The second session of the nineteenth congress commenced on the 4th of

December, 1826, when the two houses were organized in the usual manner.

The message of the president on this occasion gave a clear account of

our foreign relations, and made particular reference to the controversy

with Great Britain on the colonial trade. The death of the emperor

Alexander of Russia was mentioned in terms which the friendly feelings

displayed by that monarch towards this country seemed to require. Our

commercial connections with France and the Netherlands were represented

to be placed on a more favorable basis than at the commencement of the

preceding congress. In the post-office there had been received during

the year a surplus of eighty thousand dollars above the expenditures.

The revenue was sufficiently large to authorize the application of

seven millions sixty-seven thousand and thirty-nine dollars to the

reduction of the public debt, and three millions nine hundred and

forty-four thousand three hundred and fifty-nine dollars to the payment

of interest. A system was recommended for the permanent increase of

the navy; the unsettled land claims in Florida and Louisiana; the works

of internal improvement, reported by the board of engineers; and the

attention of congress was particularly called to the irregularities

of the Brazilian and Buenos-Ayrean squadrons towards neutral flags.

The estimates of appropriations for the different departments of the

government were submitted with the message; and a system of cavalry

tactics prepared during the summer under the direction of the war

department. These were the most important topics suggested by the

message.

The Creek controversy, which might have been considered as happily

settled by the treaty of 22d of April, was still to continue a subject

of excitement. Instead of waiting till the tribes had removed from

their ceded lands, governor Troup ordered the surveyors employed by him

to enter the Indian territories and commence the surveys, previous to

the time prescribed by the treaty for the removal. The Indians resisted

these encroachments, and the governor ordered out a force of militia.

In this posture of affairs, the president determined to support the

laws of the Union by the authority which the constitution had placed

in his hands, previously submitting the affair to congress, to have

it determined whether it were necessary to resort to any new measures.

On the 5th of February he transmitted to both houses of congress a

message, in which he gave a plain statement of the facts, and declared

his determination to enforce the laws, and fulfil the duties of the

nation by all the force committed for that purpose to his charge. ‘That

the arm of military force will be resorted to only in the event of the

failure of all other expedients provided by the laws, a pledge has been

given by the forbearance to employ it at this time. It is submitted

to the wisdom of congress to determine, whether any further acts of

legislation may be necessary or expedient to meet the emergency which

these transactions may produce.’

Great excitement was displayed in both houses on the receipt of

this message. The committee of the representatives, to which it was

referred reported that it ‘is expedient to procure a cession of the

Indian lands in the state of Georgia, and that until such a cession is

procured, the law of the land, as set forth in the treaty at Washington,

ought to be maintained by all necessary, constitutional, and legal

means.’ The firmness of the president brought the governor of Georgia

to reason, and he addressed a letter to the delegation of that state

at Washington, submitting to the decision of congress, and denying any

intention of a resort to force, except the sovereignty of the state

came into collision with the United States. A cession of the Creek land

in Georgia was finally procured, and the dispute in respect to this

portion of the Indian territory was put at rest.

A bill for an additional protection on woollens was agitated during

this session, and finally laid on the table by the casting vote of the

vice-president. The defeat of this measure occasioned much discussion

in all parts of the Union, and stimulated the friends of this branch

of industry to renewed exertions. In Pennsylvania a state convention

was proposed, to choose delegates to attend a general convention

at Harrisburg on the 30th of July, 1827. Other states answered with

alacrity to this invitation, and a meeting was held at the appointed

time, of delegates in the highest degree respectable in point of talent,

weight of character, and dignity of standing. The reports of their

committees, on various subjects connected with domestic industry,

exhibited the importance and the necessity of increased protection, and

a memorial to congress, drawn up in conformity with these views, was

unanimously adopted. These proceedings were received in the southern

states with much dissatisfaction. They were represented as at war

with their best interests, and with the spirit of the constitution. No

means were omitted to raise a strong excitement in the community, in

opposition to all increase of the woollen duty; but at the time of the

twentieth congress, the public mind was more and more impressed with

the opinion that effectual measures would be resorted to for the relief

of this branch of national industry.

We have not room for a detailed account of the various measures of

Mr. Adams’ administration. During the whole of it the United States

enjoyed uninterrupted peace; for the foreign policy of the government

had nothing in view but the maintenance of our national dignity, the

extension of our commercial relations, and the successful prosecution

of the claims of American citizens upon foreign governments.

A portion of these claims upon Sweden and Denmark was obtained, and

the claims which arose against the Brazilian government, during the

war between that power and Buenos Ayres, were speedily adjusted by the

liquidation of the claims. The exorbitant pretensions of Great Britain

respecting the West India trade were resisted, although at the expense

of the direct trade between the United States and the British islands.

The difficulties which occurred in carrying into effect the treaty

of Ghent, relative to deported slaves, and other property taken away,

having been found insurmountable, the sum of one million two hundred

and four thousand nine hundred and sixty dollars, which was amply

sufficient, was obtained from the British government in satisfaction

of these claims. A convention was also concluded with that government,

and a mode provided for the peaceable settlement of the long pending

and finally threatening dispute concerning the north-east boundary of

the United States. The treaty of commerce between the United States and

Great Britain, and the convention effecting a temporary compromise of

their conflicting claims to the territory west of the Rocky mountains,

both of which expired by their own limitation, October 20th, 1828

were renewed for an indefinite period, with liberty to either party

to terminate them, on giving one year’s notice. Some commercial

difficulties, which grew out of an adherence of the government of the

Netherlands to the principles of discriminating duties, were adjusted

to mutual satisfaction. New treaties of amity, navigation, and commerce,

in which the liberal principles maintained by the United States, in

her commercial and foreign policy, were generally recognised, were

concluded with Colombia, Austria, Sweden, Denmark, Guatemala, and the

Hanseatic league.

It was, however, in the domestic policy of the government, that the

character of the administration was most strongly displayed. During its

continuance in office, new and increased activity was imparted to those

powers vested in the federal government, for the development of the

resources of the country; and the public revenue liberally expended in

prosecuting those national measures to which the sanction of congress

had been deliberately given, as the settled policy of the government.

In the condition which we have described, in peace with all the world,

with an increasing revenue, and with a surplus of five millions one

hundred and twenty-five thousand six hundred and thirty-eight dollars

in the public treasury, the administration of the government of the

United States was surrendered by Mr. Adams, who became a private

citizen, to general Jackson, his successor.

Thus ended the administration of Mr. Adams; an administration marked

by definite and consistent policy and energetic councils, governed by

up-right motives, but from the beginning devoted to the most violent

opposition and a signal overthrow. The election which terminated in the

defeat of Mr. Adams was marked with extreme bitterness, asperity, and

profligacy. On both sides the press was virulent, libellous, and mean.

No privacy was safe, no confidence was sacred; even the tombs of the

illustrious dead were violated, and their ashes defiled. The arts of

party warfare were more insidious than the arts of savage treachery,

and its arms more ruthless than the tomahawk or the scalping knife.

Calumny and falsehood were the usual resources of the most violent

partisans, and the only weapons that they never for a moment laid

aside. The brave soldier was described as a malignant savage, and the

experienced statesman as a man who had purchased by intrigue a position

that he was determined to maintain by corruption. It must be most

sincerely hoped that an era may never again arrive in our history to be

stamped so indelibly with the brand of shame; that public opinion will

ever require of the public press a more decent regard to the charities

of life and the duties of truth.

ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON.

As the election of General Jackson to the presidency of the United

States brought the democratic party into power, and was hailed by that

party as an event, in their view, most auspicious to the interests

of the country, unusual efforts were made to render the occasion of

his inauguration, one of great interest and attraction. On the 4th

of March, 1829, the ceremony took place, and was, in all respects,

grand and imposing. At half past eleven of that day, the president

elect, preceded by the marshal of the district, and the committee of

arrangements, entered the senate chamber, and took his seat in front

of the secretary’s desk. On the right of the president’s chair sat the

distinguished chief justice of the United States, and the associate

judges. The left was occupied by the foreign ministers and their suites,

in their official costumes. The rear of the senators and the lobby

under the eastern gallery were occupied by ladies; while the western

gallery was assigned to members of the house of representatives.

At noon, all repaired in solemn procession to the eastern portico of

the capitol; where, in the presence of an immense concourse of people,

filling the portico, the steps, and the inclosure, the president

delivered his inaugural address.

After expressing his gratitude to the nation for the honor conferred

on him, and a determination to promote the welfare of his country, he

proceeded, as is usual on similar occasions, to state his political

creed; or those principles which would guide him in the administration

of the government. “I shall keep steadily in view,” said he, “the

limitation, as well as the extent of executive power.” With foreign

nations, he would study to preserve peace, and cultivate friendship.

The rights of the separate states should be respected, and the power,

which they had reserved to themselves should not be confounded with

those, which had been granted to the confederacy. A due solicitude

should be exercised in the management of the public revenue, and a

strict and faithful economy observed in the administration of the

government. Agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, should be equally

favored. Internal improvement and the diffusion of knowledge should

be promoted, as far as might be consistent with the constitution.

An increase of the standing army for the present would not be deemed

advisable; but a gradual increase of the navy, would be urged as

important to the national honor, and national security.

He next spoke of the Indian tribes――towards whom it would be his

desire to observe a just and liberal policy――to secure their rights and

administer to their wants, as far as duty to the government and justice

to the people would admit.

One task――that of _reform_――would demand his speedy and vigilant

attention. Abuses had sprung up, which had brought the patronage of the

federal government into conflict with the freedom of elections. These

must be corrected and those causes counteracted, which had disturbed

the rightful course of appointment to office, and which had too often

placed, or continued power in unfaithful, or incompetent hands.

In the selection of men to office, it would be his endeavor to place

power in the hands of those whose diligence and talents would insure

the faithful performance of their respective duties.

In conclusion, he said――“A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own

qualifications, will teach me to look with reverence to the examples of

public virtue, left by my illustrious predecessors, and with veneration

to the lights that flow from the mind that founded, and the mind

that reformed, our system. The same diffidence induces me to hope for

instruction and aid from the coordinate branches of the government, and

for the indulgence and support of my fellow-citizens generally. And a

firm reliance on the goodness of that Power whose providence mercifully

protected our national infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in

various vicissitudes, encourages me to offer up my ardent supplications,

that He will continue to make our beloved country the object of his

divine care and gracious benediction.”

The oath to support the constitution was next administered to him by

Chief Justice Marshall. This was announced by the prolonged discharge

of artillery from various points; during which the president was

conducted to his mansion, where he received the congratulations of

the people.

Antecedently to the formation of his cabinet, much speculation existed

in the country, as to the persons whom General Jackson would call to

his counsels. As he was in a great measure uncommitted in respect to

the future policy of his government, no inconsiderable anxiety was felt,

especially by office holders, on the subject of these appointments,

as these would furnish some indications as to his future course. All

speculation, however, was soon terminated by the nomination of Martin

Van Buren, of New York, as secretary of state; John H. Eaton, of

Tennessee, as secretary of war; Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania,

secretary of the treasury; John Branch, of North Carolina, secretary

of the navy; William T. Barry, of Kentucky, postmaster-general; John M.

Berrien, of Georgia, attorney-general. These several nominations were

ratified by the senate, without opposition.

At the time of his appointment, Mr. Van Buren was governor of the

state of New York. This office he immediately resigned――retiring with a

complimentary address from the legislature of that state. Mr. Van Buren

was considered as a man distinguished for tact and self-possession,

and as destined to act a distinguished part in the public counsels

to which he had been called. The attorney-general was considered a

man of liberal attainments, and fully qualified, by his learning and

eloquence, for the station to which he was elevated. The other members

of the cabinet had not been particularly distinguished for their public

services. Mr. Eaton was the personal friend of the president. Mr.

