The effect produced on the British cabinet, and on the nation at

large, by the intelligence of the surrender of general Burgoyne and his

army, can scarcely be described. The most brilliant success had been

anticipated; the most ignominious result had occurred. The pride of

the nation was humbled, and those who had disapproved of the war poured

upon the ministry a torrent of invective; while the embarrassments of

the ministry were increased by the intelligence of the course which

the hereditary enemy and rival of Great Britain had resolved to pursue.

Under these circumstances it was determined in the cabinet to grant to

America all that she had demanded in the beginning of the contest. An

act was passed, declaring that parliament would not, in future, impose

any tax upon the colonies; and commissioners were sent over, authorized

to proclaim a repeal of all the offensive statutes, and to treat with

the constituted authorities of America. The commissioners, arriving at

Philadelphia in the spring, communicated to congress the terms offered

by Great Britain, which were, however, unanimously rejected.[129]

The arms of congress had been successful on the Hudson; but many

difficulties arose in the execution of the convention of Saratoga.

It had been stipulated that general Burgoyne’s army should embark at

Boston for Europe: but, at the time of signing the convention, the

British general seems not to have been aware that it is difficult for

ships to reach the port of Boston during the winter; and that, owing

to this cause, the embarkation of his troops might be delayed till

the ensuing spring. On being apprized of this circumstance, general

Burgoyne immediately applied to the American commander-in-chief,

desiring him to change the port of embarkation, and to appoint Newport,

in Rhode Island, or some other place on the sound, instead of Boston;

and, in case this request should not be complied with, soliciting, on

account of his health and private business, that the indulgence might

be granted to himself and suite. General Washington, not thinking

himself authorized to decide on such an application, transmitted it

to congress, which took no notice of the matter further than to pass

a resolution, ‘That general Washington be directed to inform general

Burgoyne, that congress will not receive or consider any proposition

for indulgence, or altering the terms of the convention of Saratoga,

unless immediately addressed to their own body.’ The application was

accordingly made to congress, who readily complied with the request in

so far as it respected himself personally, but refused the indulgence

to his troops, and ultimately forbade their embarkation.

Congress watched with a jealous eye every movement of the convention

army, and soon gave public indications of that jealousy. Early in

November, they ordered general Heath, who commanded in Boston, ‘to

take the name, rank, former place of abode, and description of every

person comprehended in the convention of Saratoga, in order that,

if afterwards found in arms against the United States, they might be

punished according to the law of nations.’ General Burgoyne showed

some reluctance to the execution of this order; and his reluctance was

imputed to no honorable motives.

The British army in Philadelphia spent the winter in gayety and

revelry, injuring at once their own respectability and the cause which

they were employed to support. They disgusted the sober inhabitants

by their irregularities, and provoked them by their insolence; so that

many who had hailed their arrival with cordial gratulations, felt a

lively satisfaction when the hour of their departure came.

General Washington quitted White Marsh, crossed the Schuylkill at

Sweed’s ford, and, on the 19th of December, took a strong position at

Valley Forge, about twenty-six miles from Philadelphia. Had he retired

during the winter to the shelter of a large town, he must have gone

to a great distance from the British army, and left an extensive tract

of country open to their foraging parties; or had he cantoned his men

in the adjacent villages, his army might have been beaten in detail

and gradually destroyed. But at Valley Forge he was sufficiently near

Philadelphia to check the foraging parties of the enemy, and his army

was so much concentrated as to secure it from any sudden and desultory

attack.

At Valley Forge the American commander-in-chief lodged his army in

huts formed of logs, with the interstices filled with mud, which

constituted very acceptable habitations to men long unaccustomed to

the conveniences of life. But, though sheltered from the storm by their

rude dwellings, the sufferings of the army from want of provisions and

clothing were incredible. The winter was severe, and many of the men

were without stockings or shoes, and almost naked. The non-importation

associations rendered cloth scarce at the commencement of hostilities;

the war rendered importation difficult; and the consumption exceeded

the produce of the home manufacture. Hence the army was left in

a destitute and deplorable condition; and the line of march, from

White Marsh to Valley Forge, over rough and frozen roads, might

have been traced by the blood from the bare and mangled feet of the

soldiers. Under the shelter of the huts their sufferings were at first

considerably alleviated; but in a short time the miseries of want,

amounting almost to famine, were added to those of nakedness. In these

trying circumstances numbers of the troops, especially they who had

been born in Europe, eluded the vigilance of the guards, and deserted

to the enemy in Philadelphia, carrying their arms along with them. Many

loyalists also joined general Howe; so that the strength of his army

was sensibly increased.

