals fit for food are the biscacha, the llama and the
vicuna.”4
Thus we see that a large part of the interior of Peru was not
desirable for habitations. But this great plateau region north of
the basin of Lake Titicaca is here and there broken up by what we
would call valleys, but which the Spaniards more appropriately
named _bolsons,_ literally meaning “pockets.” These bolsons are
of various altitudes, and, therefore have different climates and
productions. Some are well drained and fertile, others are marshy
and contain considerable lakes. As a general thing, the bolsons
are separated from each other by stretches of the dreary,
desolate plateau; or by ranges of precipitous hills and
mountains, or by profound gorges, along which courses some river
on its way to swell the flood of the mighty Amazon.
The coast range of mountains of which we have spoken runs nearly
parallel to the coast, distant from it about forty miles. This
stretch of country along the entire coast of ancient Peru is
mainly a desert. Owing to causes which we need not explain, rain
is almost unknown; the consequence is, the coast presents a
dreary, verdureless, forbidding appearance. The melting snows on
the great Cordillera, however, send down, here and there, on
their western flanks, feeble rivers. Some of these rivers reach
the sea, others prolong their flow but a few miles from the
mountains before the thirsty desert swallows them from view. As
is true of all desert countries, all that is needed to render it
fertile is water; so, wherever these rivers occur there are found
wonderfully fertile valleys. Every one of these valleys was once
thickly settled, but, like the bolsons of the interior, they were
not connected with each other. Each valley is separated from its
neighbor by many miles of almost trackless desert, across which
the Incas are said to have indicated the road by means of stakes
driven into the sand and joined by Ozier ropes. No remains of
such roads have been found by modern travelers.
Fortress, Huatica Valley
From this description it is “clear that but a small portion of
the country was inhabitable, or capable of supporting a
considerable number of people. The rich and productive valleys
and bolsons are hardly move than specks on the map.”5 It is
necessary that we bear this description of the country in mind.
It will help us to understand as nothing else will how the tribes
located in one rich and productive bolson could, by successive
forays, reduce to a condition of tribute tribes living in other
detached valleys and bolsons. It will also enable us to put a
correct estimate on the extravagant accounts that have reached us
of the population of this country under the rule of its ancient
inhabitants. We can also readily see why the tribes living in the
hot and fertile valleys along the coast, which were called Yuncas
by the Peruvians, should differ in religion and mental and moral
characteristics from the tribes living in the bolsons of the
interior, where the snow-clad peaks were nearly always in sight,
and where the sun, shedding his warm and vivifying beams, would
appear to the shivering natives as the beneficent deity from
whence comes all good.
We must now turn our attention to the tribes inhabiting the
section of country just described. We have seen that the Mayas,
of Central America, the Nahuas, of Mexico, and the sedentary
tribes, of the United States, were considerably in advance of the
great body of the Indian tribes of North America. We find the
same fact true of the natives of South America. Those tribes
inhabiting the territory of ancient Peru, and those of the
territory now known as the United States of Columbia, were
considerably further advanced than the wild tribes living in the
remaining portions of South America. Quite a number of our
scholars have grouped in one class these partially civilized
tribes of both North and South America, and called them the
Toltecan Family.6 But others do not think that there are
sufficient grounds for such a class division. They can not detect
any radical changes in the domestic institutions of the various
tribes.7 On this point we must wait until our authorities are
agreed among themselves.
Attempts have been made to classify the various partially
civilized tribes of Peru. There are several difficulties in the
way. It was, for instance, the custom of the Incas, whenever they
had reduced a tribe to tribute, to force them to learn their
language, which was the Quichua, and is what the early Spanish
writers call the general language of Peru.8 How far this language
was forced on the tribes, and how far it was their own idiom, we
can not tell. Mr. Markham, who has made a very careful study of
all the authorities bearing on Peru, divides the territory of
ancient Peru into five divisions, and in each locates a number of
tribes, which he thinks forms a family.
The first, and most northern one, extends north from near Tumbez,
in the present State of Ecuador. The second extends from Loja, on
the north, to Cerro De Pasco, in about eleven degrees south
latitude. The third, and most important, extends from this last
named place to the pass of La Raya, fifteen degrees south
latitude. This was the home of the Incas and five other closely
related tribes. To the south of La Raya is the basin of Lake
Titicaca, the home of a family of Indians generally known as the
Aymara Indians. This name is, however, wrong; these tribes should
be called the Collao Indians. These four divisions do not include
any territory west of the Cordillera range, except one part of
the third division. These four families are all closely related.
Mr. Markham thinks they all had a common origin. Mr. Squier
thinks the Collao, or, as they are generally called, the Aymara
Indians, are distinct from the others. “They differ from each
other as widely as the German’s differ from the French,” is his
own conclusion. The entire coast district of Peru was the home of
many tribes of Indians, about which we as yet know but little.
The name by which they are known is Yuncas.9
We are now ready to proceed to a consideration of the culture of
ancient Peru, and a description of the monuments. But before
doing so we must have a word to say as to the authorities. At the
time of the Spanish conquest of Peru, the Empire of the Incas was
supposed to have been in existence about four hundred years. But
the Incas had no hieroglyphic or pictorial system of recording
events. The most they had was a system of knot records or
quippos, which will be explained in due time. These records were
simply aids to the memory. Mr. Squier places them “about on a par
with Robinson Crusoe’s Notched Calendar, or the chalked tally of
an illiterate tapster.”10 They are manifestly of no value as
historical records.
It must be evident, then, that all our knowledge of Peru,
previous to the arrival of the Spaniards, rests solely upon
traditions. We have no reason to suppose that these traditions
are of more value in their case than in the case of other rude
and illiterate people. The memory of such people is very short
lived. The tribes in the southern part of the United States must
have been greatly impressed with Do Soto’s expedition. They heard
fire-arms for the first time, and for the first time saw horses
ridden by men. Yet in the course of a few generations they had
completely forgotten all this.11
One very eminent authority is Garcillasso De La Vega.12 Let us
examine his writings a minute. He was born in Cuzco about 1540,
but a few years after the conquest. His mother claimed descent
from the royal family. He left Peru in 1560, when he was just
twenty years old, and went to Spain. He first sought advancement
in the army. Despairing of success in that line, he turned his
attention to literature. One of his first works was an account of
De Soto’s expedition to Florida. The historian Bancroft thus
characterizes this work: “An extravagant romance, yet founded
upon facts—a history not without its value, but which must be
consulted with extreme caution.” Yet in this work there were no
subtile ties of blood, no natural bias as there would be in favor
of the land of his birth.
About 1600 he commenced his “Royal Commentaries of Peru.” This is
the main source of information as to ancient Peru. We must
reflect that he had been away from his native land forty years
when he commenced the work. His sources of information were the
stories told him in his boyhood days, the writings of the Spanish
travelers, monks, and conquerors, and what he learned by
corresponding with his old friends in Peru, which he did when he
formed the design of writing his history. In other words, his
history rests on the traditions extant at the time of the
conquest, viewed, however, from a distance of sixty years. Who
can doubt but what the old man, writing his accounts of this
mother’s race, that race that had been so deeply wronged, wrote
it under the influence of that potent spell, which the memory of
old age throws around childhood’s days?
It is evident we have in these accounts but little deserving the
name of history. When he undertakes to tell us of the doings of
the Incas, who are supposed to have reigned three or four hundred
years before the Spanish conquest, descending to such details as
what nations they subdued, the size of their armies, their
speeches to their soldiers, the words of counsel they addressed
to their heirs, their wise laws and maxims—and we know that this
account rests on traditions—he who believes that they are of
historical value, is surely possessed of a good store of
credulity. We do not mean to say that his writings are of no
account. On the other hand, they are of value. The historical
part we are to consider simply as traditions, and we are to weigh
them just as we would any other collection of traditions and
compare them with monuments still extant. He is good authority on
the customs and manners of the Peruvians just previous to the
arrival of the Europeans.