Ingham had been an active partisan in Pennsylvania, the state which

brought General Jackson into the field, as a candidate. The motives

which influenced the appointment of Mr. Branch as secretary of the

navy were never satisfactorily ascertained. Previously to this time,

the postmaster-general had not been a constituent of the cabinet, but

it was now determined to introduce him as a member. Mr. Barry, who

succeeded John M’Lean, in this office, the latter being removed to the

bench of the Supreme Court, was one of the leaders of the relief party

in Kentucky.

The cabinet was now constituted; and, after confirming the nominations

of several individuals to diplomatic posts, and lucrative stations in

the land office, custom-house, and navy, the senate adjourned on the

17th of March, the Executive having informed that body, that he had no

further business to lay before them.

In the course of his inaugural address, General Jackson had expressed

his conviction of the necessity of _reform_, in regard to the

distribution of the public offices, within the control of the executive.

To this “task of reform,” as he termed it, he immediately addressed

himself, on the adjournment of the senate. Availing himself of the

right of the Executive to fill vacancies occurring in the recess,

he removed the principal officers of the treasury, the marshals, and

district attorneys in most of the eastern, middle, and western states,

the revenue officers of the chief Atlantic ports, the greater part

of the receivers and registers in the land office, and changed the

ministers plenipotentiary to Great Britain, France, Netherlands, and

Spain.

But a still more unprecedented change was made in the post office

department――the number of removals here, between the 4th of March,

1829, and the 22d of March, 1830, being four hundred and ninety-one.

These removals contrasted strongly with those of former administrations.

Washington, during his administration of eight years, removed but

nine; Mr. Adams, ten; Mr. Jefferson, thirty-nine; Mr. Madison, five;

Mr. Monroe, nine; John Quincy Adams, two.

The removals thus effected by General Jackson, so sudden, and so

numerous, were strongly censured by the opposers of the administration.

The president was charged with usurping an authority not conferred by

the constitution, which it was contended only gave him the right to

fill vacancies, either accidentally occurring, or caused by some

official misconduct. It was charged, also, that prior to his election,

he had expressed an opinion, that members of congress should not be

appointed to office, during the term for which they had been elected,

nor for two years after. Yet, in direct opposition to his express views,

he was conferring a greater number of offices on members of congress,

in the compass of a single year, than any of his predecessors had done,

during the entire period of their administration.

On the other hand, the friends of the president justified his course.

They maintained that he was “solely invested with the right of removal;

that it was a discretionary right, for the exercise of which he was

responsible solely to the nation; that that power was given to enable

him, not only to remove incumbents for delinquency, or incapacity,

but with the view of reforming the administration of the government,

and introducing officers of greater efficiency, or sounder principles

into its various departments. Occasion was also taken, owing to the

defalcation of a few of those removed, to assert the necessity of

reform; and great efforts were made to create an impression on the

public mind of the necessity of a general removal of the officers of

the federal government.”[150]

The preceding changes were the subject of much discussion, on the

assembling of congress. A spirited opposition was instituted by the

minority in the senate, against the principles of the Executive, in

relation to removals, both on the ground of their unconstitutionality

and inexpediency. Most of those who had been appointed by the president

to office were, notwithstanding this opposition, confirmed; but several

were rejected by strong votes.

On the 7th of December, 1829, commenced the first session of the

twenty-first congress. Andrew Stevenson was again elected speaker of

the house. On the day following, the president communicated his first

message. It embodied several topics of interest and importance. The

principal of these related to an amendment of the constitution, to

the choice of president and vice-president――a modification of the

tariff――a provision for the disposition of the surplus revenue, after

the extinguishment of the national debt――the assignment of a territory

west of the Mississippi for the Indian tribes, within the states――and a

consideration of the expediency of extending the charter of the Bank of

the United States.

The foreign relations of the state, the president said, were

satisfactory, except in relation to England and France. The boundary

line between Maine and the British Provinces of Canada and New

Brunswick was still the subject of controversy; for although by mutual

consent the question had been submitted to the king of the Netherlands,

neither party would abide his decision.

Another controversy between these two governments respected the West

India trade. The treaty of commerce between the two countries, on the

termination of the late war, although reciprocal, did not extend to

the colonial possessions of Great Britain. In consequence of this, the

policy of England was to render the intercourse of the United States

with the West Indies, chiefly, if not exclusively, advantageous to

herself. Accordingly, in different years, various acts had been passed

by the British government, having the above monopoly in view. Measures

retaliatory had, from time to time, been adopted by the United States.

In effect, the trade was lost to the United States. This important

subject was now brought to the attention of congress, and before the

close of the session the controversy was adjusted. It was conceded to

the British government, what it had long claimed, but denied by the

American government――the exclusive power to the former of regulating

her colonial trade. The president was also authorized to confer on

British vessels all those privileges, as well in the circuitous, as in

the direct voyage, which Great Britain had demanded. These concessions

being deemed sufficient by the British government, her West India ports

were opened _by her_ to the United States, on terms satisfactory to the

latter. A renewal of the trade was the immediate consequence.

The controversy between the United States and France related to

depredations upon the property of American citizens, during the

reign of Napoleon. Claims growing out of these depredations remained

unpaid. The president informed congress that he had given instructions

to our minister to press these demands on the French government, with

appropriate earnestness.

He next proceeded to recommend “such an amendment of the constitution,

as would remove all intermediate agency in the election of president

and vice-president.” “The mode,” said he, “may be so regulated as to

preserve to each state its present relative weight in the election; and

a failure in the first attempt may be provided for, by confining the

second to a choice between the two highest candidates. In connexion

with such an amendment, it would seem advisable to limit the service of

chief magistrate to a single term, of either four, or six years.”

Next, adverting to the surplus revenue, he expressed his belief, that

the most safe, just and federal disposition, which could be made of the

surplus revenue, would be its apportionment among the several states

according to their ratio of representation; and should this measure not

be found warranted by the constitution, that it would be expedient to

propose to the states an amendment, authorizing it.

In regard to the disposal of the Indian tribes, the president

suggested the propriety of setting apart an ample district, west of

the Mississippi, and without the limits of any state or territory, now

formed, to be guarantied to the tribes as long as they shall occupy

it; each tribe having a distinct control over the portion designated

for its use. “There,” said the president, “they may be secured in

the enjoyment of governments of their own choice, subject to no other

control from the United States, than such as may be necessary to

preserve peace on the frontier, and between the several tribes.”

Another important subject, included in the message, and one which, as

years have succeeded, has occasioned great political dissension, was

the subject of the renewal of the charter of the United States Bank.

Although several years would elapse, before the charter would expire,

the Executive deemed it a subject of sufficient importance, thus early

to bring it before the legislature and the people. In so doing, and

in the terms employed, he was understood to be opposed to such an

institution. “Both the constitutionality and the expediency of the

law creating this bank,” he observed, “are well questioned by a large

portion of our fellow-citizens; and it must be admitted by all, that

it has failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and sound

currency.”

“Under these circumstances, if such an institution is deemed essential

to the fiscal operations of the government, I submit to the wisdom of

the legislature, whether a national one, founded upon the credit of the

government, and its revenues, might not be devised, which would avoid

all constitutional difficulties; and, at the same time, secure all the

advantages to the government and country that were expected to result

from the present bank.”

The message of the president, embracing subjects of great importance,

and unfolding, as it did, his views in relation to them, excited an

intense interest throughout the country. It gave birth to strong and

animated debates in the national legislature, in which many of the

ablest statesmen of both political parties participated. The subjects

of greatest interest debated, related to the Indian affairs――the public

lands――the United States Bank――the tariff――and internal improvements.

One of the most embarrassing subjects which fell under the cognizance

of the new administration, related to the Indian tribes, within the

limits of the states already admitted into the Union; but especially

to the Cherokees, a powerful tribe, within the limits of Georgia.

This state laid claim to the territory occupied by the tribe; and,

encouraged by the views of the executive, viz., that he could not

interpose to prevent a state from extending her laws over the tribes,

within her limits, authorized an intrusion upon the Indian territory

for the purpose of surveying it, and extending her jurisdiction over it.

The state laws were accordingly attempted to be enforced. One George

Tassel, a Cherokee, was arraigned for the murder of another Cherokee,

tried, and condemned.

About this time, Samuel Worcester and other missionaries were

arrested, by order of the governor, and taken before the superior

court of Gwinnett county, for refusing to obtain a permit from the

government of Georgia to reside within the territory, or to take an

oath of allegiance to the state. Mr. Worcester and Mr. Thompson, being

missionaries, were discharged by the court, on the alleged ground, that

they were agents of the government, having been employed to disburse

among the Indians a portion of their annuities. This decision of the

court gave great offence to the state authorities; and the governor

obtained from the general government a disavowal that the missionaries

were its agents. No sooner was this disavowal received, than Mr.

Worcester and Ezra Butler were warned to quit the nation, with which

order, not complying, they were arrested, tried, and sentenced to four

years confinement at hard labor, in the penitentiary of Georgia. Much

indignation was manifested throughout the country at this violation of

personal rights, superadded to what this course was claimed to be, a

complete disregard of the federal compact, and the faith of treaties.

The decision of the president, however, sustained Georgia in the ground

she had taken, and she proceeded to carry out her policy towards the

Cherokees.

The case of the missionaries, however, was, at length, brought

before the Supreme Court of the United States. The decision of that

court, March 30, 1832, involved the question of jurisdiction over

the country of the Cherokees. The claims of Georgia were set aside by

this decision, as unconstitutional; and her laws by which the Indians

had been deprived of their rights, and the missionaries confined and

imprisoned, were pronounced null and void. This decision of the supreme

judicial tribunal of the United States was resisted by Georgia, and

the missionaries continued in prison. This unpleasant controversy

was, at length, ended by a letter addressed, January 8th, 1833, by the

missionaries to the governor of Georgia, in which they informed his

Excellency, that they had forwarded instructions to their counsel, to

prosecute the case no farther. Upon this, January 14th, his Excellency

issued his proclamation remitting the farther execution of the sentence,

and discharging the missionaries from prison. We shall only add,

that on the 23d of May, 1838, a military force of several thousand

men, under the command of Gen. Scott, was assembled on the Cherokee

territory, for the purpose of removing the nation to the territory

assigned them beyond the great river of the west, a bill having passed

congress in 1831, authorizing the president to set apart such portions

of the public territory, west of the Mississippi, as he should deem

necessary for the permanent residence of the Cherokees, and other

emigrating tribes. This bill, at the time of its introduction into

congress, 22d of February, 1830, gave rise to a long and spirited

debate in both houses, during which the whole subject of the relations

of the federal government with the Indians was developed. The

final vote on it in the house was close, being one hundred and two

affirmative, and ninety-seven negative. In the senate, the majority was

larger. The passage of this bill, connected with the course taken by

the president in relation to the Indians, formed an era in the policy

of the United States, respecting the aboriginal tribes.

Another exciting topic agitated in congress, related to the public

lands. These lands were acquired by the federal government in two

modes. The portion west of the Mississippi, forming much the larger

part, is held under the Louisiana treaty, having been acquired by

purchase from France. The residue was acquired at the treaty of 1783,

the fruits of conquest from the crown of Great Britain. Out of these

territories, new states had been formed. Prior to the adoption of the

federal constitution, but few sales had been made. In 1800, the acts

containing the principal features of the present land system were

passed. These have been subsequently modified, and in 1820 cash sales

were substituted for sales on credit.

Acting upon the new principle advanced by Georgia, in relation to the

sovereignty of the state over all lands within its limits, some of the

new states have set up a claim to the property in the soil of all lands,

not owned by individuals, as an incident of sovereignty.