Illustration: Encampment at Valley Forge.

Many representations on the wants and hardships of the army had been

submitted to congress, which had authorized the commander-in-chief

to seize provisions for his army wherever he could find them, within

seventy miles of head-quarters, paying for them with money, or giving

certificates, for the redemption of which the faith of the United

States was pledged. This odious power general Washington was extremely

backward to exercise; but at Valley Forge his necessities were

so pressing that he was constrained to have recourse to it; and,

notwithstanding all his precautions, the manner in which his orders

were executed did not always soften the rigor of this harsh measure.

Men with arms in their hands, and supported by authority, are seldom

delicate in supplying their urgent wants.

The American commander-in-chief was ill-provided with money, and

could make his payments only in paper of very uncertain value; but the

supplies carried into Philadelphia were readily paid for by the British

troops in gold and silver; and the patriotism of the people was not

sufficiently ardent to prevent them from carrying their goods to the

best market. It was, however, no easy matter for the country people to

carry provisions into Philadelphia without detection and punishment;

for the American detachments and patrols, though at a respectful

distance, almost encircled the city.

While the army lay at Valley Forge, a plot was formed to remove

general Washington from the chief command; and in that plot several

members of congress, and a very few military officers, were concerned.

Insinuations against the military talents of general Washington were

industriously circulated; and the public attention was directed towards

general Gates, whose success at Saratoga had thrown a brilliant lustre

round his name. General Thomas Conway was an active agent in the plot;

and many of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, chagrined by the loss of

their capital, and willing to devolve on the general who had twice,

with inferior forces, fought the enemy in their defence, the blame of

those misfortunes which had arisen from their own pusillanimity and

carelessness in not reinforcing the army, readily joined in the clamor.

The conduct of general Gates was equivocal, but he solemnly disclaimed

all connection with the faction. The officers of general Washington’s

army, strongly attached to him, felt the liveliest indignation against

those intriguers who wished to remove their favorite leader from his

command.

By the uniform tenor of his conduct, general Washington had won the

affection and esteem of almost all his troops, both officers and

privates; and, fortunately for America, there was enough of discernment

in congress to resist the dark machinations of the faction, and to

continue their brave and upright commander-in-chief at the head of

the army. His situation, however, was by no means enviable. His army

was much attached to him; but, weakened by disease, and irritated by

nakedness and hunger, it was almost on the point of dissolution. In

the midst of the difficulties and dangers with which he was surrounded,

general Washington displayed a singular degree of steady perseverance,

unshaken fortitude, and unwearied activity. Instead of manifesting

irritable impatience under the malignant attacks made on his character,

he behaved with magnanimity, and earnestly applied to congress, and

to the legislative bodies of the several states, for reinforcements to

his army, in order that he might be prepared to act with vigor in the

ensuing campaign.

But to recruit and equip the army was no easy task. The great

depreciation of paper money rendered the pay of the soldiers inadequate

to their support; and, consequently, it was not likely that voluntary

enlistment would be successful, especially since the patriotic ardor of

many had begun to cool by the continuance of the war, and all knew that

great hardships and dangers were to be encountered by joining the army.

The pay even of the officers, in the depreciated paper currency, was

wholly unequal to the maintenance of their rank. Some of them who had

small patrimonial estates found them melting away, while their lives

were unprofitably devoted to the service of their country; and they

who had no private fortune could not appear in a manner becoming their

station. A commission was a burden; and many considered the acceptance

of one as conferring rather than receiving a favor: a state of things

highly disadvantageous to the service; for the duties of an office

scarcely reckoned worth holding will seldom be zealously and actively

discharged. There was reason to apprehend that many of the most

meritorious officers would resign their commissions; and that they

only who were less qualified for service would remain with the army.

Congress, moved by the remonstrances of the commander-in-chief, and

by the complaints with which they were assailed from every quarter,

deputed a committee of their body to reside in camp during the winter;

and, in concert with the general, to examine the state of the army, and

report on the measures necessary to be taken for placing it in a more

respectable condition. But the reforms in the army were tardily made.