We have seen what strange mistakes the Spanish writers made in
describing the government and customs of the Mexicans. We have no
doubt but what substantially the same mistake has been made in
regard to Peru. We believe that a careful, critical study of all
that has been written on the subject of Peru by the early writers
will establish this fact. As yet this has not been done. We must
therefore be careful in our description of the state of society
amongst them, as we do not wish to make statements not supported
by good authority.
We must try and decide as to what is the most probable origin of
the ancient Peruvian civilization. Some of the earlier writers on
this subject would trace it to an influx of Toltecs, the same
mythical race that is credited with being the originators of the
culture found in Mexico and Central America. But our modern
scholars have clearly shown that the Toltec Empire, which was
supposed to have preceded the Mexican, never existed. What we are
to understand by the Toltecs is the sedentary tribes of Indians,
either of the Nahua or Maya stock. The only value we would assign
to the story of their dispersion is that it is a traditional
statement that the migration of the sedentary Indians has been in
a direction from north to south.
Ruins at Pachacamac
We have no means of knowing when the first tribes arrived in the
country, or of their state of culture. It was doubtless at a very
early date, and the tribes were probably not far advanced. We
have no reason to suppose the culture of Peru was influenced from
outside sources at all. We can not detect any evidence of a
succession of races in Peru. The distinguished author to whom we
have already referred13 speaks of what he calls the ancient
Peruvians as distinguished from the modern tribes that
acknowledged the government of the Incas.14 We think that all the
evidence points to a long continued residence of the same race of
people.
We may suppose that in the fertile valleys of the coast, and in
the bolsons of the interior, tribes of rude people were slowly
moving along the line of progress that conducts at last to
civilization. There is no reason to suppose that this progress
was a rapid one. Under all circumstances this development is
slow. We must not forget the natural features of the country. The
inhabited tracts were isolated, hence would arise numerous petty
tribes, having no common aims or mutual interests. Each would
pursue their own way, and would keep about equal pace through the
stages of Barbarism.15
In process of time geographical and climatic causes would produce
those effects, from which there is no escape, and some tribes
would distinguish themselves as being possessed of superior
energy, and the same results would follow there as elsewhere;
that is, the dominion of the strong over the weak. All other
circumstances being equal, we would look for this result in a
section where a mild climate and fertile soil enabled man to put
forth his energies, and rewarded his labors. All accounts agree
in speaking of the bolson of Cuzco as well provided by nature in
this respect. One eminent traveler speaks of it as “a region
blessed with almost every variety of climate. On its bracing
uplands were flocks of llamas and abundance of edible roots,
while its sunny valleys yielded large crops of corn, pepper, and
fruits.”16 Mr. Squier thinks that, on the whole, the climate is
very nearly the same as that of the south of France.17
This bolson was the home of the Incas. A number of writers speak
of the Incas very much as if they were a royal family. It is not
necessary to discuss this point very extensively at present. All
our accounts of their early history are traditional. Mr. Markham
and Mr. Squier, both competent judges, assert that the weight of
traditions is to the effect that the Incas originated near Cuzco.
“Universal traditions,” says Mr. Markham, “points to a place
called Peccari Tampu as the cradle or point of origin of the
Incas.” As near as we can make out from the description, this was
where, as seen from Cuzco, the sun appeared to rise.18
We must remark that the sun was the ancestral deity of the Incas.
All the Andean people worshiped some object as an ancestral
deity. “An Indian,” says La Vega, “is not looked upon as
honorable unless he is descended from a fountain, river, or lake,
or even the sea, or from a wild animal, such as a bear, lion,
tiger, eagle, or the bird they called a condor, or from a
mountain, cave, or forest.” The Incas claimed descent from the
sun. So we can see why their legends would center on the place
where the sun appeared to rise. In after years, when they had
extended their conquests to the Collao,19 and stood on the shore
of Lake Titicaca, the sun appeared to them to rise out of its
waves; and so this lake became to them a second point of
traditional origin.
We see we can not solve the question of the origin of the Incas
until we solve the deeper problems of the origin of the Andean
tribes. Every thing seems to indicate a long-continued residence,
perhaps for centuries, and a slow advance in culture. We are not
to suppose the Incas were endowed with unusual capacity for
improvement; all the tribes were probably about equal in this
respect.20 But their situation was in their favor, and they did
not have to contend with those obstacles that confronted other
tribes. They must have increased in numbers and in culture; they
would in time feel themselves strong enough for conquest. We must
bear in mind the peculiar geographical features of the country.
In the isolated valleys and bolsons were living other tribes, but
little inferior to the Incas. There were no common interests
between these tribes. One by one they fell before the assaults of
the Incas, and were reduced to tribute. Rendered still more
powerful by success, the Incas pushed on their conquests until
finally all the tribes living in that vast stretch of country
from the Andes to the Pacific, from Chili to the United States of
Colombia, acknowledged themselves tributary to the Incas. This
was the state of things when the Spaniards, under Pizarro,
appeared on the scene.
When we undertake to learn the history or the state of culture
among the Incas, we are entering on a difficult subject. Of their
history, we know but very little more than is given in this
outline; and owing to the complete absence of all records, we can
not expect to know very much. Garcillasso draws such an inviting
picture of the happy government of the Incas, that we would
suppose that no rebellion or insurrection would ever occur. It
seems, however, that their government was as much subject to such
trials as any. Mr. Forbes tells us that “the Aymaras never
submitted tamely to their Peruvian masters, but from time to time
gave them much trouble by attempting to recover their
independence.” And M. Reville tells us of the Incas that, “more
than once they had to suppress terrible insurrections.” And we
shall see, further on, that the probabilities are that the
various tribes composing this so-called empire were not more
compact and united than were the tribes composing the Mexican
Empire.
Shortly before the conquest, the Incas had reached their zenith
of power. Huayna Capac, who died about 1525, was in reality the
last of the Inca chiefs. Under his management the tribes as far
north as Quito were reduced to tribute. The story goes that
shortly before his death he divided the empire between two of his
sons. One, Huascar, the rightful heir to the throne; the other,
Atahualpa, half-brother to Huascar. His mother was daughter of
the last king (?) of Quito. Her father had been forced to submit
to the victorious Huayna Capac. This division of the Incarial
Empire, was not at all to the liking of either Huascar or
Atahualpa. They both wished to be sole Inca. Civil war was the
result. Atahualpa, by treachery, had taken his brother prisoner,
and would doubtless have achieved his ambition, but just then
Pizarro invaded the country, and the reign of the Incas was over.
Thus far, the story. We very much doubt whether this expresses
the facts of the case. There is no question, of course, that
civil war was in progress when the Spaniards arrived, which war,
by the way, was a very fortunate thing for the Spaniards; but we
do not know enough about the government of the Incas to know
whether Huayna Capac could bequeath any powers to his sons. About
all we are justified in saying is, that on his death, two persons
(they were very likely brothers, and sons of Huayna Capac)
aspired to the chieftaincy of the Incas, and, failing to agree,
resorted to war to settle the matter.
The question is, how far back in the unrecorded past can we
follow tradition? Huayna Capac is thought to have been chief for
about fifty years. His predecessor is said to have been one Tupac
Yupanqui. Velasco, an early writer on the Peruvians, thinks he
was chief for about thirty-six years. As this would carry us back
nearly one hundred years, it must be evident we have gone about
as far as we can place any reliance on tradition. However, the
third chief, going backwards, was also called Yupanqui, sometimes
denominated “Yupanqui the Great,” and his reign (?) takes us back
to about the year 1400. “Beyond this point,” says M. Castaing,
“we fall into a mythological era.” We fully agree with him. We
can not think there is any special value in accounts of events
said to happen before that time—that is, for historical purposes.