In consequence of these claims, and memorials of some of the western

legislatures against the existing mode of disposing of the public lands,

Mr. Foot, of Connecticut, on the 29th of December, 1829, introduced

into the senate the following resolution:――“Resolved, that the

committee on public lands be instructed to inquire into the expediency

of limiting, for a certain period, the sales of the public lands, to

such lands only as have heretofore been offered for sale, and are

subject to entry at the minimum price, and also whether the office of

surveyor-general may not be abolished, without detriment to the public

interest.”

This resolution was immediately and strongly opposed, as a part of a

systematic policy for crippling the growth of the west. It was urged

that it would serve to prevent emigration to those states, within

whose territory these lands lay. The debate to which this resolution

gave rise continued for several weeks, during which Messrs. Hayne

and Webster made speeches, which will long be remembered for their

eloquence, ingenuity and power. Others mingled in the warm and animated

discussion, wandering from the subject of the public lands to discuss

almost every topic of general interest connected with the politics of

the day.

In his message to congress, the President had expressed an opinion

against renewing the charter of the United States Bank, which would

expire in 1836. The bank had not applied for such renewal, but being

pressed on the attention of congress, it was referred to the committee

on finance in both houses of congress for examination. On the 30th

of April, 1830, Mr. M’Duffie, the chairman of the committee of ways

and means, in the house, made a report diametrically opposite to the

recommendations of the President. Respecting the first proposition

contained in the message, that congress had not constitutional power

to incorporate a bank, the committee deemed that question no longer

open for discussion. They also came to a different opinion from that

contained in the message, respecting the expediency of the measure.

The report from the committee on finance in the senate concurred with

that of the house in its conclusions, and was equally decisive in its

condemnation of the sentiments of the President. The effect produced

in the public mind by the message was entirely done away, and the stock

of the bank, which had fallen, upon the delivery of the message, from

one hundred and twenty-six to one hundred and twenty, rose, after the

publication of these reports, to one hundred and twenty-seven, and

finally attained the price of one hundred and thirty dollars per share.

In December, 1832, a memorial was presented to congress from the

president and directors of the United States Bank for a renewal of

its charter. Soon after, a committee was appointed by the house to

investigate the proceedings of the bank. A majority of this committee,

adopting the views of the Executive, reported against a renewal of the

charter, principally on the ground of a violation of its charter by

illegal transactions. A counter report was presented by the minority,

in the conclusion of which they bore unequivocal testimony to the

fidelity of the officers of that institution. On the 10th of June,

the question was taken in the senate on a bill to incorporate the bank,

which passed that body by a vote of twenty-eight to twenty. On the 3d

of July the question was taken in the house, and the charter renewed by

a vote of one hundred and seven to eighty-five. On the 10th, the bill

was returned by the President with his objections.

Although not unexpected to the country, the veto put upon the bill by

the President gave great dissatisfaction to the friends of the bank

in every section of the United States. A general disturbance of the

currency was predicted as the necessary consequence. “We have arrived

at a new epoch,” said one of the advocates of the bank on the floor

of the senate: “We are entering on _experiments_ with the government

and constitution of the country, hitherto untried and of fearful and

appalling aspects.” Another subject of importance introduced in the

message respected _internal_ improvements. During the administration of

Washington and the elder Adams, no application was made of the public

revenue to internal improvements; the government having as many demands

upon the treasury, growing out of debts incurred in the Revolution, as

could be met. But during the presidency of Mr. Jefferson, the internal

improvement policy was begun, by an act passed May 1st, 1802, making

appropriations for opening roads in the north-west territory. This

was followed by other similar appropriations. During Mr. Madison’s

administration, the appropriations were increased, and still further

augmented, while Mr. Monroe was in office. On the accession of

Mr. Adams, the policy was still pursued; and as he was understood to

give a still more liberal construction of the constitution on this

subject, more appropriations were made for the above object during

his administration than during those of all his predecessors. General

Jackson, while holding a seat in the senate of the United States,

had voted with the friends of internal improvements. It was therefore

anticipated by a numerous class in the United States, and among them

were some of his friends, that he would follow out the policy of his

predecessors. In his message to congress, however, he first manifested

an unwillingness to the exercise of this power by congress. As the

session advanced, it became more and more apparent that he was hostile

to all appropriations to the above object. And, finally, all doubt was

ended by his return of several bills appropriating money for internal

improvements, with objections.

A decided majority in congress being in favor of such appropriations,

notwithstanding the views of the Executive, several bills were

introduced into the house similar to those which the President had

rejected, and were passed by both houses by decided majorities. The

President and his cabinet thus found themselves compelled to yield to

public opinion expressed in congress, and although their determination

checked the action of the federal government in relation to internal

improvements, still they had surrendered every principle, upon which

their opposition to the system could be founded. By these decisive

votes in congress, this policy was considered as firmly established,

and nothing was required to carry it into effect with moderation and

discretion, but the harmonious co-operation between different branches

of the government.

During the summer of 1831 a new cabinet was organized, consisting of

Edward Livingston, of Louisiana, secretary of state; Louis M’Lane, of

Delaware, secretary of the treasury; Lewis Cass, of Ohio, secretary of

war; Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, secretary of the navy; Roger B.

Taney, of Maryland, attorney-general.

The public press had for some time been filled with rumor that there

existed but little, if any harmony in the first cabinet. The question

of the succession, it is said, was a matter of jealousy and disunion

even at this early day. But the chief difficulty, according to a

communication from the attorney-general, arose from a determination

on the part of the president to compel the families of the dismissed

members to associate with the wife of the secretary of war. By this

statement it appeared, that these ladies had, in accordance with the

general understanding of the female part of society at Washington,

declined to visit the family of the secretary of war, and that this

neglect, being resented by that gentleman, had produced a coolness

between him and the heads of those families. As the President

warmly espoused the feelings of the secretary of war, as of an old

and confidential friend, it was rumored early in the year, that

their removal would be a consequence of this resentment; and the

attorney-general stated, that about that time a confidential friend

of the President (Richard M. Johnson), called upon him and other

refractory members, as from the President, and intimated to them that,

unless they would consent to at least a formal intercourse between

their families and that of the secretary of war, he had determined to

remove them from office. They replied, that while they felt bound to

maintain a frank and harmonious intercourse with their colleague, they

would not permit any interference with the social relations of their

families, and wholly refused to comply with the request. Other friends,

however, interfered, and the president was induced to waive any further

prosecution of the subject at that time. To that refusal, however, he

attributed the want of harmony in the cabinet, and its consequent

dissolution.

On the 4th of July, 1831, a treaty settling the claims of American

citizens on France for spoliations during Napoleon’s government was

signed by Mr. Rives, and Sebastiani, at Paris, and the ratifications

in due time were exchanged between the two governments.

By this treaty, the French government agreed to pay to the United

States, for seizures, captures, sequestration, or destruction of their

vessels, cargoes, or other property, 25,000,000 francs, in six equal

annual instalments. The government of the United States on their

part, agreed to pay 1,500,000 francs to the government of France,

in satisfaction of all claims in behalf of France, its citizens, or

the royal treasury, either for ancient supplies or accounts, or for

unlawful seizures, captures, detentions, arrests or destruction of

French vessels, cargoes, or other property, in six annual instalments,

to be reserved out of the instalments payable to the United States;

interest at the rate of four per cent., is to be allowed on the above

sums, from the exchange of the ratifications. The sum thus stipulated

to be paid by France did not amount to more than one-third of the just

claims of the citizens of the United States, but their liquidation,

even upon terms comparatively unfavorable, was so desirable, that the

conclusion of this treaty was hailed by all parties.

During the spring of 1832 hostilities were commenced by the Sac and

Fox Indians on the western borders of the United States, under the

celebrated chief, Black Hawk. This aggression created a necessity

for the interposition of the Executive, who ordered a portion of the

troops under Generals Scott and Atkinson, together with a detachment of

militia from the state of Illinois, into the field. After a harassing

warfare, prolonged by the nature of the country and the difficulty of

procuring subsistence, the Indians were defeated, and Black Hawk and

the Prophet were taken prisoners. The confederated tribes of the Sacs

and Foxes have long been distinguished for their spirit of adventure,

as well as their restless and savage disposition. During the late war

with Great Britain they aided her by their arms. In 1829 and 1830,

these tribes, claiming a part of the country upon Rock river, attempted

to establish themselves in that quarter, and the necessary consequence

of which was frequent collisions with the white inhabitants. In 1831,

their aggressions were so serious as to require a detachment of troops

in the field. The appearance of these alarming the Indians they agreed

to confine themselves to their own lands west of the Mississippi.

Scarcely, however, had this arrangement been settled, before a party

of these Indians assaulted and murdered a number of the Menomonies,

a tribe friendly to the United States, while encamped in the village

of Prairie du Chien. This wanton outrage, it was deemed necessary to

rebuke, lest these disaffected Indians should harass and disturb the

border settlements. Accordingly, General Atkinson was ordered, March

7th, 1832, to demand the surrender of the Menomonie murderers. This

demand was disregarded. Hostilities immediately ensued, which were

terminated in the month of August following by a general battle, which

led to the entire rout of the Indians, and of the delivery of Black

Hawk and the Prophet, on the 27th of August, as prisoners of war. These

leaders of the war were conducted to Washington, whence they passed

through some of the principal cities of the United States, and were

sent home, having pledged to conduct themselves with due regard to the

United States.

On the 3d of December, 1832, the twenty-second congress commenced

its second session. In his message, the President, having alluded in

brief but appropriate terms to the cholera, which had been spreading

its desolations over portions of the United States, represented the

relations of the country with foreign powers in a state of amity. The

finances of the country were in a prosperous state; the national debt

on the first of January, 1833, would be reduced to about seven millions;

doubts were expressed as to the safety of the deposits in the United

States Bank, and a decision of the question as to the disposal of

public lands was urged.

December 10th, the President issued a solemn and impressive

proclamation addressed to the citizens of the United States, in

relation to the hostile attitude of South Carolina to the Union, in

consequence of the acts of congress of 29th May, 1828, and of 14th of

July, 1833, altering and amending the several acts imposing duties on

imports――which acts had, in a convention of the above state, held at

Columbia, November 24th, been pronounced to be unconstitutional, and

therefore void, and of no binding force within the limits of that state.

This proclamation was an able document, furnishing a sound exposition

of the principles and powers of the government, and breathing a spirit

of patriotic devotion to the constitution and union of the states.