Congress were fond of their own speculations, although experience had

proved them mischievous; and were slow in rectifying the evils which

arose from their own errors. The state legislatures were backward in

adopting coercive measures for recruiting the army; and each of them

was jealous of bearing more than its share of the war. At length,

however, an efficient commissary-general was appointed; the other

departments were put on a more desirable footing; and vigorous measures

were pursued to prepare for the ensuing campaign.

During the winter there was a good deal of correspondence between the

generals respecting prisoners of war. Complaints were mutual; and a

partial cartel was agreed to.

In consequence of the treaties concluded with her revolted colonies,

Great Britain declared war against France; and the ministry, presuming

that assistance would be sent to the Americans, transmitted orders by

the commissioners, that Philadelphia should be evacuated, and the royal

troops concentrated at New York. The execution of these orders devolved

upon Sir Henry Clinton, who had been appointed commander-in-chief on

the resignation of general Howe. On the 18th of June the enemy quitted

the city, and marched slowly eastward. Washington, leaving his huts

in the forest, hung upon the rear of the British army, watching for a

favorable opportunity to offer battle. On arriving at Monmouth, in New

Jersey, general Lee, who had lately been exchanged, was ordered to take

the command of five thousand men, and, early in the morning of the 28th,

to commence an attack, being assured that he should be supported by the

whole army. Lee made dispositions to attack accordingly, but perceiving

the main body of the English returning to meet him, he began to retreat.

Washington, advancing to render the promised support, saw him retiring,

rode forward, and addressed him in language implying disapprobation of

his conduct.[130] He then directed him to form his men on ground which

he pointed out, and there oppose the progress of the enemy. A warm

engagement ensued, and Washington, arriving with the main body of his

army, compelled the British to fall back.

The day had been intensely hot, and the troops were greatly

fatigued,[131] yet general Washington resolved to renew the engagement;

but there were so many impediments to be overcome, that before the

attack could be commenced it was nearly dark. It was therefore thought

most advisable to postpone further operations until morning, and

the troops lay on their arms in the field of battle.[132] General

Washington, who had been exceedingly active through the day, and

entirely regardless of personal danger, reposed himself at night in

his cloak, under a tree, in the midst of his soldiers. His intention

of renewing the battle was, however, frustrated; the British troops

marched away about midnight in such profound silence, that the most

advanced posts knew nothing of their departure until morning. The

American general, declining all further pursuit of the royal army,

detached some light troops to attend its motions, and drew off his

soldiers to the borders of the North river. Sir Henry Clinton, after

remaining a few days on the high grounds of Middleton, proceeded to

Sandy Hook, whence he passed his army over to New York.

The British having entered New York, Washington conducted his army to

White Plains. Congress returned to Philadelphia; and in July received,

with inexpressible joy, a letter from the count D’Estaing, announcing

his arrival on the coast of Virginia, with twelve sail of the line and

six frigates, with about four thousand troops on board. The count had

intended to surprise admiral Howe in the Delaware, but adverse winds

detained him on the passage, until the British fleet had sailed for New

York. He appeared before that harbor, but on sounding, found that his

largest ships could not pass the bar. By the advice of Washington, a

combined attack upon the British forces at Newport, in Rhode Island,

was resolved on. General Sullivan, who had been appointed to command

the troops, called upon the militia of New England to aid him in the

enterprise. His army soon amounted to ten thousand men, and, as he

was supported by the fleet he felt confident of success. On the 9th

of August, he took a position on the north end of Rhode Island, and

afterwards moved nearer to Newport. Admiral Howe, having received a

reinforcement, now appeared before the harbor, and the count instantly

put to sea to attack him. A furious storm, however, came on, which

damaged and dispersed both fleets. As soon as the weather permitted,

each commander sought the port from which he had sailed; but great

was the disappointment of the Americans when D’Estaing announced his

intention of proceeding to Boston to refit; they earnestly remonstrated,

but the count was inflexible. Deserted by the fleet, the army could

remain no longer with safety on the island. General Sullivan, therefore,

immediately retreated to his first position. He was pursued and

attacked by the enemy; but they were gallantly resisted and repulsed

with loss. The next day the two armies cannonaded each other, and the

succeeding night the American general, deceiving the enemy by a show of

resistance to the last, made a skilful retreat to the continent. It was

a remarkable escape. The delay of a single day would probably have been

fatal to the Americans; for Sir Henry Clinton, who had been impeded

by adverse winds, arrived with a reinforcement of four thousand men

the very next day, when a retreat, it is presumed, would have been

impracticable.