That there were victorious chiefs, conducting victorious forays
before that date, is, of course, admitted. That the names of many
of the chiefs have come down to us, as well as some of their
notable achievements is quite possible. It is also evident that
some mythological personages would appear in tradition as
“reigning Incas.” It is equally plain that neither Garcillasso,
nor any of the Spanish writers, had any clear ideas of these
ancient times or events. All traditions finally settle on Manco
Capac as the first chief of the Incas. M. Castaing says he “is
but an allegory of the period of formation.”21 The date of the
accession of this mythological chief is given by most authorities
as about the year 1000. M. Castaing thinks it was in the middle
of the twelfth century. It does not make much difference which
date the reader concludes to accept—one will do as well as the
other.22
Let us turn our attention to the culture of the Incas, and their
state of government. Here we would expect to be on firm ground.
We would expect the Spanish writers to give us reliable accounts
of the state of society of the people they conquered. But, as Mr.
Squier remarks, the overthrow of the Peruvian government “was so
sudden and complete that the chroniclers had hardly time to set
down the events which took place before their own eyes, and had
little leisure, or perhaps inclination, to make a careful
investigation into the principles of their civil and religious
polity. As a consequence, this work has devolved upon the
laborious student and archæologist of a later time.” In other
words, we are to compare the accounts given us by the early
writers with our present knowledge of Indian society.
We have already made the statement that the Inca were a tribe of
Indians. But, if they were a tribe, did they have the usual
subdivisions of a tribe—which, we remember, are the phratry and
gens? The Spanish writers say nothing about such divisions. This
is not strange. They said nothing about the phratries and gentes
of the Mexicans; and yet they were in existence. Neither did the
English mention the institution of the phratries and gentes among
the Iroquois; and yet they were fully developed. We answer, that
the Inca tribe were divided into both phratries and gentes. It is
necessary to show what grounds we have for such belief. It is
well to have a little better understanding of the surroundings of
this tribe.
The isolated section of country which they occupied is about
seventy miles long by sixty in width. “The proper name for the
aboriginal people of this tract,” says Mr. Markham, “is Incas.”
This word must have been at first the title for chief—for all the
chiefs in this section were called Incas; but, in process of
time, the name was assumed as the special title of the tribe at
Cuzco. Mr. Markham gives us further the names of seventeen
lineages who occupied this valley. Whether a lineage was a tribe
or not we can not decide. We will now confine our attention to
the ruling tribe at Cuzco.
The Spaniards noticed that Cuzco was divided into two parts,
called respectively Upper and Lower Cuzco. Garcillasso tells us
that this division was made as follows. Manco-Capac with his wife
and queen were children of the Sun, sent to civilize the Indians,
who, before their arrival, were a very degraded sort of savages.
From Cuzco this sun-descended couple went their different
ways—the king to the north, the queen to the south—“speaking to
all the people they met in the wilderness, and telling them how
their father, the Sun, had sent them from heaven to be the rulers
and benefactors of the inhabitants of all that land; . . . and,
in pursuance of these commands, they had come to bring them out
of the forests and deserts to live in villages.” This sounded so
good to the wild tribes, that they “assembled in great numbers,
both men and women,” and set out to follow their exhorters.23
The tribe that followed the king settled Upper Cuzco; while the
queen’s converts settled Lower Cuzco. This division was not made
so that those living in one half should have any special
privileges over the other—for they were all to be equal, like
brothers. The division was solely in order “that they might be a
perpetual memory of the fact that the inhabitants of one were
assembled by the king, and the other by the queen.” The only
difference between them was, “that the people of Upper Cuzco
should be looked upon and represented as elder brothers, and
those of Lower Cuzco as younger brothers.”
Such is the account of the settlement of Upper and Lower Cuzco.
Any one acquainted with the general principles on which the
division of Indian tribes into phratries took place, can not help
concluding that these divisions were simply two phratries. The
inhabitants of each traced their descent back to a supernatural
personage. They were equal in power to each other as elder and
younger brothers. Polo Ondegardo simply remarks that “the lineage
of the Incas was divided into two branches, the one called Upper
Cuzco, the other Lower Cuzco.”24 There ought to be no objection
to substituting for the word branches used above the scientific
term our scholars now employ; that is, phratry. Each tribe of the
Iroquois confederacy was divided into two phratries, and their
name for this division was a word which meant brotherhood.25
Whatever doubt we may have on this point vanished when we come to
examine into the customs of the Incas. We must not forget that
the most prominent way a phratry shows itself is in matters of
religion, and in the play of social games. “The phratry, among
the Iroquois,” says Mr. Morgan, “was partly for social and partly
for religious objects. . . . In the ball game, for example, they
play by phratries, one against the other. Each phratry puts
forward its best players, usually from six to ten on a side, and
the members of each phratry assemble together, but on opposite
sides of the field in which the game is played. The members of
each phratry watch the game with eagerness, and cheer their
respective players at every successful turn of the game.”
Relics from Guano Deposits.
Let us see how it was among the Incas.26 Like all Indian tribes,
the Incas were very fond of ceremonious feasts. Nearly every
month they celebrated one or more. We gather from Molina that on
occasions when the whole tribe participated in such religious
observances, the people of Upper Cuzco sat apart front Lower
Cuzco. In the month corresponding to August they had a celebrated
feast, the object of which was to drive out all evil from the
land. We read: “All the people of Cuzco came out, . . . richly
dressed, sat down on benches, each man according to the rank he
held, those of the Upper Cuzco being on one side, and those of
Lower Cuzco on the other.” And of another feast we read: “They
brought out the embalmed (?) bodies of the dead Incas, placing
those who had belonged to Upper Cuzco on the side where that
lineage was stationed, and the same with those of Lower Cuzco.”
Other examples could be given, but this point is well
established. In games this same division was observed, since we
read that in the month of December, “on the first day of the
month, those who had been armed as knights—as well those of the
lineage of Upper Cuzco as those of Lower Cuzco—came out into the
square with slings in their hands, . . . and the youths of Upper
Cuzco hurled against those of Lower Cuzco.” We may therefore
consider it well established that the Incas were a tribe of
Indians having two phratries.
Let us now see how the matter stands in regard to gens. This
division follows almost as a matter of course, but it is well to
see what separate grounds exist for the assertion. Garcillasso,
in his description of Cuzco, after a reference to the division
into Upper and Lower Cuzco, tells us further that it was divided
into twelve wards. Mr. Squier gives us a map of the ancient city.
From this we see that the twelve wards were arranged in an
irregular oval around the principal square. Seven of them
belonged to the division of Upper Cuzco, the other five to Lower
Cuzco.
This division is utterly unintelligible to us, unless we suppose
them to be subdivisions of the phratries. It makes no difference
what name we bestow upon them, in effect they can be nothing else
than gentes. As to the number of them, it is well to notice a
coincidence in the statement of an Indian writer, Salcamayhua.27
On a certain very important occasion there were assembled “_all_
the councilors. The governor entered the chamber, where _twelve_
grave councilors were assembled.”28 The most reasonable
explanation that can be given for the number twelve is that each
gens had one representative in the council. The Incas are thus
seen to be very probably, at least, no exception to the general
rule of Indian tribes.
From our present standpoint what can we learn as to their
government? It is, of course, well known what the position of the
early writers on this subject is. They all agree that the
government of the Incas was a monarchy of the strictest type. We
have seen what a wonderful empire they bestowed on the Mexicans.
The Peruvian Empire is painted in still brighter colors. Modern
writers have not allowed the early accounts to suffer by
repetition. Rivero uses the following language: “The monarchs of
Peru, . . . uniting the legislative and executive power, the
supreme command in war, absolute sovereignty in peace, and a
venerated high-priesthood in religious feasts, . . . exercised
the highest power ever known to man.”29 Even so cautious a writer
as Mr. Squier speaks of the Incas as ruling “the most thoroughly
organized, most wisely administered, and most extensive empire of
aboriginal America.”30
It is freely admitted that there is much that is indeed wonderful
in the culture of the Incas; but it has, undoubtedly been greatly
exaggerated. To deal with this question as it should be would
require an entire volume of itself, and would require far more
extensive research than the writer has been able to make, or is,
indeed, prepared to make. It will do no harm to see what we can
learn by comparing the statements of some of the early writers
with what we have now learned of Indian society.