It evinced a fixed determination to maintain the laws and to resist

all treasonable and disorganizing measures. Happily, this firmness

of the Executive, with subsequent conciliatory measures of congress,

saved the Union. For a considerable period the southern states, with

the exception of South Carolina, had been considered, opposed to the

exercise of power by the federal government. This state, although

voting with the adjacent states on all local and on most national

questions, had on some occasions, as in 1816, been foremost in

asserting the right of congress to legislate on certain disputed

points. Among these were the subjects of internal improvement, the

United States Bank, and the tariff. A change of opinion had now taken

place there, and it began to go beyond any of the advocates of state

rights in its assertion of state sovereignty. A vehement opposition

to the tariff, both in 1824 and on the subsequent modification in

1828, had been led by the talented delegation from South Carolina in

congress; and when they were defeated in the halls of legislation,

with characteristic energy they renewed their efforts to overturn the

system, and to render it unpopular with the people. In the latter part

of November, 1832, a state convention assembled at Columbia, which, at

length, passed an ordinance, by which they declared: “That the several

acts and parts of acts of the congress of the United States, purporting

to be laws for the imposing of duties and imports on the importation of

foreign commodities, and now having actual operation and effect within

the United States, and more especially” two acts for the same purposes

passed on the 29th of May, 1828, and on the 14th of July, 1832, “are

unauthorized by the constitution of the United States, and violate the

true meaning and intent thereof, and are null and void, and no law,”

nor binding on the citizens of that state or its officers; and by the

said ordinance it is further declared to be “unlawful for any of the

constituted authorities of the state or the United States, to enforce

the payment of the duties imposed by the said acts within the same

state, and that it is the duty of the legislature to pass such laws

as may be necessary to give full effect to the said ordinance.” This

tone of menace naturally aroused the Executive to corresponding energy

and decision. He immediately issued a proclamation, which will be long

admired for its sound and able exposition of the principles of the

constitution――for its breathings of a spirit of exalted patriotism――and

its eloquent appeal to Carolina herself and to the other states, which

were perhaps ready to join her standard, to remember the toil and blood

which American liberty cost――the sacredness of the constitution――and

the importance of the preservation of the Union. While the proclamation

of the President was commended by most of the states of the Union,

as an able and judicious document, it served to increase, rather than

allay, the excited citizens of South Carolina. The legislature of that

state being in session, authorized and instructed her governor to issue

a counter proclamation, which he did on the 20th of December, in which,

in consonance with the legislative resolutions, he “solemnly warned

the citizens of South Carolina against all attempts to seduce them from

their primary allegiance to the state.” “I charge you,” said he, “to

be faithful to your duty as citizens of South Carolina, and earnestly

exhort you to disregard those ‘vain measures’ of military force, which,

if the President, in violation of all his constitutional obligations,

and your most sacred rights, should be tempted to employ, it would

become your solemn duty at all hazards to resist.” On the same day

general orders were issued by authority of the legislature, to raise

volunteers, either in companies, troops, battalions, squadrons, &c.,

for the purpose of repelling invasion and in support of the rights of

the state. Under a deep sense of the importance of energy befitting

the emergency, the President, January 16th, 1833, addressed a message

to congress, in which, after giving a history of proceedings both on

the part of Carolina and the general government, he recommended the

adoption of such measures as would clothe the Executive with competent

power to suppress the risen spirit of insubordination――sustain the

public officers in the discharge of their duties――and give power to

the courts to carry out their constitutional decisions. While the storm

was apparently thus gathering strength, and was ready to burst in still

greater violence upon the nation, two events occurred which served to

allay it, and indeed were the harbingers of comparative peace and amity.

The first of these was an affectionate appeal of the general assembly

of Virginia to the patriotism and magnanimity of South Carolina,

expressed in a preamble and resolutions, as honorable to the “Ancient

Dominion” as any act of her life, and worthy of her in the days of

Patrick Henry and his contemporaries. The other event was the passage

of a bill introduced by Mr. Clay, termed the “compromise bill,” which

was designed as an act of pacification between the north and south――a

middle course between extremes; and although not entirely satisfactory

perhaps to either party, it was accepted by both, and was the means,

under Providence, of staying the risen storm. A convention was soon

after held in South Carolina, which, in view of the appeal of Virginia,

and the modification of the tariff, proceeded to recommend the

following ordinance: “Whereas, the congress of the United States by an

act recently passed has made such a reduction and modification of the

duties upon foreign imports, as amounts substantially to an ultimate

reduction of the duties to the revenue standard, and that no higher

duties shall be made than may be necessary to defray the expenditures

of the government:” “It is therefore _ordained_ and _declared_, that

the ordinance, entitled ‘An ordinance to nullify certain acts of the

congress of the United States, purporting to be laws laying duties

on the importation of foreign commodities,’ and all acts passed in

pursuance thereof, be henceforth deemed and held to have no effect;

provided, that the act entitled ‘An act further to amend the militia

laws of this state,’ passed on the 20th day of December, 1832, shall

remain in force until it shall be repealed, or modified by the

legislature.”

The excitement at Washington at this time was seldom if ever surpassed.

Every day was prominent with important measures and occurrences. The

reception of, and debate upon, Mr. Clay’s “compromise bill” were things

not to be forgotten. The senate, we are told, was a scene of the most

intense interest. A multitude of both sexes filled the hall. Profound

silence and gravity prevailed, and a deep sensation was evinced, as

much by that general silence, as by the marked interruption of it once

or twice by audible emotions. There was an opinion expressed on many

sides that the “tariff bill would not, after all, pass the senate.”

But the opinion was not, we see confirmed, by the issue. It passed that

body by a vote of twenty-nine to sixteen. It was called the “bloody

bill,” by the government journal, and was held by it to represent “the

mortal remains of state rights.”

Congress adjourned on Friday morning, March the 1st, at one o’clock.

On the following Monday, General Jackson, who had been re-elected

President, was inaugurated with much parade and amid great shoutings.

His address on the occasion, was received with great applause. The oath

was administered to him and Mr. Van Buren by the chief justice. The

President in his address recognised the importance of state rights, but

properly insisted upon the equal, if not superior value of the Union,

and the sacred duty of every state to contribute to its preservation

by a liberal support of the government. He recognised the interest and

importance of the time, and promised all his powers to sustain that

principle which should make and continue us a united and happy people.

During the summer of 1833, the President visited New England, by the

way of Philadelphia and New York; and, having proceeded as far as

Concord in Massachusetts, returned again to the seat of government.

In this tour, the President was received in every place through

which he passed with those demonstrations of respect and attention

which are overdue to the chief magistrate of a free and enlightened

people. Whatever opinions were entertained of his administration by

his political opponents, they united in every suitable expression of

honor to the man, whom the suffrages of a majority had elevated to the

highest office in the nation. The President’s tour commenced on the

6th of June, and was suddenly terminated in the beginning of July――his

return to Washington being hastened, as was said, by the state of his

health, which had become too feeble to endure the fatigue incidental

to such an expedition.

About this time several changes were effected in the cabinet. Edward

Livingston, secretary of state, received the appointment of envoy

extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the

court of France, and Louis M’Lane, secretary of the treasury, took his

place, and William J. Duane, the office of Mr. M’Lane.

On the 18th of September, a communication was read to the cabinet by

the President, showing his decision on the subject of the removal of

the public deposits from the Bank of the United States. His own mind

was determined upon that of removal; and he begged his cabinet “to

consider the proposed measure as his own――in which he should require no

one to sacrifice opinion or principle.” Mr. Duane being opposed, as was

thought, to this course of the President, was removed, and R. B. Taney

appointed in his place.

On Monday, the 30th of June, congress terminated its session. A few

days before the close of the session, Andrew Stevenson was nominated

as minister to the court of St. James, and Roger B. Taney, as secretary

of the treasury. The latter gentleman had received his appointment from

the President, during the recess of the senate. It had been the uniform

practice for appointments of this kind to be laid before the senate,

at the commencement of the session; but General Jackson had withheld

his name till near its close; and for nearly seven months Mr. Taney had

been permitted to discharge the duties of an office, which, according

to the substantial meaning, if not the literal construction of the

constitution, he had no right to hold.

The rejection of Mr. Stevenson was justified, on the principles

early advanced by General Jackson, that the appointment of members of

congress to important offices was calculated to introduce corruption

into the government. But other reasons operated, and among them, the

disclosure made to the senate of the assurance of the President months

previously, through the secretary of state, to Mr. Stevenson, that

he should have the appointment. This promise was made, it was said,

under the expectation that Mr. Stevenson would carry out the views and

several measures of the Executive; and in this view the ratification of

his nomination was deemed highly improper.

Before the session closed, the following nominations were made and

confirmed. John Forsyth, of Georgia, to be secretary of state; Levi

Woodbury, of New Hampshire, secretary of the treasury; Mahlon Dickerson,

of New Jersey, secretary of the navy; William Wilkins, of Pennsylvania,

minister to Russia.

Just before the termination of the session, June 21st, the President

communicated to congress, in a special message, the death of the

illustrious La Fayette, which took place at his residence, La Grange,

in France, on the 20th of May, at the advanced age of seventy-six. At

the same time, orders were issued to the army and navy to honor the

memory of the last of the generals of the Revolution. The house and

senate chamber were both hung in black, agreeably to a resolution,

unanimously adopted. It was also recommended by resolution, to the

people of the United States to wear a badge of mourning for thirty days;

and John Quincy Adams was appointed to deliver at the next session of

congress, an oration on the life and character of our country’s friend.

The second session of the twenty-third congress commenced December

1st, 1834. The foreign relations of the country were represented by the

President in his message to be unimpaired, and with all countries, save

France, the understanding was such as was desirable. That government,

however, still continued to persevere in her omission to satisfy

the conceded claims of our citizens. The other prominent subjects

regarded the United States Bank――the regulation of the deposits――and

the impolicy and unconstitutionality of appropriations for internal

improvements. The conduct of France towards the United States,

in neglecting the payment of a just and already allowed debt, was

generally censured in the United States. The President informed

congress, “that, in his opinion, the United States ought to insist

on a prompt execution of the treaty, and should an appropriation not

be made by the French Chambers at their next session, prompt measures

would not only be most honorable and just, but have the best effect

on our national character.” This recommendation of the President was

considered by some, in its practical effect, as a declaration of war,

and especially as he recommended, in case of longer neglect, a law

authorizing reprisals upon French property. But the expediency of

reprisals upon French property recommended by the President, or indeed

of any immediate action on the part of the national government, was

considered by many extremely doubtful; and the senate, on the 14th

of January, by a unanimous vote, stated this to be its opinion in a

resolution to that effect. A similar resolution was adopted by the

house. The prospect of a serious collision between these two nations,

for a time so dark, at length passed away. In 1835, the President

announced that France had acknowledged the validity of our claims as

liquidated by the treaty of 1831, although payment was still withheld.

It may here be added, that during the year 1836, the President

announced to the great satisfaction of the country that the

appropriations having been made, our diplomatic relations with France

had been resumed, and promised to be mutually beneficial to the two

countries.

On the 6th of July, occurred the death of the venerable John Marshall,

in Philadelphia, in the eighty-eighth year of his age. He had long been

an ornament to the legal profession, and for several years had filled

with distinguished ability the office of chief justice of the United

States. To great talents and distinguished attainments, he united

that integrity which inspired all parties with confidence, and that

Christian principle which caused the nation to mourn over him at his

decease, as “a great man fallen in Israel.”

The twenty-fourth congress commenced its first session on the 7th

of December, 1835. James K. Polk was elected speaker. Among the

appointments by the President at this period, were those of Roger B.

Taney, as chief justice of the United States, and Andrew Stevenson,

minister to Great Britain. The nomination of the latter met with strong

opposition in the senate.

During this session the committee on naval affairs in the senate

reported a bill, directing an “exploring expedition” to the Pacific

Ocean and the South Seas, and authorizing the President to send out

a sloop of war for that purpose. Mr. Reynolds, who may be considered

the father of the scheme, presented the subject with much eloquence in

the hall of representatives, at Washington. But the most important act

of the legislature, was the “deposit or distribution act”――or a law

requiring and regulating the deposits of the money of the United States

with the banks of the several states, and the distribution of the

surplus revenue among the several states. In the senate, the vote on

the engrossment of the bill was, yeas, forty; nays, six. In the house,

yeas, one hundred and sixty-three; nays, forty-four.

In April, an act had passed congress establishing the territory of

Wisconsin. In June, Arkansas was admitted into the Union on an equal

footing with the original states――together with Michigan, under certain

conditions. The act of admission settled the boundary dispute between

Ohio and Michigan――and Michigan was admitted on her assent to the act.

Congress adjourned on the 4th of July――without any other event of much

importance within the walls of the capitol. The only appointment of

note made near the close of the session, was that of Lewis Cass, as

minister to France.