At this period of the war hostilities were carried on with more than

usual acrimony. In several instances the British troops, and their

allies, the American tories and native Indians, exhibited a barbarity

deeply to be lamented, wantonly destroying the property and injuring

the persons of peaceful unarmed inhabitants. While asleep in a barn

at Tappan, colonel Baylor’s troop of light dragoons were surprised

by general Grey, who commanded his soldiers to use the bayonet only,

and to give the rebels no quarter. Incapable of defence, they sued for

mercy; but the most pathetic supplications were heard without awakening

compassion; nearly one-half of the troop were killed. To many, repeated

thrusts were barbarously given as long as signs of life remained; while

some who had nearly a dozen stabs through the body, and were left for

dead, afterwards recovered. A few escaped, and forty were saved by the

humanity of a British captain, who dared to disobey the orders of his

general. With feelings of revenge yet more barbarous, Wyoming, a happy

and flourishing settlement, on the eastern branch of the Susquehannah,

in Pennsylvania, was attacked by a band of tories and Indians. The

conditions of the capitulation were entirely disregarded by the British

and savage forces, and after the fort was delivered up, all kinds

of barbarities were committed by them. The village of Wilkesbarre,

consisting of twenty-three houses, was burnt; men and their wives were

separated from each other and carried into captivity; their property

was plundered, and the settlement laid waste. The remainder of the

inhabitants were driven from the valley, and compelled to proceed

on foot sixty miles through the great swamp, almost without food

or clothing. A number perished in the journey, principally women

and children; some died of their wounds, others wandered from the

path in search of food and were lost; and those who survived called

the wilderness through which they passed ‘The Shades of Death,’ an

appellation which it has since retained. Many other instances might be

adduced; but it is better to suffer the record of them to perish.[133]

In the campaign of 1778 little on either side was accomplished. The

alliance with France gave birth to expectations which events did not

fulfil; but the presence of her fleets on the coast deranged the plans

of the British; induced them to relinquish a part of their conquests;

and prevented their making any progress in the accomplishment of their

designs.

The close of this year was distinguished by a change of the theatre

of war from the northern to the southern section of the confederacy.

The country, weak by its scattered population, the multitude of slaves,

and the number of tories, presented a prospect of easy victory. In

the end of November, lieutenant-colonel Campbell, with two thousand

five hundred men, sailed from New York to the coast of Georgia. Having

landed his troops, he marched towards Savannah, the capital; and

defeating a small body of Americans whom he met on his route, he

immediately took possession of the city. After the fall of the capital,

Sunbury surrendered at discretion; and these were the only military

posts in Georgia.

The campaign of 1779 was opened by general Lincoln, who had been

appointed to the command of the American troops in the southern

department. In April, leaving South Carolina, he marched into the

interior of Georgia; upon which the British army, entering the state

he had left, invested Charleston, the capital. Lincoln hastened back to

its defence; and on his approach, the British retired to Stono ferry,

where an action was fought, and a few days afterwards they continued

their retreat to Savannah. The heat of the season suspended farther

operations until September; when count D’Estaing, with a fleet carrying

six thousand troops, arrived on the coast. The two armies, in concert,

laid siege to Savannah. At the expiration of a month, the count,

impatient of delay, insisted that the siege should be abandoned, or

that a combined assault upon the enemy’s works should immediately

be made. General Lincoln determined upon the latter course. Great

gallantry was displayed by the French and American troops, but the

British repulsed the assailants, killing and wounding nearly a thousand

men,[134] while on their part the loss was small. The next day the

siege was raised, the French returning home, and the Americans to South

Carolina.

The operations of the British in the more northern parts of America

were predatory rather than military. In May, a naval and land force,

commanded by Sir George Collier and general Matthews, made a descent

on Virginia. On their arrival, they took possession of Portsmouth and

of Norfolk; destroyed the houses, vessels, naval stores, and a large

magazine of provisions, at Suffolk; made a similar destruction at

Kemp’s Landing, Shepherd’s, Gosport, Tanner’s Creek, and other places

in the vicinity; and, after setting fire to the houses and other public

buildings in the dockyard at Gosport, embarked with their booty for

New York. A similar expedition was soon after undertaken from New York

against Connecticut, by governor Tryon, with two thousand six hundred

land forces, supported by brigadier-general Garth, and accompanied

by Sir George Collier with armed vessels to cover the transports.