Let us first inquire as to the council. There is no question as
to the existence of a council. Garcillasso and all the early
writers refer to it in an accidental sort of way. To show the
force of this statement, we will give a few quotations.
Garcillasso, speaking of the movements of the Inca Viracocha,
says: “Having passed some years in making journeys, he returned
to Cuzco, where, with the advice of his councilors, he resolved
on war.” And, in another place: “Having consulted with his
council” he assembled his army. Talking about the son of the
foregoing, he says: “In fine, this king, with the advice of his
council, made many laws, rules, ordinances,” etc.31 In the
foregoing we are made aware of the existence of a council, but
are not told as to its size or powers. Each gens would of course
be represented in the council. We have spoken in one place of the
number twelve. Mr. Bandelier tells us that the council consisted
of sixteen members.32 As to its power we are also left in the
dark; but, judging from what we have learned of the council among
the Mexicans and Indian tribes of the North, who can doubt but
that it was the supreme governing body?33
The more we study this question, the more points of resemblance
we would find with the social organization of the Mexicans. The
tenure of land was of course the same, as we learn from the
report of Ondegardo—some differences may have occurred in regard
to tribute.
The Mexicans, we must remember, were at the head of a
confederacy, and the tribute was brought to Mexico to be divided
among the three tribes. The Incas were the only tribe, in the
case of Peru, having supreme power. Having no one to suit but
themselves, they introduced some new features. The tribute,
instead of being all brought to Cuzco, seems to have been, at
least a portion of it, stowed away in storehouses located at
places most convenient for the Incas. Cieza De Leon says: “The
Incas . . . formed many depots full of all things necessary for
their troops. In some of these depots there were lances; in
others, darts; and in others, sandals: and so, one with another,
arms and articles of clothing which these people used, besides
stores of food. Thus, when a chief was lodged in one of these
depots with his troops, there was nothing, from the most trifling
to the most important article, with which they were not
supplied.”34 This tribute was gathered by regular
tribute-gatherers. As in the case of Mexico, these appear in
history as governors. Ondegardo says they left “Cuzco every year,
and returned in February, . . . bringing with them the tribute of
the whole empire.”
As a rule, the Incas did not interfere with the customs of the
tribes they had conquered. Garcillasso says: “Excepting a few
alterations that were necessary for the welfare of the whole
empire, all the other laws and customs of the conquered province
were retained without any change.” In the main, all they wished
for was tribute. Yet they seem to have had some idea of a higher
policy than that. They are credited with carrying out measures
which would certainly tend to bring the tribes into a close
union. Mr. Squier remarks: “The efforts of the Incas to
assimilate the families that were brought within their empire, by
force or alliance—in respect to language, religion, and modes of
life—were powerful and well-directed.”35 This was a step ahead of
any thing that can be said of the Mexicans.
In the matter of language, it is said they made persistent
efforts to have the conquered tribes learn their own language. De
Leon tells us that it was a law throughout the kingdom that this
language should be used—“fathers were punished if they neglected
to teach it to their children in their childhood.” How much we
are to believe of this account is doubtful. Mr. Markham has shown
us that the languages of all the interior tribes were related. We
know how difficult it is to compel a conquered people by law to
learn a foreign language. William the Conqueror made an
unsuccessful attempt to compel the Anglo-saxons to learn
French—it ended by his followers learning English. Are we to
believe that a tribe of Peruvian Indians were successful in
spreading their language over a wide extent of territory in the
course of a few generations?
Burial Towers.
What is considered as the great stroke of policy on the part of
the Incas, was their system of colonies. On this point De Leon
tells us: “As soon as a province was conquered, ten or twelve
thousand men were ordered to go there with their wives; but they
were always sent to a country where the climate resembled that
from whence they came. If they were natives of a cold province,
they were sent to a cold one; and if they came from a warm
province, they went to a warm one. These people were called
mitimaes—which means Indians who have come from one country and
gone to another.” On this we might remark, that the Incas did not
always show such discriminating care where they sent the exiles,
since Mr. Markham tells us that the “descendants of colonists on
the coasts of Peru (a warm climate, notice) still retain
traditions concerning the villages in the Andes (a cold
province), whence their ancestors were transported.”
We will only refer to the so-called royal roads of Peru. Humboldt
observed them in Northern Peru, and speaks in high praise of
them. Many of the early writers mention them. De Leon gives us a
really wonderful account. Modern travelers have not been so
fortunate in finding their remains. Mr. Squier does not mention
them. Mr. Hutchinson searched at every place along the coast, and
could find no trace of such works. The northern part of Peru,
where Humboldt saw them, was almost the last section to be
conquered by the Incas. It is singular that they should have been
in such a hurry to build roads in that section, when the other
parts of their territory were destitute of them.
We are now prepared to inquire as to what remains of this ancient
people have come down to us; and in studying these ruins we must
keep constantly in mind the social organization of Indian
tribes.36 We notice on the map, at about 8° south latitude, a
place marked Truxillo. It is situated nearly two miles from the
sea, in the valley of the Chimu. Its port is the town of
Huanchaco, a dilapidated village of a few hundred houses, about
ten miles further north. Truxillo was founded in 1535 by
Francisco Pizarro, and was once a place of considerable
importance, but at present it is probably most noted for the
famous ruins located near it. Several of the fertile coast
valleys that we have previously described, here unite;
consequently this was a place of great importance to the coast
tribes. The ruins here are among the most remarkable in Peru. The
road from Huanchaco to Truxillo passes directly through the field
of ruins.
Palace.
Mr. Squier tells us that the ruins “consist of a wilderness of
walls, forming great inclosures, each containing a labyrinth of
ruined dwellings and other edifices.” As our space is limited, we
will describe but one of these inclosed spaces. This is a view of
what is usually called a palace, but this certainly is an absurd
name. The inclosure contains some thirty-two acres; the walls
surrounding it are double, and sufficiently heavy to resist field
artillery. At the base the walls, in some cases, are fifteen feet
thick, gradually diminishing toward the top, where they are not
more than three feet thick. They vary in height, the highest
ranging from thirty to forty feet high. In order to give a clear
idea of these walls, we introduce this cut, which gives us a
section of the walls. The materials of which they are built is
adobe.
Section of Palace Wall.
Within this inclosure we notice three open places, or courts, a
number of smaller cross-walls dividing the remaining space into a
number of small courts. Around each of these courts, generally on
three sides, are the ruins of houses. All in the interior of the
large inclosures is so far gone in ruins that we can with
difficulty make out the plan. Inclosures, such as we have
described here, are the principal features of the Chimu ruins.
Mr. Squier speaks of one three or four times the size of this
one. With our present knowledge we are justified in concluding
that Chimu was the head-quarters of a powerful tribe. We are
surely justified in assuming further that each of these great
inclosed squares, containing upwards of thirty, forty, and even
fifty acres, was the home of a gens—their fortified place.
Of the houses, Mr. Squier says: “Around each court the dwellings
of the ancient inhabitants are grouped with the utmost
regularity. . . . Some are small, as if for watchmen or people on
guard; others are relatively spacious, reaching the dimensions of
twenty-five by fifteen feet inside the walls. These walls are
usually about three feet thick, and about twelve feet high. The
roofs were not flat, but, as shown by the gables of the various
buildings, sharply pitched, so that, although rain may not have
been frequent, it was, nevertheless, necessary to provide for its
occurrence. Each apartment was completely separated from the next
by partitions reaching to the very peak of the general roof.
There are no traces of windows, and light and air were admitted
into the apartment only by the door.”