One week after the close of the session, (July 11th,) an important

circular was issued from the treasury department in relation to money

to be received in payment for public lands. By this circular the

receivers of public money were instructed, after the 15th day of August

next ensuing, to receive in payment of the public lands nothing except

what is directed by the existing laws, viz., gold and silver, and in

proper places, Virginia land scrip. In order to secure the faithful

execution of these instructions, all receivers were strictly prohibited

from accepting for land sold, any draft, certificate, or other evidence

of money or deposit, though for specie, unless signed by the treasurer

of the United States, in conformity to the act of April 24th, 1820.

The last annual message of General Jackson was transmitted to the

twenty-fourth congress, on the 6th of December, 1836, that body having

entered upon its second session the preceding day.

The foreign relations of the country the President represented as

amicable. In regard to the “deposit or distribution act,” passed by the

last congress, it had received, he said, his “reluctant approval,” and

“the consequences apprehended from it had been measurably realized. It

was an act merely for the deposit of the surplus moneys of the United

States in the state treasuries for safe keeping, until wanted for

the service of the general government――but it had been spoken of as

a _gift_――would be so considered――and might be so used.”

Contrary to the views of a large portion of the citizens of the United

States, the President represented the “specie circular” of the 11th

of July, as producing many “salutary consequences.” “It is confidently

believed,” said he, “that the country will find in the motive which

induced that order, and the happy consequences which will have ensued,

much to commend and nothing to condemn.” In opposition to this opinion

of the President, there were those who attributed to the operation

of that circular a great part of the pecuniary embarrassment and

disturbances of the currency, which afflicted the country.

Early in 1837, (January 14th,) a resolution called the “expunging

resolution,” originally introduced into the senate, March 18th, 1833,

and which had given birth to long and even acrimonious debates, was

adopted by a majority of that body. The object of this resolution was

to obliterate, or expunge from the senate journal a resolution adopted

March 28th, 1834, censuring the President for removing Mr. Duane,

and assuming power over the public revenue not conferred by the

constitution. This latter resolution had given the President and his

friends serious annoyance, and frequent but vain efforts had been

made to blot it from the journal. At length, Mr. Benton succeeded by

a small majority; and late at night, on the 10th of January, 1837, the

secretary of the senate, by order, brought the journal of 1833–4, into

the senate chamber, and spread open the condemned page upon the table.

He then proceeded to draw black lines on the four sides of the recorded

resolution, and on the face of it wrote――“_expunged by order of the

senate, January 16th, 1837_.” Against this proceeding, Daniel Webster,

in behalf of himself and colleague, read a solemn protest.

The time for the election of a successor to General Jackson having

arrived, the ceremony of counting the votes given by the several

electoral colleges for that object took place in the presence of both

houses of congress, on the 8th of February, 1837, when Martin Van Buren

was declared to be elected President for four years from the 4th day

of March. The candidates were five in number. Mr. Van Buren, received

of the votes cast, one hundred and seventy; William Henry Harrison,

seventy-three; Hugh L. White, twenty-six; Daniel Webster, fourteen;

and William L. Magnum, eleven.

In reviewing the administration of General Jackson, it is not to

be denied that he was a remarkable man. He doubtless possessed many

of those great qualities which give to one the indisputable command

over the many. He was early inured to hardship and danger, and early

acquired great independence of thought and action, and a contempt of

opposition, which followed him through all the vicissitudes of his

career. He made no pretensions to learning, or scholarship of any

kind; indeed, his education was superficial and but barely sufficient

to conduct him decently through life. In an accurate knowledge of

the theory and science of government, and the details of legislation,

many of his contemporaries were immeasurably his superior; but what he

lacked in knowledge, he made up in boldness and decision. His measures

were often hastily conceived, but pertinaciously adhered to. Obedience

to his commands were as much required, while President of the United

States, as while a general at the head of our armies. It is not to be

denied, that he entered upon the discharge of his duties as president

with an honest desire to serve his country faithfully, but such was

the natural pertinacity of his character, that in the opinion of his

political opponents, he was led to insist upon measures, the wisdom of

which, under other circumstances, he himself would have questioned. The

destruction of the United States Bank was in reality the great measure

of his administration, he early conceived a prejudice against the

officers of that institution, and was probably honest in the belief

that its management was wrong. Hence, he was led with characteristic

ardor to commence measures of hostility against it, which, it is

well known, ended in the ruin of that great fiscal institution of

the country. Its fall involved the fortunes of hundreds and thousands,

whose entire means of subsistence were embarked in its immense capital.

The ruin of this institution, in the belief of many, was conducive

to the interests of the country, notwithstanding the sufferings it

entailed upon thousands. Another portion of the community believe its

downfall to have been the precursor of that wide spread commercial

embarrassment――that derangement of the currency――that blight and

bankruptcy of thousands, which for years distressed and harrassed the

country. General Jackson, as a military commander, had doubtless his

defects. He was stern, imperious, and determined. Yet, for his bravery,

his patriotism, his success, he deserves a grateful remembrance; and

due respect will doubtless be paid to his memory by the generations

that follow. His reputation as a statesman will not be so unequivocal.

Different estimates will be made――different views will be entertained.

All will accord to him energy, independence, promptness, and

determination; while some will not give him credit for having pursued

that line of policy which resulted in the greatest prosperity to his

country.

ADMINISTRATION OF MARTIN VAN BUREN.

On the 4th of March, 1837, the inauguration of Mr. Van Buren took place

in accordance with the form prescribed by the constitution, in the

presence of a large assemblage from all quarters of the country. The

ex-president, the President elect, and the chief justice of the United

States, arrived at the scene about twelve o’clock; the two former in a

beautiful carriage, made from the timber of the frigate Constitution,

escorted by the Potomac Dragoons, and a corps of infantry.

The address of Mr. Van Buren, on the occasion of his inauguration,

may be said to have disappointed both political parties throughout the

country. The _temper_ of it was conceded even by his opposers to be

good, and its entire exemption from invidious comparisons and allusions

was worthy of all commendation. It was even less partisan, perhaps,

than the political friends of the new President expected or desired;

but to his opponents it induced the hope, that the vindictive strife

which had long harassed the country, would be followed by a more

tolerant policy. “If any exception be taken to the address,” said a

distinguished journal, soon after its delivery, “it certainly will

not be from the south, whose good-will its language is particularly

adapted to conciliate.” By way of conciliating the south, he repeated

an expression of opinion made before his election, that no bill which

had for its object the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia

against the wishes of the slave-holding states, would receive his

sanction during his presidential career. To this he added: “For myself

I desire to declare, that the principle that will govern me in the high

duty to which my country calls me, is a strict adherance to the letter

and spirit of the constitution, as it was designed by those who framed

it. Looking back to it as a sacred instrument carefully and not easily

framed; remembering that it was throughout a work of concession and

compromise; viewing it as limited to national objects; regarding it

as leaving to the people and to the states all power not explicitly

parted with, I shall endeavor to preserve, protect, and defend it, by

anxiously referring to its provisions for direction in every action. To

matters of domestic concernment, which it has intrusted to the federal

government, and to such as relate to our intercourse with foreign

nations, I shall zealously devote myself; beyond those limits I shall

never pass.”

On retiring from the presidential chair, General Jackson published

a farewell address to his fellow-citizens, after the example of

Washington. By his political friends this address was highly extolled,

both for the wisdom and importance of its political maxims, and the

warm regard expressed for the country and its institutions.

Others regarded it with less favor. They could admit that it

expressed sound constitutional opinions on some important points,

and developed the true policy of the federal government in relation to

its intercourse with foreign nations――in relation to the several state

sovereignties, and to the means of defence by an increase of the navy,

and the establishment of more and better constructed fortifications.

But they were not prepared to unite with this “second father of his

country”――as his warm admirers denominated him――in his views of the

_currency_ of the country, nor in the wisdom of the measures which he

had pursued, and which he still recommended in relation to it. They

also dissented from some of his statements respecting the success of

his administration, and particularly from the declaration, that he had

left the “people prosperous and happy.”

Immediately after the termination of the twenty-fourth congress, the

senate, in conformity with a previous summons issued by the President

of the United States, held an extra session, for the purpose of

transacting executive business. The following gentlemen having been

nominated by the President, were confirmed by the senate, for the

offices which they respectively filled, and composed the new cabinet,

viz.: John Forsyth, secretary of state; Levi Woodbury, secretary of

the treasury; Joel R. Poinsett, secretary of war; Mahlon Dickerson,

secretary of the navy; Benjamin F. Butler, attorney-general. These

gentlemen, with the exception of Mr. Poinsett, were members of the

cabinet of General Jackson.

From whatever source it originated, there was no doubt of the fact,

that a most extraordinary pressure in pecuniary affairs was now

experienced throughout the country. From New York city a committee

of merchants proceeded to Washington to confer with the President,

upon the present and the threatening difficulties, and to obtain, if

possible, the repeal of the treasury circular. The answer they received

was, that it would neither be repealed nor modified. In the month of

May, the financial affairs of the country reached a crisis towards

which they had for some months past been rapidly hastening. The banks

of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore having suffered a heavy run

for specie, which they could now no longer endure, resolved to suspend

specie payments; which suspension was soon generally followed by a

like suspension on the part of the banks throughout the whole country.

Numerous failures of the merchants in all the principal cities were,

about the same time, matters of almost daily occurrence. In New York

they became at length so much a matter of course that they ceased to

excite notice.

The banks in which the United States government deposited the

national revenue were involved in the greatest calamity; and of course

the law of congress which required these revenues to be deposited

in specie-paying banks could not be complied with. The consequent

embarrassment experienced by the government, induced the President

on the fifteenth day of May, to issue his proclamation for an extra

session of congress, to be convened on the first Monday of September

following.

The extraordinary condition in which the country now found itself,

led to a variety of measures for the purpose of affording temporary

relief. Several of the state legislatures passed acts legalizing the

suspension of specie payments on the part of the banks, and declaring

that it should work no forfeiture of their charters. Some of the city

governments passed by-laws, directing the issue of certificates for

small sums, from five cents to two dollars, which should be receivable

for taxes and debts due to the city government. Baltimore, for example,

passed an ordinance for the issue of such certificates for an amount

not exceeding one hundred thousand dollars, and Philadelphia a like

ordinance for certificates to the amount of one hundred and thirty

thousand dollars. The banks themselves were obliged to adopt new rules

of business, and the entire pecuniary condition of the country seemed

suddenly changed.

On the 4th of September, in compliance with the proclamation of the

President, congress assembled in extra session. In his message of

the following day, the President alleged as the reason for convening

congress in extra session, the inability of the government to comply

with the law requiring the revenues to be deposited in specie-paying

banks, the apprehension that the suspension of specie payments in

addition to the before existing pecuniary embarrassments of the

country would so far diminish the public revenue, that it would be

insufficient to defray the unavoidable expenses of the government,

and the difficulties experienced by the mercantile interest in meeting

their engagements. “Sensible that adequate provisions for these

unexpected exigencies could only be made by congress, convinced that

some of them would be indispensably necessary to the public service

before the regular period of your meeting, and desirous also to enable

you to exercise your full constitutional powers for the relief of the

country,” the President remarks, “I could not with propriety avoid

subjecting you to the inconvenience of assembling at as early a day

as the state of the popular representation would permit.” The message

proceeds to ascribe the pecuniary embarrassments of the country to the

redundancy of credit acquired by excessive issues of bank paper, and by

means of foreign loans, contracted by the states and state institutions;

and above all, by the lavish accommodations extended by foreign dealers

to our merchants, and as the consequence of this redundancy of credit,

to what the message terms, “a spirit of adventurous speculation,

embracing the whole range of human enterprise.” The President next

adverted to the best mode of keeping the public funds. A national

bank, as a fiscal agent, he repudiated, and also local banks, they

having failed to answer the expectations of the government in this

particular. He would propose “a separation of the fiscal operations

of the government from those of individuals or corporations;” a

divorcement of the government from banks and banking, and a thorough

change of the custodaries of the public revenue. As a means of

immediate relief, he advised to the postponement of the fourth

instalment of the deposits with the states, and the issue of treasury

notes receivable for all public dues, but without interest. Both by the

President and the secretary of the treasury a new mode was proposed of

keeping the public revenue. They proposed to place it in the custody

of commissioners, or receivers-general, at certain central points; into

their hands it was to be paid, and kept by them, subject to the call

and control of the treasurer. Most of the money, it was supposed, could

be paid out near the places where it was collected, and thus save the

expense and hazard of transmission to the seat of government. “This

organization,” said the secretary, “would be advantageous as a separate

establishment for this business alone, and as an independent check

on most of those collecting the revenues. But it would require some

addition to the present number of offices, and in the first instance

would more increase the public expense.” The whole additional offices

supposed to be necessary were ten. The annual increase of expenses was

estimated at sixty thousand dollars. The danger of losses would be no

greater, and probably less, under this organization, than at present.