Though checked in their march, they entered New Haven about one in

the afternoon, from which time until eight in the evening the town was

subjected to almost indiscriminate ravage and plunder. The royal army

also plundered and burned the town of Fairfield, and the greatest part

of the neighboring village of Green Farms. A few days afterward they

laid the town of Norwalk in ashes.

Early in the season, colonel Clarke, of Virginia, who was stationed at

Kaskaskia, on the Mississippi, achieved an enterprise conspicuous for

boldness of design, and evincing uncommon hardihood in its execution.

With only one hundred and thirty men, he penetrated through the

wilderness to St. Vincent’s, a British post on the Wabash, in the heart

of the Indian country. His route lay across deep swamps and morrasses;

and in one instance the party waded through water, often as high as

the breast, for nearly five miles. After a march of sixteen days,

they reached the town, which, having no intimation of their approach,

surrendered without resistance; and a short time after, the fort

capitulated. This fortunate achievement arrested an expedition which

the enemy had projected against the frontiers of Virginia, and detached

several tribes of Indians from the British interest.

Congress, though its measures toward the Indians were conciliatory,

could not secure the western frontiers. The Six Nations had been

advised by that body, and had promised, to observe a neutrality in the

war; but, excepting the Oneidas, and a few others who were friendly

to the Americans, those Indians took a decided part against them. The

presents and promises of Sir John Johnson and other British agents,

with the desire of plunder, induced them to invade the frontiers;

and wherever they went, they carried slaughter and devastation. An

expedition was therefore ordered against them, and general Sullivan,

to whom the conduct of it was intrusted, marched into their country.

The Indians, on hearing of the projected expedition, collected their

strength, took possession of proper ground, and fortified it with

judgment. General Sullivan attacked them in their works, and they

sustained a cannonade of more than two hours; but they then gave way,

and, after their trenches were forced, they fled with precipitation.

The victorious army, penetrating into the heart of their country,

laid it desolate. Their villages, their detached habitations, their

corn-fields, their fruit-trees and gardens, were indiscriminately

destroyed.

The campaign of this year, though barren in important events, was

distinguished by one gallant enterprise, which reflected much honor on

the American arms. Stony Point, a fortress on the North river, had been

taken from the Americans, and strongly fortified by the British. It was

at this time garrisoned by about six hundred men, under the command of

lieutenant-colonel Johnson. General Washington, having obtained precise

information of the condition of the works, the nature of the ground in

their vicinity, the strength and arrangements of the garrison, and the

disposition of the guards, and having in person reconnoitred the post,

resolved to attempt the surprise of it. The execution of the plan was

intrusted to general Wayne, and the troops employed on this service

were chiefly from New England. At half-past eleven on the night of the

15th of July, the columns moved on to the charge at opposite points of

the works, the van of each with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets;

and at twenty minutes after twelve both columns rushed forward under

a tremendous fire of musketry and grape-shot, entered the works at the

point of the bayonet, and, arriving in the centre of them at nearly

the same instant, compelled the garrison to surrender at discretion. A

more gallant exploit has seldom been performed, and the humanity of the

victors was equal to their valor. Notwithstanding the devastations in

Connecticut, and the butchery of Baylor’s troop, the scene of which was

near, not an individual suffered after resistance had ceased.

Illustration: Capture of Stony Point.

On the approach of the inclement season, the American army built

themselves huts for winter quarters. Positions were chosen most

favorable for the defence of the most important posts, and for covering

the country. The army was formed into two divisions; one of these

erected huts near West Point, and the other at Morristown, in New

Jersey. The head-quarters of the commander-in-chief were with the

last division. Great distress was felt this winter on account of the

deranged state of the American finances. General Green and colonel

Wadsworth, gentlemen in every respect qualified for the duties of their

respective stations, were yet at the head of the quarter-master and

commissary departments, but the credit of the country was fallen, they

had not the means to make prompt payment for articles of supply; and

they found it impossible to lay up large magazines of provisions, and

extremely difficult to obtain supplies to satisfy the temporary wants

of the army. Large sums had been annually raised and expended, and

the ability of the people to pay taxes had progressively decreased. To

supply deficiencies, paper money, to the amount of about a hundred and

fifty millions of dollars, had been issued; but this was depreciated,

and at the close of 1779 thirty dollars in paper were of no more

value than one in specie. To purchase provisions with this money was

therefore first difficult and then impossible, and congress now found

their funds and their credit exhausted. Before the month of January

expired, the soldiers were put upon allowance, and before its close

the whole stock of provision in store was exhausted, and there was

neither meat nor flour to be distributed to the troops. To prevent the

dissolution of the army, the commander-in-chief was reluctantly driven

to very vigorous measures: he apportioned to each county in the state

of New Jersey a quantity of meat and flour, according to the ability

of each, to be brought into camp in the course of six days. At the same

time he wrote to the magistrates, stating the absolute necessity of the

measure, and informing them, that unless the inhabitants voluntarily

complied with the requisition, the exigency of the case would force him

to obtain it by military exaction. To the honor of the inhabitants of

New Jersey, harassed as their country had been, the full quantity of

provisions required was cheerfully and seasonably afforded.