On one side, at least, the whole area of the city was protected
by a heavy wall, several miles of which were still standing at
the time of Mr. Squier’s visit. At various places along this
wall, cross-walls extended inward, thus inclosing great areas
which have never been built over, and which show all evidence of
ancient cultivation. We notice, near the upper end of this
inclosure, a court, occupied by a mound. This is known as a
_huaca,_ which calls for some explanation. It seems that the
general name among all the Peruvian people, for a sacred object,
is huaca. Being a very superstitious people, this name is applied
to a great variety of purposes, amongst others, to these great
artificial mounds, the majority of which are probably burial
mounds. The construction of many of these mounds is very
singular. It seems as if they were a large collection of rooms,
each one of which was filled with clay or adobe. In some of these
chambers, probably, treasures are concealed. One very celebrated
huaca, at Chimu, was found to contain an enormous amount of gold
vessels.
Ornamentation on Walls.
We must not forget to notice the arts of the Chimu people. The
walls of the inner edifices were often ornamented as is seen in
the following cut, of which the upper one is stucco-work and the
lower one is in relief. Adobe bricks are allowed to project out,
forming the ornamental design. Other ornaments of stucco-work
were observed. The second figure on this page gives us an idea of
this style of ornaments. As an evidence of how the climate of
Peru preserves ruins, we would mention that, though this last
stucco-work has been exposed to the elements for probably several
centuries, yet it is still apparently perfect.
Adobe Ornament.
The Chimu people were certainly very expert workmen in gold and
silver. De Leon asserts that, when the Incas conquered them, they
took to Cuzco many of the artisans of the country, “because they
were very expert in the working of metals, and the fashioning of
jewels and vases in gold and silver.” In the cut following we
have two vases—the smaller one of gold, the larger of silver. The
material is very thin, and the ornaments are produced by
hammering from the inside.
Gold and Silver Vases. Bronze Knives and Tweezers.
Besides such works as just described they had the art of casting
representations of men, animals, and reptiles in silver—sometimes
hollow, sometimes solid. They even cast more complex objects. Mr.
Squier says he has one “representing three figures—one of a man,
and two women, in a forest. It rises from a circular base about
six inches in diameter, and weighs forty-eight and a half ounces.
It is solid throughout—or, rather, is cast in a single piece, and
rings, when struck, like a bell.” The trees, he says, are well
represented, their branches spreading in every direction. The
human figures are also well proportioned, and full of action.
They also knew how to manufacture bronze. Many agricultural
implements are found, not only at Chimu, but all along the coast.
In the preceding cut we have bronze knives and tweezers—also, a
war-club of the same material.
Water-jar.
Water-jars from Ancon.
All the coast tribes of Peru excelled in the manufacture of
pottery. Mr. Squier tells us that, in this sort of work we find
“almost every combination of regular or geometrical figures”—men,
birds, animals, fishes, etc., are reproduced in earthenware. In
this cut we have one of the many forms. Notice the serpent
emblem.
The people of Chimu, whose ruins we have been describing, belong
to the coast division—differing in many respects from the
Peruvian tribes in the interior. Our information in regard to the
coast people is very limited. We have to judge them almost
entirely from the ruins of their towns, and the remains of their
handiwork. There is no reason to suppose they were the inferiors
of the Peruvians in culture. It is quite the custom to speak of
them as if they were low savages before the Incas conquered the
country; and that they owe to the latter all their advance in
culture. On the contrary, we may well doubt whether their
condition was at all improved by the Inca conquest. The coast
people are supposed to have been conquered about one hundred
years before the Spanish conquest. It was only after a most
stubborn resistance that the principal valleys were subdued.
Cloth found in Grave.
It is not necessary, neither have we space, to give a review of
all the ruins along the coast. They are very plentiful. There is
not an inhabitable valley but that they abound there. The soil
where not irrigated is very dry, and tends to preserve any thing
buried therein. All the coast people buried their dead; hence it
is that we find, in nearly all the coast valleys, such extensive
cemeteries. At Ancon, for instance, twenty miles north of Lima it
is simply wonderful how extensive the cemeteries are. Mr.
Hutchinson says they extend for miles. Very extensive
explorations have been made here for scientific purposes. We have
given, earlier, some water-jars excavated at Ancon, in last
illustration we have some specimens of cloth found in graves
farther north; and in the same locality was found a very
wonderful piece of feather-work. The small feathers were so
fastened to a ground of cotton cloth that they could not be
pulled off.
Wall in Huatica Valley.
Another noted place, about the same distance south of Lima, is
Pachacamac. Mr. Squier concludes, from the cemeteries at this
place, that it was a holy place, to which pilgrims resorted from
all parts of the empire so as to be laid to rest in holy ground.
When we learn of so many other similar localities, we see that
this conclusion does not follow. The most we can say is, that
these valleys have surely been settled for a long while.
The city of Lima is situated on the south bank of the Rimac
River, about six miles from the coast. Its port is the town of
Callao. The valley is called the Huatica Valley. Very extensive
and wonderful rains occur in this valley, between Lima and the
sea. We are told these ruins are thick and close over a space of
a few square miles, and are inclosed within a triple wall. The
last cut is given as a representation of a portion of this wall,
though only a small portion here and there is still discernible.
Amongst these ruins are a large number of immense mounds.
Burial Mound, or Huaca.
Some are huacas, or burial mounds; and some are in the nature of
fortresses. It is best to explain a little more particularly
about the burial mounds of the coast region of Peru. This cut
gives us an idea of their appearance. As to their construction
Mr. Squier says: “Many if not most of the pyramids, or huacas,
were originally solid—built up of successive vertical layers of
bricks, or compacted clay, around a central mass or core.”
But this is not always the case; since in many huacas we find
walls, in some rooms, and, finally, as before remarked, some
apparently consist of a large, many-storied building, the rooms
of which are all filled with clay. In the mound just mentioned,
Mr. Hutchinson found a number of inclosures—though the work was
done in a rough, shapeless manner. Mr. Squier gives us a
description of a many-roomed huaca as follows: “Thanks to the
energy of treasure-hunters who have penetrated its sides, we find
that it had numerous large painted chambers, was built in
successive diminishing stages, ascended by zigzag stair-ways, and
was stuccoed over and painted in bright colors. The conquerors
filled up these chambers, and recast the edifice with a thick
layer of adobe.”37
This is surely a singular piece of work. The building just
described by Mr. Squier must have been much like a pueblo. We
wish we had fuller descriptions of it. Mr. Squier is eminent
authority, and scholars delight to honor him for his researches.
We take the liberty, however, to question some of his
conclusions. How does he know that this structure was ever used
for any other purpose than as a mound? It is indeed a singular
way to construct a mound, but when we learn of the existence of
mounds showing the different methods of work—some solid, some
with walls, others with rude rooms, still others with rooms
towards the top—why not say that this many-storied building was
simply one style of mound-building? He claims that the Incas
filled up these rooms, and transformed the house into a mound.
Mr. Hutchinson claims there is no proof that the Incas did this
sort of work.
As an example of fortress-mounds, also prevalent in the valley of
the Huatica, we present the next cut. Mr. Hutchinson describes
this mound as being eighty feet high, and about four hundred and
fifty feet square. “Some of the adobe walls, a yard and a half in
thickness, are still quite perfect. That this was not likely to
have been a burial-mound may be presumed from its formation.
Great large square rooms show their outlines on the top, but all
filled up with earth. Who brought this earth here, and, with what
object was the filling up accomplished? for the work of
obliterating all space in these rooms with loose earth must have
been almost as great as the construction of the building in
itself.”38 So it seems that in the fortress-mounds also we meet
with this same mysterious feature—rooms filled with earth.
Fortress Mound.
The Huatica Valley was also the location of a famous temple—at
least such are the traditions—and ruins are pointed out as being
those of the temple in question. It is simply an immense, large
inclosed square, of some forty-nine acres. On each side of this
square there is a huge mass of ruins, and another in the center.