Such was the general plan proposed for keeping the public moneys,

and which it was urged would render the government more independent,

and less subject to be affected by the vicissitudes of trade and

speculation, and less under the control of selfish and moneyed

corporations.

In accordance with the recommendation of the President and secretary of

the treasury, a bill was early introduced into the senate for the safe

keeping of the public funds, commonly denominated the _Sub-Treasury_

bill. This was intended to be the prominent measure of the session,

and was urged with great power and by numerous considerations upon

the senate and house of representatives. By the senate it was adopted

by a vote of twenty-six to twenty. In the house, after undergoing an

animated and protracted discussion, it was laid upon the table, by a

vote of one hundred and twenty to one hundred and seven. Subsequently,

an effort was made to reconsider the vote by which the bill was laid

upon the table, but was lost; the motion for reconsideration being

itself disposed of in the same manner by a vote of one hundred and

nineteen to one hundred and four.

The extra session of congress was brought to a close on the 16th of

October. The two principal measures adopted, designed for the relief of

the government, were the postponement to the first day of January, 1839,

of the payment of the fourth instalment of the deposits with the states,

and the issue of treasury notes to an amount not exceeding ten millions

of dollars, reimbursable in one year, and of the denomination of not

less than fifty dollars.

In the autumn of 1837, an insurrection broke out in the British

provinces of Upper and Lower Canada. Citizens of the United States,

sympathizing with the insurgents, enlisted into their cause, and

attempts were made, in violation of the laws of the United States,

to raise troops in our territory to aid the revolutionists. Great

excitement prevailed among the inhabitants along the line of our

north-western frontier. The President of the United States in order

to sustain the laws, issued his proclamation under date of the 5th of

January, declaring that all persons who should compromit the neutrality

of the United States, would render themselves liable to punishment

under those laws, which would be rigidly enforced. At the same time

orders were issued from the war department to General Scott to repair

to the Canada frontier with an armed force, to be furnished by the

States of New York and Vermont, for the purpose of repelling an

apprehended invasion of our soil. The immediate occasion of issuing

these orders was an attack made by an armed force from Canada upon the

American steamboat Caroline. This vessel, owned by an American citizen,

and bound for Schlosser, upon the east side of the Niagara river, and

within the United States, was boarded about midnight, on the 29th of

December, by seventy or eighty armed men, who immediately commenced an

attack upon the crew and passengers with muskets, swords, and cutlasses,

and soon set her on fire, towed her into the current of the river,

and abandoned her to the mercy of the cataract. Out of thirty-three

individuals known to have been on board of her, twelve could not be

found, and of those found, one, Amos Durfee, was dead, having been shot

through the head with a musket hall, and several others were wounded.

Immediate steps were taken by the department of state to bring the

whole subject to the notice of the British government. Sir Allen N.

M’Nabb, the commander of the British forces on the Niagara frontier,

in justification of this attack on the Caroline, alleged that he had

the most positive information that she had been sold to the pirates

on Navy Island, and, loaded with provisions and munitions of war, was

destined to co-operate with the British rebels. Although the civil war

in Canada was soon brought to a close, the difficulties between the two

governments, growing out of the attack on the Caroline, still remained

unadjusted.

The second session of the twenty-fifth congress commenced on

the first Monday of December, 1837. The message of the President

represented the condition of our foreign relations as not materially

changed since the last annual message of his predecessor. Of questions

pending between the United States and foreign governments, the most

important regarded our north-eastern boundary. “The sole result of

long pending negotiations and a perplexing arbitration,” the President

observed, “appears to be a conviction, that a conventional line must be

adopted, from the impossibility of ascertaining the true one, according

to the description contained in the treaty. Without coinciding in

this opinion, which is not thought to be well founded, my predecessor

gave the strongest proof of the earnest desire of the United States

to terminate satisfactorily the dispute, by proposing the substitution

of a conventional line, if the consent of the states interested in the

question could be obtained. To this proposition the British government

have not yet replied.” The President urges upon the consideration of

congress the claims of the government upon Mexico; that government

having as yet declined to do any thing satisfactorily for the

adjustment of our demands upon her for many cases both of public and

private wrongs. The subject of the collection, transfer, and safe

keeping of the public moneys was again represented as requiring the

attention of the legislative department. The President considered

congress as having decided, at the last session, against the creation

of a national bank, and also against the deposit system. He therefore

brought forward again the sub-treasury scheme as the only remaining

expedient. A graduation of the prices of the public lands according

to a valuation to be made, and an extension of the pre-emption laws

in favor of settlers, were measures which the President seemed to

regard with favor. The system of removing the Indians commenced by

Mr. Jefferson in 1804, having been steadily persevered in by every

succeeding president, was well nigh terminating in complete success,

almost all the Indian tribes having been removed and established west

of the Mississippi. The war in Florida still continuing, the principal

part of the army had been concentrated there, with a view and in the

expectation of bringing the war in that territory to a speedy close.

The second session of the twenty-fifth congress was terminated on

the 9th of July, 1838, without however any thing having been done

for the safe keeping, transfer, collection, and disbursement of the

public moneys; and on the 14th of the same month, the secretary of the

treasury issued his circular to the collectors and receivers announcing

this fact, and urging upon them the necessity of scrupulously enforcing

the regulations and instructions of the department, of accuracy in

their accounts, punctuality in their returns, promptness in their

payments, and of an entire forbearance to use any part of the public

moneys. The acts passed at this session of congress were chiefly of

a private nature, and few, if any of the measures recommended by the

President in his message, were adopted.

On the 13th of August, 1838, by previous concert, many of the banks

resumed specie payments. On the 23d of July previous, a convention

was held in the city of Philadelphia, in which the banks of the states

of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, Delaware,

Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, were represented, and which

unanimously resolved to recommend the 13th of August as a suitable

and convenient time, on which to resume. Accordingly, on the arrival

of that day, the resumption was generally effected without commotion,

without injury to themselves, and without inconvenience to the

mercantile part of the community. This was an event which had been

devoutly looked for, and was welcomed by the whole country. Some

anxiety was felt as to the effect resumption would have upon the

specie-paying banks; but generally, it was accomplished with ease. In

Philadelphia, where this anxiety was perhaps the greatest, the demands

for specie were confined to the wants of the community for change.

On the 3d of December, 1838, the twenty-fifth congress commenced its

_third_ session. On the following day the President transmitted his

message, in which he represented the foreign relations of the country

as generally friendly. With Mexico an advance had been made toward an

adjustment of difficulties by the conclusion of a treaty, which, when

ratified, would refer all subjects of controversy to the arbitrament

of a friendly power. The work of removing the Indians west of the

Mississippi was yet in successful progress, the entire removal of the

Cherokees having been now effected.

Of the financial state of the government and country, the President

spoke in tones of exultation. “When we call to mind,” said he, “the

recent extreme embarrassments produced by excessive issues of bank

paper, aggravated by the unforeseen withdrawal of much foreign capital,

and the inevitable derangement arising from the distribution of the

surplus revenue among the states as required by congress; and consider

the heavy expenses incurred by the removal of Indian tribes; by the

military operations in Florida; and on account of the unusually large

appropriations made at the last two annual sessions of congress for

other objects, we have a striking evidence in the present official

state of our finances, (estimated at $2,765,000 in the treasury on

the 1st of January, 1839,) of the abundant resources of the country

to fulfil all its obligations.”

This, by the opposition, was considered an extraordinary

representation on the part of the President, when it was considered

that the government had resorted to the issue of treasury notes by

millions; and had withheld more than nine millions from the states,

in order to maintain its credit and continue its operations. But

still more extraordinary was it, in the view of some, that all the

improvements in the condition of the country should be ascribed to

the agency of the general government; when it was well known that the

government as such, had done little, if any more than look after its

own interest. Not a measure had been adopted for the relief of the

banks, except extending the time of payment of the public deposits,

which the government could not collect――and nothing for the people,

except postponing the payment of bonds for duties to the amount of four

or five millions of dollars.

The President also renewed his recommendation of the sub-treasury,

and urged its adoption on the ground, as it was then understood, of a

recent remarkable defalcation of a collector in one of the principal

cities of the Union. This collector, it was subsequently made known to

congress by a special message, was Samuel Swartwout, collector of the

customs at New York. He was appointed to the office of the customs by

General Jackson, in April, 1829, during the recess of the senate. On

the 29th of March, 1830, he was nominated to the senate, and confirmed

for four years. In 1834, he was appointed again. His term expired

in March, 1838. To the nation this defalcation was surprising and

distressing, and the more startling, as from the secretary’s report

it appeared, that during the whole time of Mr. Swarlwout’s continuance

in office, no suspicions had been excited at the treasury, that he

was guilty of default. Yet, on investigation, it appeared that his

peculations began with the first year of his holding the office, and

continued to roll up rapidly to the close. It amounted to about one

million and a quarter of dollars.

On the 26th of February, a message from the President was transmitted

to congress, in relation to difficulties which existed between Maine

and “the disputed territory.” Portions of this territory were under

the actual jurisdiction and sovereignty of the British authorities,

and other portions was under the jurisdiction and sovereignty of the

State of Maine. Pending the negotiations between the government of

the United States and that of Great Britain, for a final adjustment

of the question, it seems to have been understood by the State of

Maine, that the actual state of things in the territory was to remain

undisturbed――Great Britain exercising her sovereignty where she already

held it, and Maine doing the same. It appears, however, that a numerous

band of depredators, chiefly from the adjoining British provinces,

but without the sanction of their own government, entered on a part

of the territory actually held by the State of Maine, and proceeded

to cut down and destroy the timber. The governor of Maine, on being

apprised of this fact, and under a special resolve of the legislature,

despatched the land agent of the state, with what was deemed a

sufficient force to repel the aggression. While the agent was

proceeding in the accomplishment of his duty, he was seized by

the trespassers and conveyed a prisoner into the province of New

Brunswick. Thereupon, the governor of Maine dispatched a sheriff, and

an officer appointed in place of the land agent, with an armed force,

to vindicate the authority and honor of the state. Sir John Harvey, the

lieutenant-governor of New Brunswick, took fire, and a warm, if not an

angry, correspondence ensued between him and the governor of Maine. The

whole country, both on the side of Maine and in the British provinces,

was thrown into a state of intense excitement; troops were raised

and other hostile preparations made by both parties, and every thing

seemed to threaten an immediate collision. In this crisis of affairs,

the President of the United States transmitted a special message to

congress, inviting their attention to the subject; and Major Gen. Scott

received orders to repair to the scene of threatened hostilities, for

the purpose of arresting any hostile movement, until an opportunity

could be afforded for the two governments to treat upon the matter in

dispute. The message to congress resulted in the passing of the act

before mentioned, conferring additional powers on the President, and

General Scott soon succeeded in restoring the _quasi_ belligerents to

a more amicable temper, and in effecting a temporary adjustment of the

immediate difficulties. The military forces were to be withdrawn, and

a small civil _posse_ was to be left under the land agent to protect

the timber, already cut, and to prevent further depredations, and the

questions of possession and jurisdiction, were to remain as they were

before the strife began.