In our next illustration we have a portion of the wall
surrounding the ruins on the south side of the supposed temple.
This is the largest of the group of ruins. The walls are seventy
feet high; the area at the top is over five acres. Here, again,
we notice the same mysterious feature already referred to, for
“on the top of this were also discernible the outlines of large
square rooms, filled up, as all the others, even to the topmost
height of seventy feet, with earth or clay.”
Temple Wall.
This cut is given as a fort, meaning thereby a fortress-mound,
such as we have already described. It is said to be situated to
one side of the temple. From this we understand that the wall
seen in the cut is that already mentioned as inclosing the
temple. Another ruined fortress found in this valley is given
earlier.
Fortress, Huatica Valley.
Twenty miles south of Lima, in the valley of the river Lurin, is
an important field of ruins, known as Pachacamac, which is still
the name of a small village in the neighborhood. We give a
general view of the ruins. The principal point of interest, about
it is the ruins of an old temple. Traditionally, this, is one of
the most interesting points in Peru. All the coast tribes were
very superstitious. We have already referred to the celebrated
temple near Lima. The temple at Pachacamac was of still greater
renown. Arriaga, a famous ecclesiastic, took an active part in
extirpating their idolatrous belief. From his accounts, it seems
they were much addicted to fortune-telling. Their gods were made
to give out oracles and their temples became renowned just in
proportion as their priests were shrewd in this matter.
Pachacamac.
Those at Pachacamac were especially skillful, and it is said,
pilgrims resorted to it from all parts of the coast. As a
consequence, it became very rich. The god that was worshiped here
was a fish-god. The name of this god, and the name of this old
town are alike lost to us. When the Incas conquered the coast
people, they imposed the name of one of their own divinities on
this temple, and by that name the place is now known to us.39
The ruins of the supposed temple are seen on the hill in the
background of the picture. A number of writers speak of this hill
in such terms as to imply that it was altogether artificial, like
the famous pyramid at Cholula.
Mr. Squier says that it is largely artificial, but that the
central core is a natural hill. He speaks of rocks cropping out
on the highest part, which seem to be conclusive of the matter.
They built up great terraces around this central core. These
terrace walls are now in such a ruined condition that they can
with difficulty be made out. We introduce this cut as a nearer
view of the ruins of the temple.
View of the Temple.
Some writers assert that the Incas erected on the summit of this
hill a temple of the sun. There are, however, no good proofs of
this assertion. According to Mr. Squier the only ruin of the Inca
type of architecture is a mile and a half distant. Mr. Hutchinson
noticed, on the very top of the hill, evidence of the same
mysterious proceedings to which we have already referred—that is,
great rooms all filled up with clay. He propounds this query:
“Whose hands carried up the enormous quantities of earth that
fill every space and allow no definition of rooms, halls, or,
indeed, of any thing but the clay itself, and the walls cropping
up from amongst them?” We are afraid this query can never be
answered. Mr. Hutchinson found graves to be very plentiful all
over the field of ruins. Quite a number of curiosities have been
found in these graves. We present in this cut some of the same.
We call especial attention to the duck-headed bowl. Compare, this
with the cut given in Chapter X, and we will be struck with the
similarity. Another view of the ruins at Pachacamac is given
earlier in this chapter. As in the case of the ruins of Grand
Chimu, the whole field of ruins was encompassed by a wall,
portions of which Mr. Hutchinson observed on the north,
stretching away from the sea inland. Explorers have found here
true arches. They are said to exist in Northern Peru. We are at a
loss to account for their appearance, for certainly the people
generally were ignorant of their use.
Relics from Graves at Pachacamac.
The valley of the Canete, the next one we meet going south, is a
very large and very fertile valley. It is also full of ruins, but
not differing enough from the others to justify a separate
description. About one hundred miles below Lima we notice three
small islands. These are the Chincha Islands, noticeable on
account of the immense quantities of guano they contain. It seems
that at various depths in this guano deposits are found relics of
man. In our next cut we present some of these objects. The two
small vessels which were probably water jars, were found buried
in the guano at a depth of sixty-two feet. The other figure, a
wooden idol, was found at the depth of thirty-five feet.
Relics found buried in Guano Deposits.
We have no very good data on which to rely when we attempt to
estimate the number of years required to bury the water jars to
the depth where found. Thousands of years must have passed.40 The
water jars are not rude forms. No little skill is indicated by
their formation. The wooden idol is not necessarily near as old
as the jars, but no one can doubt but that it dates from long
before the Inca conquest of the valley. Another collection of
small idols, and supposed royal emblems, also found in guano
deposits, but at an unknown depth, is shown earlier in this
chapter.
We have thus far been describing the ruins that occur in the
territory occupied by the coast tribes, a people in many ways
different from the great body of Peruvian people in the interior.
According to traditions, the conquest of the coast tribes took
place about one hundred and fifty years before the Spanish
conquest. The details of this conquest are given with great
precision. We doubt whether any great reliance can be placed upon
them. We might remark that while Garcillasso traces the progress
of the conquest from the south north, Salcamayhua reverses this
order, and makes the victorious Incas march from the north to the
south. One or the other made a mistake in traditions.
Prehistoric Pottery Ware.
The Inca conquest of the coast tribes was a very thorough one.
The names and traditions of the tribes were blotted out. The word
Yunca, by which they are known, is from the Inca language. The
same is true of the names of the coast valleys, and yet, from
what we have already learned of them, we feel sure that they were
very far from the degraded savages Garcillasso would have us
believe they were. The inhabitants of each valley formed a
distinct community under its own chief. De Leon says: “The chief
of each valley had a great house, with adobe pillars and
door-ways, hung with matting, built on extensive terraces.” This
might have been the official house of the tribe.
They were an industrious people, and the evidence is abundant
that they had made considerable advance in cultivation of the
ground. They “set apart every square foot of ground that could be
reached by water for cultivation, and built their dwellings on
the hillsides overlooking their fields and gardens. Their system
of irrigation was as perfect as any that modern science has since
adopted.41 It is an altogether mistaken idea to suppose the Incas
were the authors.
We are not without evidence that they were possessed of
considerable artistic skill. This preceding collection of pottery
ware is not the work of savages. Mr. Markham further tells us
that they made “silver and gold ornaments, mantles, embroidered
with gold and silver bezants, robes of feathers, cotton cloth of
fine texture, etc.” We have already referred to the tasteful
decorations of the walls of Grand Chimu. “Figures of colored
birds and animals are said to have been painted on the walls of
temples and palaces.” At Pachacamac the remains of this color are
still seen on a portion of the walls. This cut represents the
head of a silver cylinder found in one of the coast valleys. The
ornamentation is produced by hammering up from below.
Silver Cylinder Head.
We must now leave the coast regions and investigate some ruins in
the interior. We have already spoken of the Lake Titicaca region.
Not far from the southern border of that lake we notice a place
marked Tiahuanuco. Here occur a very interesting group of ruins.
They consist of “rows of erect stones, some of them rough, or but
rudely shaped by art, others accurately cut and fitted in walls
of admirable workmanship; long sections of foundations, with
piers and portions of stairways; blocks of stone, with mouldings,
cornices, and niches cut with geometrical precision, vast masses
of sandstone, trachyte, and basalt, but partially hewn, and great
monolithic doorways, bearing symbolical ornaments in relief,
besides innumerable smaller rectangular and symmetrically shaped
stones rise on every hand, or lie scattered in confusion over the
plain.”42 In fact, all explorers are loud in their praise of the
beautifully cut stones found in the ruins.
Terrace Wall, Tiahuanuco.
We have seen in our review how general has been the desire to
raise foundations, sometimes of great extent, on which to place
buildings. This is true of the ruins under consideration. Here
the pyramid or foundation was faced with stone work. In this
illustration we have a view of such a wall yet remaining in
place. The labor expended on such a wall was very great. We
notice in the cut three large standing stones. These are ranged
along at regular intervals between. No mortar was used in the
construction of the wall. If we examine the large standing stone
carefully we will notice on the side a sort of projecting
shoulder. The stones of the wall that come in contact with this
standing stone are cut to fit this shoulder.
Method of Joining Stone, Tiahuanuco.
The remaining stones in the wall were held in place by a peculiar
arrangement, illustrated in this cut. Round holes were drilled in
the bottom and top of each stone. There is reason to suppose that
bronze pins fitted into these holes. Furthermore, each stone was
cut with alternate grooves and projections, so as to fit
immovably into each other.
One case was observed where either the will has entirely
disappeared, or else it was left unfinished, and so we have a row
of these standing stones, as seen in this illustration. This has
been called the American Stonehenge name is inappropriate,
because we have no reason to suppose the plans of the builders of
the two structures were at all similar.
Pillars of Stone, Tiahuanuco.
The most celebrated feature of these ruins is the presence of
huge gateways, each one cut out of a solid mass of stone. We give
a view of the most noteworthy of these gateways. It is now
broken, tradition says, by a stroke of lightning.43 The upper
portion is covered with carvings.
Gateway, at Tiahuanuco.
North of Tiahuanuco is Lake Titicaca. This was the sacred lake of
the Incas. We have already referred to the probable origin of
this feeling. Near the southern end of this lake, on the western
side, is the peninsula of Copacabana. Separated by a narrow
strait from the northern extremity of this peninsula is the
sacred island, Titicaca. According to traditions, the Incas
sought, in all ways, to beautify this island. They built temples,
and laid out gardens. The hills were leveled as much as possible,
terraced, and then covered with earth brought from afar.
According to the statements of early writers, pilgrims were not
permitted to land on its sacred soil until they had undergone
certain preliminary fasts and purifications on the main-land.
Landing on the island, they traversed a terrace, and by a narrow
passage way they were conducted between two large buildings,
where other ceremonies were performed.
The most sacred spot in all the island was a rock in the northern
part. Only priests of especial sanctity were allowed near it. The
rock to-day presents but the appearance of a weather-worn mass of
red sandstone. It is traditionally represented as having been
plated all over with gold and silver, and covered, except on
solemn occasions with a mantle of rich color and material. Here
the sun was believed to have first risen to dispel the primal
darkness. To this day the Indians regard it with superstitious
veneration. The traveler’s guide, when he comes in sight of it,
removes his hat, and reverently bows to it, and mutters to
himself a few words of mystic import.44
Ruins on the Island of Titicaca.
The whole appearance of the island shows how highly it was
regarded. In one place the remains of a drinking fountain were
noticed. Streams from some unknown source were still bringing to
it their limpid burden. Perhaps as noticeable a ruin as any is
represented in this cut. It is called the Palace. It is in a
sheltered nook. The lake washes the very foot of the foundation
on which it stands. It is two-storied. In the lower story were
twelve rooms, so connected with each other that but four of them
communicated by doors with the outside. The others were certainly
dark and illy ventilated. The second story was entered by means
of the terrace in the rear. The same statement may be made in
regard to its rooms; they did not, however, at all correspond in
arrangement with the rooms below. The Island of Coati, but a
short distance to the south-east, was sacred to the moon. It has
also a number of ruins. The approach to this was guarded by a
number of terraces.
Ruins, Island of Coati.
We will describe one more class of ruins found abundantly in the
Collao region. These are burial towers, or chulpas. A view of one
is here presented. The chulpas are common in the Titicaca basin,
and usually occur in groups, and almost always in positions from
which a large extent of country can be viewed. The great mass of
a chulpa is solid, but within is a dome-shaped chamber, into
which the opening seen in the cut leads. Sometimes the chulpas
are round, and in some the masonry is of that variety we have
already mentioned, called the Cyclopean. Another view of burial
towers is given earlier in this chapter.
Burial Tower.
As a mere description of ruins becomes tiresome, we will now pass
to Cuzco, and see of what we can learn of the architecture of the
Incas. The Incas were, of course, a very rich and a very powerful
tribe. All the tribes of ancient Peru had to pay them tribute. We
way therefore suppose that the pueblo of Cuzco was well built,
the houses large, and imposing, and that the official buildings
for worship and tribal business would be commensurate with their
importance as a tribe. Yet we have but very few accounts of these
buildings. Immediately after the conquest, many of the Spanish
leaders settled in Cuzco. They made many changes in the various
edifices, and introduced into them many improvements. At present
in the modern city we still find portions of ancient walls, and
can trace the foundation of various buildings.
Terrace Wall at Cuzco.
The site of the city of Cuzco is very uneven. It stands on the
slopes of three hills, where as many rivulets come together. The
ancient builders had to resort to extensive terracing in order to
secure level surfaces on which to build. These terraces, built in
a substantial manner, and faced with stone, are still standing in
many places. In this illustration we have a view of such a wall.
Observe that the stones are not laid in regular courses, nor is
there any regularity as to their size. This is a good example of
a Cyclopean wall. Some of the stones must weigh several tons, and
they are fitted together with marvelous precision, one stone
having as many as twelve angles.
All accounts agree that the temple of the sun was the grandest
structure in Cuzco. We present an illustration of one end of it.
This end is slightly curving. It is necessary to remark that this
end now forms part of the Church of Santo Domingo. The
fine-looking window and balcony are modern additions to this
ancient building. According to Mr. Squier, the temple was an
oblong building, nearly three hundred feet long, by about fifty
in width. It formed one side of a spacious court. It did not
extend east and west, but rather north-east and south-west. Early
chroniclers affirm that the inner walls of this temple were
covered with gold. Portions of very thin plates of gold exist in
private museums in Cuzco, said to have formed part of this
covering. The end of the temple shown in our illustration was
covered with a great plate of gold intended to represent the sun.
This plate was all in one piece, and spread from wall to wall.
Temple of the Sun.
Only fragments of the ancient buildings of Cuzco now exist. But
enough are at hand to enable us to describe their general
characteristics. As a rule, they were built around a court, the
outer surface presenting the appearance of an unbroken wall.
These walls are excellent specimens of Inca masonry. All
travelers speak in their praise. Mr. Squier says: “The world has
nothing to show in the way of stone-cutting and fitting to
surpass the skill and accuracy displayed in the Inca structures
at Cuzco.” There was but one gateway to the court. This entrance
was broad and lofty. On the lintels, over the doorway, was
frequently carved the figure of a serpent. The apartments were
constructed so as to face the court, and nearly all opened upon
the same. In some cases rooms wore observed, to which access
could be obtained only after passing through several outer rooms.
Some of the walls yet remaining at Cuzco are from thirty-five to
forty feet high. This would indicate houses of two or three
stories.
It is here necessary to state that the structures we have been
describing are considered by most writers as palaces of the Inca
chiefs. Names hive been bestowed upon them—such as the palace of
Huayna Capac. It is asserted that each Inca chief built a
separate palace. The credulous traveler is even pointed to a pile
of ruins said to have been the palace of that mythical personage,
Manco Capac. There is some conflict of authority as to the names
of these palaces. Modern tradition names one of the most imposing
piles as the palace of Inca Rocca, and as such it is described by
Mr. Squier and others. Garcillasso De La Vega says this chief’s
palace was in an altogether different part of the city.45 Those
who call these buildings palaces, think the houses of the
ordinary people have all disappeared. It is evident, however,
that if our views of the state of society among the Incas be
right, that it is a misnomer to call these structures palaces.
Some of them may have been public buildings, devoted to tribal
purposes. But we need not doubt but that this was the type of
communal buildings erected by the natives of Cuzco.
Fortress Walls.