During the third session of the twenty-fifth congress, an event

occurred which excited the sensibilities of the whole nation, and

called forth expressions of decided disapprobation from the candid

of all parties. This was a _duel_ fought with rifles near the city of

Washington, between Jonathan Cilley and William J. Graves, both members

of the house, the former from Maine, the latter from Kentucky. On the

third fire, Mr. Cilley fell, mortally wounded.

The remains of the murdered man were attended to the grave by the

President, the heads of departments, the members of both houses of

congress, and a large concourse of citizens. The judges of the Supreme

Court, then in session, were invited to attend the funeral. Most

honorable to themselves, and honorable to the exalted stations they

held, they entered upon their record the following resolves:

_Resolved_, That the justices of the Supreme Court entertain a high

respect for the character of the deceased, sincerely deplore his

untimely death, and sympathize with his bereaved family in the heavy

affliction which has fallen upon them.

_Resolved_, That with every desire to manifest their respect for the

house of representatives, and the committee of the house by whom they

have been invited, and for the memory of the deceased, the justices of

the Supreme Court _cannot, consistently with the duties they owe to the

public, attend in their official characters the funeral of one who has

fallen in a duel_.

_Resolved_, That these proceedings be entered on the minutes of the

court, and that the chief justice inclose a copy to the chairman of the

committee of the house of representatives.

The above tragical event justly excited the indignation of the nation.

From every quarter a demand was made for some law to prevent such

“wickedness in high places.” At length, a bill for an act was reported

by a committee appointed for that purpose, which passed by a vote of

one hundred and ten to twenty-one. The first section provided, that

if any person shall, in the District of Columbia, challenge another

to fight a duel, or accept a challenge, or shall knowingly carry a

challenge to fight a duel in or out of the District of Columbia; and

such duel shall be fought in or out of said district, and either of

the parties shall be slain or mortally wounded, the surviving party and

others connected, shall, on conviction, be punished by imprisonment and

hard labor in the penitentiary for a term not exceeding _ten_ years.

A second section provided, that the mere challenge, or aiding and

abetting a challenge, which resulted in no duel, should be punished as

above, for a term of _five_ years.

A third section provided, that if any person be guilty of assaulting,

striking or wounding another, for refusing to accept a challenge, or

who shall post or publish any person, or use toward them opprobrious

language for refusing to accept a challenge, shall, on conviction, be

punished as above for a term not exceeding _three_ years.

In August following (26th, 1839,) an event of a novel and

interesting character occurred in the capture of the schooner Amistad,

a Spanish vessel, found lying in the waters near Long Island. On board

of her were two white men, Spaniards, Jose Ruiz and Pedro Montez,

and fifty-four African negroes, under the command of one of their

own number, whose name was Cinquez. The Amistad, it appeared from

subsequent investigations, had sailed from Havana, in the Island of

Cuba, for another port in the West India Islands, with a cargo of

merchandise, and the Africans on board, claimed as slaves by the two

Spaniards, Ruiz and Montez. After having been four nights at sea,

the negroes rose upon the whites, killed the captain and crew, took

possession of the schooner, and, in endeavoring to return to Africa,

were at length found conveyed to the shores of Long Island.

The Amistad was first discovered by the United States revenue brig

Washington, which took possession of her, with her cargo and crew,

and brought her into the port of New London. The negroes, after an

investigation before the district judge, were committed to take their

trial before the circuit court of the United States, to be holden at

Hartford, on the 17th of September, on a charge of piracy and murder on

the high seas. The grand jury, however, under the charge of the court,

found no bill against them, and they were discharged from the complaint,

but retained in custody under a claim of property interposed by Ruiz

and Montez――of the captors for salvage――and of the United States, made

in compliance with a demand of the Spanish minister, that they should

be surrendered to Spain, in accordance with a treaty existing between

that government and the United States. The district attorney also

filed a claim on behalf of the United States, that they should be

delivered into the hands of the President to be sent back to Africa.

On this state of the case, a writ of _habeas corpus_ was obtained from

the circuit court then in session at Hartford, to try their right to

their liberty. That court decided, that as the Africans were held in

custody under a regular process from the district court, they could

not be discharged by _habeas corpus_, but must take their trial on

the merits of the case. When the cause came on before the district

court, the several claims aforesaid, with a single exception, were

declared unfounded, and the Africans were ordered to be delivered to

the President to be restored to Africa. From this decree an appeal was

taken to the circuit court, which affirming the decree as a matter of

form, the case was carried to the Supreme Court of the United States,

which adjudged the Africans entitled to their unqualified discharge.

The negroes rested their claim on the ground that they were free

inhabitants of Africa, had been seized and sold to a slave trader, who

had carried them to Cuba in violation of the existing laws of Spain.

The conduct of the President of the United States, in making the United

States government a party against these Africans, and in appealing from

the decree of the district court in their favor, at the instance of

the Spanish minister, was regarded by the friends of the Africans as an

unwarranted and illegal exercise of power, and was severely reprobated

and condemned by many of the public journals. The President was charged

with being desirous of delivering up the Africans to the Spanish

government, and was said to have ordered a vessel of war to proceed

to New Haven, Connecticut, to be ready to take the Africans, for this

purpose, from the hands of the district court. The friends of the

President, however, claimed that he acted in this matter from a desire

merely to ascertain the treaty obligations of the United States, and to

preserve them inviolate.

On the 9th of October, 1839, another suspension of specie payments

commenced at Philadelphia. It was soon followed on the part of the

banks in the interior of Pennsylvania, in Baltimore, in Washington,

and in Richmond, until in a short time it became general throughout

the south and south-west. In this suspension the banks of New York and

New England did not in general participate, but with the exception of

the Rhode Island banks, continued to meet the demands made upon them

for specie. This suspension was supposed to have for its immediate

cause the difficulties and embarrassments of the United States

Bank of Pennsylvania, whose drafts on Paris had been protested for

non-acceptance. The drafts, however, were, on arriving at maturity,

with a single exception, honored by Rothschild.

On the assembling of the twenty-sixth congress, on the 2nd of

December, much difficulty was experienced in organizing the house of

representatives. Five persons belonging to New Jersey had received

certificates of election from the governor, which certificates, it

was contended, of right belonged to others. On this question the two

political parties in congress were suddenly arrayed against each other,

and the state of feeling which followed can scarcely be described. At

length the following resolution was offered to the house by Mr. Graves.

_Resolved_, That the acting clerk of the house shall proceed with the

call of the members from the different states of the Union in the usual

way, calling the names of such members from New Jersey as hold the

regular and legal commissions from the Executive of that state. The

discussion of the above resolution was continued until it was apparent

to the whole house――the clerk refusing to put it――that unless some

other and extraordinary measure was adopted, commensurate with the

difficulties in which they were involved, no organization could be

effected. In this juncture a resolution was offered, appointing Mr.

Adams _chairman_ of the house, which being adopted by a large majority,

he was conducted to the chair.

Under the guidance of Mr. Adams, the house proceeded on the 12th to

ballot for a speaker. Six ballotings were taken, when no choice having

been made, an adjournment to the 16th was moved and carried. On this

latter day, the balloting was resumed and resulted, on the eleventh

balloting, in the choice of Robert M. T. Hunter,――the New Jersey

members not voting.

On the 20th, the question was taken on a resolution to administer

the oath to the five gentlemen from the State of New Jersey, who had

presented credentials to the speaker and demanded to be sworn, and

decided in the negative, one hundred and sixteen to one hundred and

twelve.

This decision created a great sensation throughout the Union. It was a

wide departure from precedent, and deeply wounding to the pride of New

Jersey, as well as injurious to her interests.

The subsequent history of this case is interesting, but, in the opinion

of the whig party, reflected great discredit on the majority in the

house of representatives. An investigation of the subject was ordered,

and the committee on elections entered upon the duty assigned them.

They were proceeding in their investigations, when, on the 28th of

February, the house directed the committee “to report forthwith which

five of the ten individuals, claiming seats from the state of New

Jersey, received the greatest number of lawful votes from the whole

state for representatives in the congress of the United States, at the

election of 1838, in said state.”

This committee reported in favor of the five administration candidates.

A minority report was at the same time presented, which was ordered to

lie on the table.

On the 10th of March, a resolution was introduced by Mr. Petriken,

declaring the five persons who had brought no legal certificates,

entitled to their seats, and directing the speaker to qualify them.

The previous question being moved by the author of the resolutions,

debate was suppressed, and the vote taken, and the resolution adopted

by a vote of one hundred and eleven to eighty-one; several whig members

refusing to vote.

To a portion of the American people, no act could have appeared more

arbitrary and unjust, however right and proper it might have seemed to

the party in power; nor could many divest themselves of the impression,

that this course was adopted to secure certain objects, which the

administration had in view.

The opposition to Mr. Van Buren’s administration, growing out of

his views and his course in relation to the currency, and augmented

and heightened by the commercial revulsions which the country had

experienced, and the pecuniary embarrassments under which it had been

laboring for years, was now fast approaching to its crisis. On the 4th

of December, 1839, a Whig National Convention, composed of delegates

from the different states assembled at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, for

the purpose of nominating candidates for president and vice-president

of the United States. The convention remained in session between two

and three days, when having selected William Henry Harrison, of Ohio,

as candidate for president, and John Tyler, of Virginia, as candidate

for vice-president, and with great unanimity of feeling, resolved to

support them, it adjourned.

The nomination thus made was unexpected to a considerable portion

of the whig party. For a long time, their attention had been turned

towards Henry Clay, and an anxious wish prevailed on the part of his

special friends, that he should be put in nomination. They confidently

expected it. But antecedently to the meeting of the convention, it

had been the general, and even the universal opinion, that when that

body should assemble and an interchange of views had been made, the

man should be selected, who, it was thought, would concentrate the

greatest strength against the existing administration. Preferences

were, therefore, to be surrendered at the shrine of the country’s

good――while, therefore, it was at first with painful emotions that

the friends of Mr. Clay yielded, it was done with great unanimity and

even cheerfulness, when it was perceived that by the nomination of Gen.

Harrison other influences and interests would be secured, which were

likely to result in his election.

From this time, General Harrison was distinctly before the people

of the United States, as the candidate of the whig party for the

presidency. With unexampled unanimity they rallied about him; and from

this time the two great parties took the field, and never since the

adoption of the constitution, did political enthusiasm rise higher,

or were greater efforts made to elect the candidates, which each

party proposed. The powers of the press were called into requisition,

conventions, mass-meetings, varying from one thousand to twenty-five

thousand, were assembled in various sections of the country; clubs were

formed――log cabins erected, and the excitement and enthusiasm rolled

up and were prolonged by the long and patriotic appeals of many of

the first orators and statesmen in the country. The entire country was

moved; the common business of men was visibly neglected and forgotten;

the one all-absorbing theme was the approaching election and its issue.

On that issue thousands were staked, and as men had thousands depending,

their efforts were correspondingly vigorous and varied. Happy would

the historian feel, if he could in truth exempt either party from the

imputation of unfairness in every political transaction connected with

the presidential election. Which party was the most censurable, we

shall not attempt to decide. Individuals belonging to both were in some

transactions sufficiently wrong.

On the 21st of July, 1840, the twenty-sixth congress adjourned. Two

acts only of a public character are worthy of notice. The one providing

“for taking the sixth census of the United States,” and the other “for

the collection, safe-keeping, transfer, and disbursement of the public

revenues.”

The act, viz., that for the collection, &c., of the public revenue,

usually denominated the sub-treasury system, may be regarded as the

_great financial measure_ of Mr. Van Buren’s administration. It was

early proposed by him, and in every subsequent message was urged

upon the consideration of congress, as the best scheme which could

be devised, by which the public revenue could be collected, safely

kept, transferred, and disbursed. The debates on this system, by

the supporters and opposers of the administration during the several

sessions in which it was agitated, would fill volumes. By the President

and his friends, it was eulogized and warmly recommended; by the

opposition party, it was pointedly resisted and condemned. On this

measure, and others, of a financial character connected with it,

perhaps more than any other Mr. Van Buren staked his political

fortune. With this, he entered into the election as a candidate for

the presidency a second term.

On the 7th of December, 1840, the second session of the twenty-sixth

congress commenced. Mr. Van Buren presented his last annual message;

in which, after representing the foreign relations of the country as

amicable, he proceeded to express his pleasure, that notwithstanding

the various embarrassments which the government had to encounter; the

great increase of public expenditure by reason of the Florida war; the

difficulty of collecting moneys still due from certain banks, and the

diminution of the revenue, &c., the business of the government had been

carried on _without the creation of a national debt_.

Nominally the government had no such debt, but the foundation of a

large debt had been laid, and only a few months from the time Mr. Van

Buren left the presidential chair, the disclosure was made, that the

country was involved in debt, and congress was called upon to provide

means to sustain the waning credit of the government.

On the 10th of February, the ceremony of counting the votes for

president and vice-president, took place in the hall of the house

of representatives, in the presence of both houses of congress. The

result was at length announced by the vice-president, as follows: For

president――William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, two hundred and thirty-four;

Martin Van Buren, of New York, sixty. For vice-president――John Tyler,

of Virginia, two hundred and thirty-four; Richard M. Johnson, of

Kentucky, forty-eight; Littleton W. Tazewell, of Virginia, eleven;

James K. Polk, of Tennessee, one.

The majority for General Harrison in the electoral college was one

hundred and forty-eight; a greater majority than any president had

had, since the days of Washington. And thus a question was officially

decided, which had excited the two great political parties of the

country for months, and called forth more efforts on either side, than

had been made at any previous election, since the formation of the

government. The press, daily and weekly, had continued to pour out

its political sentiments, and spread abroad its influences for and

against the respective candidates; considerations of great interest

and importance were urged; much truth was uttered and disseminated, and

much calumny, falsehood, and detraction; popular meetings in numbers,

character, and enthusiasm, never before known on the American soil,

were held towards the conclusion of the political contest in every

state, and in almost every county. Statesmen and orators of the highest

reputation and ability itinerated the country, urging the freemen of

the nation, on the one hand to retain the then president in power, and

to carry out the principles and policy of his administration, as they

valued the prosperity and perpetuity of the government; and, on the

other hand, endeavoring to persuade them to discard a man, who by his

selfishness, his disregard of the wants and necessities of the country,

his obstinate adherence to measures after they were proscribed by the

people, was laying the foundation of the ruin of the country; and to

elevate a man to his place, one of the remnants of the “olden time;” a

friend and companion of the earlier patriots of the country, who would

restore the ancient order of things, and bring back the government to

its original principles of action.

ADMINISTRATIONS OF WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON AND JOHN TYLER.

William Henry Harrison was inducted into the office of President of the

United States, on the 4th of March, 1841. The ceremony of inauguration

was attended by an immense concourse of people from all parts of the

Union, who now united in giving an appropriate welcome to the hero,

whom they had elevated to this proud distinction. For a period of

twelve years, the government had been under the control of a party,

whose principles and policy were opposed to those of General Harrison,

and his political friends. It was quite natural, therefore, that on

the occurrence of a change of administration so grateful to the latter,

they should give expression to their feelings in demonstrations of

unwonted joy.

The inaugural procession was grand and imposing, comprising several

military companies, officers and soldiers, who fought under General

Harrison, with a flag displayed at their head, taken from the enemy

at the battle of the Thames, the President elect on a beautiful white

charger, the committee of the senate, ex-presidents of the United

States, the judiciary, foreign ministers, members of congress, members

of the Harrisburg convention, governors, and ex-governors of states,

members of state legislatures, officers of the army and navy, citizens,

Tippecanoe clubs, corporate authorities, &c.

The inaugural address of General Harrison was a clear, plain,

comprehensible document, and was delivered in a full, clear, unbroken

voice, interrupted occasionally by the shouts of the multitudes

responding to the principles and sentiments, which the address

contained. The President elect spoke of his political sentiments and

of the principles, which should govern him in the administration of

the government. He declared himself clearly and explicitly in favor

of a single presidential term, recognised the peculiar principles of

the party which had chosen him to office in regard to the currency,

spoke of the abuse of the veto power, the importance of preserving

the elective franchise in its purity, the impropriety of Executive

interference with the legislation of congress, the necessity of

maintaining the national honor, of keeping the public faith with

the aborigines of the country, and pledged himself to preserve the

Constitution, so far as in him lay, in its original purity. Just as

the President elect came to the concluding paragraph of his address,

he paused to receive the oath of office from the hands of the chief

justice of the United States; which done, he concluded with the

following solemn and impressive declaration. “I deem the present

occasion,” he said, “sufficiently important and solemn to justify me in

expressing to my fellow-citizens a profound reverence for the Christian

religion, and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious

liberty, and a just sense of religious responsibility, are essentially

connected with all true and lasting happiness; and to that good Being,

who has blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, who

watched over and prospered the labors of our fathers, and who has

hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in excellence

those of any other people, let us unite in fervently commending every

interest of our beloved country in all future time.”

The new senate having been convened, proceeded shortly after

the induction of General Harrison into office, to confirm the

nominations made by him of gentlemen, whom he wished to constitute

his cabinet――viz., Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, secretary

of state; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, secretary of the treasury; John

Bell, of Tennessee, secretary of war; George E. Badger, of North

Carolina, secretary of the navy; John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky,

attorney-general; and Francis Granger, of New York, postmaster-general.

Thus was the government organized under the presidency of General

Harrison, and in a manner which the friends of the President regarded

as highly auspicious to the best interests of the country. Many great

and difficult questions, connected both with the foreign and domestic

policy of the government, met the administration at the very threshold

of its coming into power, and required all their wisdom, and skill, and

patriotism, for a safe and satisfactory adjustment. On the one hand,

there were the north-eastern boundary question, still pending with

Great Britain, and certain difficulties and delicate matters growing

out of the burning of the steamer Caroline, and the subsequent arrest

and imprisonment, in the state of New York, of one Alexander M’Leod,

a British subject, for the murder of Amos Durfee, one of the crew of

that boat; and on the other, the agitating and embarrassing questions

relating to the currency and financial condition of the country. The

party, however, which had placed General Harrison in power, flattered

themselves, that with the aid of the able cabinet he had selected, he

would soon be able to adjust and arrange those difficult matters in a

manner highly conducive to the national welfare. On the 17th of March,

the President issued his proclamation convening congress to assemble in

extra session, on the 31st of May following, for the purpose of taking

into consideration the condition of the revenue and finances of the

country. The great subject which had been the gist of the political

controversy just ended, was thus to receive the almost immediate

attention of congress; and the friends of the administration indulged

the hope that the measures, which they believed the good of the country

demanded, would soon be adopted, and on a footing promising the most

complete success. What then was their disappointment and their grief,

when, in less than a month reports were spread throughout the country,

that the President was dangerously sick, and in a few days after, that

he was no more! On the 4th of April, 1841, the following circular,

signed by the different members of the cabinet, was issued, announcing

to the nation the intelligence of his death.

“An all-wise Providence having suddenly removed from this life

William Henry Harrison, late President of the United States, we have

thought it our duty, in the recess of congress, and in the absence of

the vice-president from the seat of government, to make this afflicting

bereavement known to the country, by this declaration, under our hands.

He died at the President’s house, in this city, this 4th day of April,

Anno Domini, 1841, at thirty minutes before one o’clock in the morning.

“The people of the United States, overwhelmed like ourselves, by an

event so unexpected and so melancholy, will derive consolation from

knowing that his death was calm and resigned, as his life has been

patriotic, useful, and distinguished; and that the last utterance

of his lips expressed a fervent desire for the perpetuity of the

Constitution, and the preservation of its true principles. In death, as

in life, the happiness of his country was uppermost in his thoughts.”

A bereavement like this, unprecedented in the annals of the country,

excited a universal sentiment of grief; and men of all parties

united to do homage to the memory of the illustrious dead. After

the performance of appropriate religious service at the presidential

mansion, the body, followed by a magnificent cortege, was conveyed to

the receiving tomb, in the city of Washington, whence it has been since

transferred, at the request of the family friends, to a rural mound on

the banks of the Ohio, near the former abode of the deceased.

The sad event was subsequently celebrated in all the principal cities

and towns in the nation, by funeral processions, and funeral orations,

in honor of the departed President.

On the very night of the melancholy catastrophe, the cabinet

despatched a special messenger to the residence of the vice-president,

in Virginia, to acquaint him with the national loss, that he might

enter on the duties of the presidential office, which were now devolved

on him by the Constitution. The vice-president, on receiving the

intelligence, hastened to the seat of government, took the oath to

discharge the duties of the office of President of the United States,

invited the cabinet chosen by General Harrison to remain in their

places, and immediately entered on the administration of the government.

Thus, for the first time, in the history of the United States, was the

vice-president called to discharge the functions of President.

President Tyler, having no public opportunity of presenting to

the nation an exposition of the policy, which would guide his

administration, in the form of an inaugural address, early after

entering upon the duties to which Providence had called him, issued an

official address to the people, containing a brief exposition of the

principles, which he designed should govern him in the administration

of public affairs. These were in general in accordance with those of

his predecessor, and of the great political party, which had elevated

him to the second office in the nation.

On the 13th of April, President Tyler addressed to the people of the

United States, a recommendation of a national fast, to be observed

on the 14th of May, with reference to the recent melancholy national

bereavement. This recommendation of the President was strictly regarded

throughout the country, and the 14th of May, 1841, was solemnly and

religiously observed as a day of national fasting, humiliation and

prayer.

On the 31st of May, 1841, congress assembled in accordance with

the proclamation, which had been issued by President Harrison, and

forthwith entered upon the business for which they had been assembled.

The first bill of importance, matured and adopted, was one to establish

a uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States. As a

reason for the adoption of such a system, it was urged with just weight,

that owing to the extraordinary revulsions in trade and the pecuniary

embarrassments resulting therefrom, which had taken place in the

country within the last four years, there were more than five hundred

thousand debtors in the United States, insolvent and for ever cut off

from the prospect of being able to do any thing, either for themselves

or their creditors, unless a bankrupt law should be passed for their

relief. Petitions against the passage of this bill were also presented:

and it met with strenuous opposition from members of congress of

both political parties. The chief exception taken to the bill was its

retrospective operation――discharging, as it did, contracts made before

its passage. The operation of this measure was doubtless to furnish

relief to many honest debtors; but it is needless to say, that the

dishonest, in too many instances, took advantage of its provisions, and

released themselves from solemn obligations, which they were able, but

which they were unwilling, to fulfil.

The sub-treasury law, which Mr. Van Buren had so often and strenuously

recommended to congress, and which had been adopted towards the close

of his administration, was among the earliest laws repealed at the

extra session. The vote on the question of repeal in the senate was

twenty-nine to eighteen; in the house, one hundred and thirty-four to

eighty-seven.

Another important measure adopted, was a bill providing for the

distribution of the net proceeds of the public lands, and to allow to

actual settlers certain pre-emption rights.