We must describe one more piece of aboriginal work. This is the
celebrated Fortress of Cuzco. As we have stated, the ancient
pueblo, or city@, was built on the slopes of three hills. One of
these, easily defended, was strongly fortified, and thus
converted into a citadel. Though called a hill, it is in reality
a projecting headland. Back of it rise still higher hills. The
portion overhanging the city is very precipitous, in fact, almost
incapable of ascent. There is, however, a pathway up this front,
ascending in places by stone steps. On this front it did not need
very strong fortifications, yet sections of stone wall, serving
for this purpose, are to be seen. They have been mostly thrown
down, and the stones rolled or tumbled down the hill to be
utilized in building. The main defensive works are where the
headland commences, from which point the city is not visible.
Section of Fortress Walls.
In this illustration we have a view of the three massive walls
which defended the citadel. They are really wonderful works. In
order to understand the construction, we will present an
imaginary section of the walls. The walls support terraces, but
they rose above the terraces so as to form a parapet. To prevent
the accumulation of water behind the parapet, channels were cut
through the walls at regular intervals to drain them. The height
of the outer wall is at present twenty-seven feet; the width of
the terrace thirty-five feet. The second wall is eighteen feet
high; the width of its terrace is also eighteen feet. The height
of the third wall is fourteen feet.
Quippos, or Knot Record.
The Incas divided the year into twelve months, but we do not
learn how they kept track of the years. In this respect they were
behind the Mexicans. Neither do we know of any hieroglyphics for
days, or months, or years. In the matter of keeping records, they
must have been far below the Mexicans. Our next illustration is
that of one of their knot records, or quippos. It is a very rude
attempt to assist the memory. To the base cord are attached other
threads of various colors, and tied in various ways. We, of
course, know but very little about them. It is claimed, however,
that a red thread signified a soldier, or war; a yellow one
signified gold; a white one silver, or peace; a green one wheat,
or maize. A single knot is said to have stood for ten; two knots,
twenty; a knot doubly intertwined, one hundred, etc. Also the
position of the knots on the threads was to be considered, their
distance apart, the way the threads were twisted, and many other
details.46 It is manifest, however, that this system of records
is of very little value, and is way below the picture-writing of
the Mexicans.
Take it all in all, the Incas are indeed an interesting people.
We believe, however, their culture has been greatly overrated.
Our object in this chapter has been to give an outline of the
Incas and the tribes subject to them. It is impossible in these
few pages to give more than an outline. Should the reader, by the
perusal of these pages, acquire an interest in the culture of the
Andean people just before the Spanish invasion, and be thereby
induced to continue his investigations, the writer will consider
such a result reward enough, even though the conclusions reached
should be totally opposed to those set forth in this chapter on
Ancient Peru.
REFERENCES
Xeres: “Report on the Discovery of Peru,” Markham’s
translation, Hakluyt Society’s Publication.
Buckle’s “History of Civilization,” chap. ii.
Squier’s “Peru,” p. 9. The Vicuna is a species of the llama.
Squier’s “Peru,” p. 12. The quinoa is a species of plant of the
same genus as our pig-weeds. But it is a larger plant, and its
seeds give a very nutritious meal. The biscacha is about the
size and shape of the rabbit. It belongs to the chinchilla
family. The llama is the only representative of the camel
family on the western hemisphere. There were three species of
this genus in Peru, the llama, alpaca, and vicuna. These
domesticated and constituted what the Spaniards in their first
reports called sheep.
Squier’s “Peru,” p. 12.
Morton’s “Crania Americanæ” pp. 6, 83. Winchell’s
“Pre-Adamites,” p. 388.
H. L. Morgan. “Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the
Human Family,” p. 255; other works by the same author, “House
and House-life of American Aborigines,” and “Ancient Society.”
The Quichuas were a closely related tribe to the Incas, and
their name has been given to the language of Peru. But as the
Incas were the ruling tribe, their name should have been given
to this family of languages.
“The Geographical Distribution of the Tribes of the Inca
Empire,” in “Journal of the Geographical Society,” Vol. XLI, p.
281, _et seq._
“Peru,” p. 571.
Foster’s “Prehistoric Races,” p. 375. The Zuñi Indians have
indeed preserved a tradition of the visit of Coronado three
hundred and fifty years ago, but in such a form that no one not
acquainted with the facts would guess the meaning. “Fifth
Annual Report Archæological Institute,” p. 40.
More than one-third of Mr. Prescott’s quotations are from this
authority.
Morton.
This idea was largely based on the differences of the skulls.
On this point see “Fourth Annual Report Peabody Museum.” Some
authors speak rather vaguely of the ancient race of the
Titicaca basin. We know of no good foundation for such
expressions.
Garcillasso impresses on his readers the idea that the Incas
was the only tribe at all civilized. The Aymara Indians were
certainly as far advanced as the Incas, and even surpassed them
in the art of cutting stone, if we conclude the ruins at
Tiahuanuco to be of Aymara origin. The tribes of the coast
region were certainly not far behind. The Muyscas, of Bogota,
who were never under the dominion of the Incas, were yet
possessed of a high degree of culture.
Markham in Forbes’s “Aymara Indians,” p. 111.
“Peru,” p. 427.
“It was from Cuzco the nearest point to the sun-rising.”
(Markham.)
Their name for the Titicaca basin.
Markham, in Forbes’s “Aymara Indians.”
_American Antiquarian,_ Sept., 1884, p. 295, _et seq._
It is manifest that, during the centuries of slow development
which the Incas underwent, they had a great many chiefs. How
many we shall never know. Garcillasso gives us a list of
fourteen, including Huascar and Atahualpa. Montesino generously
increases this number to one hundred and one. Neither of them
knew any thing positive about it; but this latter number is the
more reasonable of the two. Mr. Markham, who goes at the
problem in another way, thinks there were five historical
Incas, counting Huayna-Capac the last. He surmises that the
first may have flourished two hundred years before the
conquest.
Markham’s Garcillasso’s “Royal Commentaries,” Vol. I, p. 66.
Markham’s translation, p. 151.
Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 100.
Our authority is Christoval Molina, a priest of Cuzco. He made
a report to the bishop, which must have been written some time
between 1570 and 1584, on the “Fables and Rites of the Incas.”
This was translated by Markham, and published by Hakluyt
Society in 1873. He obtained his information by gathering
together a number of aged Indians, including some priests, who
had participated in these ceremonies in the days of the Incas.
This writer, a native Indian, wrote about the same time as
Garcillasso.
“Fables and Rites of the Incas,” p. 105.
“Peruvian Antiquities,” p. 105.
“Peru,” p. 5.
Many such quotations could be given, not only from Garcillasso,
but from Molina, Salcamayhua, and others.
Address before the Historical Society of New Mexico.
We can not help wondering if the Incas did not have two chief
executives. This would make them similar to the Iroquois, and
most of the more southern tribes, such as we have already seen
to be true of the Mexicans. Mr. Bandelier says there is
abundant proof that the Incas had two chiefs—one the
“dispensing Inca,” the other the “speaking head.”
(“Archæological Tour in Mexico,” p. 167, note 6.)
“Travels,” Markham’s Translation, p. 164.
In Forbes’s “Aymara Indians,” p. 109.
Indian architecture from the Sioux lodge to the houses of
Uxmal, Mitla, and Tiahuanuco, is only understood through Indian
social organization.” (Bandelier.)
“Peru,” p. 214.
“Two Years in Peru,” Vol. I, p. 283.
Markham’s “Introduction,” to “Report on the Discovery of Peru.”
“In this case it is nonsense to talk of hundreds.”
(Hutchinson.)
Markham, in Journal of the Royal Geog. Society, Vol. XLI.
Squier’s “Peru,” p. 375.
The dimensions are: Length, thirteen feet five inches; height
above ground, seven feet two inches; thickness, one foot six
inches. (Squier.)
Squier’s “Peru,” p. 336.
Markham, in “Journal of Geog. Soc.,” Vol. XLI.
“Peruvian Antiquities,” p. 110.
The End.