FROM THE CAMPAIGN OF 1780 TO THE TERMINATION OF THE WAR

OF THE REVOLUTION.

During the year 1780, the contest between Great Britain and her

ancient colonies was carried on chiefly in the southern states. As

soon as Sir Henry Clinton ascertained that count D’Estaing had left

the American coast, he hastened to despatch an expedition against

South Carolina, leaving the garrison at New York under the command of

general Knyphausen. Early in February the troops landed within thirty

miles of the capital. Governor Rutledge, to whom the assembly of South

Carolina had recently given extraordinary powers, ordered the militia

to rendezvous; but the repulse at Savannah, at the close of the

preceding campaign, had produced such a dispiriting effect, that

but few complied. The defences of Charleston consisted of a chain of

redoubts, lines, and batteries, extending from Ashley to Cooper river,

on which were mounted upwards of eighty pieces of artillery; and on

all sides of the town where a landing was practicable, batteries were

erected and covered with artillery. General Lincoln, trusting to these

defences and expecting large reinforcements, remained in Charleston at

the earnest request of the inhabitants, and, with the force under his

command, resolved to defend the place.

On the 21st of March the British fleet crossed the bar, and anchored

in Five Fathom Hole. Commodore Whipple, who commanded the American

vessels, finding it impracticable to prevent the enemy from passing

over the bar, fell back to fort Moultrie, and afterwards to Charleston.

In a few days the town was invested by sea and land, and the British

commanders summoned general Lincoln to surrender; the demand was,

however, met with a firm refusal. The batteries of the first parallel

were now opened upon the town, and soon made a visible impression; and

to prevent the reception of the reinforcements which general Lincoln

expected, Sir Henry Clinton detached lieutenant-colonel Webster with

fourteen hundred men by the advanced guard of which detachment the

American cavalry, with the militia attached to them, were surprised in

the night of the 14th of April, and completely routed and dispersed.

The British now extended themselves to the eastward of Cooper river;

and about this time Sir Henry Clinton received a reinforcement of three

thousand men from New York. The garrison having no reasonable hope of

effecting a retreat, an offer was made of surrendering the town; but

the proposed conditions were rejected by the British commanders.

The besiegers in the mean time were daily advancing their works, and

had now completed their third parallel; the garrison of fort Moultrie

surrendered; and the broken remains of the American cavalry under

colonel White were again surprised by colonel Tarleton, and the whole

either killed, taken, or dispersed. Sir Henry Clinton, thus successful

in every operation, renewed his former offers to the garrison in

case of their surrender, but the terms, so far as they respected

the citizens, not being satisfactory, hostilities recommenced. The

batteries of the third parallel now opened on the town, and did great

execution; several houses were burned; numbers of the besieged were

killed at their guns; and the British prepared to make a general

assault by land and water. At length a great number of citizens

of Charleston addressed general Lincoln in a petition, requesting

his acceptance of the terms which had been previously offered. A

capitulation was consequently signed on the 12th of May, and the next

day major-general Leslie took possession of the town.[135]

The capital having surrendered, measures were adopted to overawe

the inhabitants of the country, and induce them to return to their

allegiance to the king. Garrisons were placed in different parts of

the state, and two thousand men were despatched towards North Carolina,

to repel several parties of militia, who were hastening to the relief

of Charleston. Colonel Tarleton, making a rapid march of a hundred and

five miles in fifty-four hours, met, at the Waxhaws, and attacked one

of these parties, commanded by colonel Buford. The Americans, being

defeated by his superior forces, implored quarter; but nearly the whole

of them were either killed or too badly wounded to be removed from the

field. This sanguinary conduct spread dismay throughout the country,

and imparted a similar character to future conflicts.

Indignant at the treatment they received, great numbers of the

inhabitants seized their arms, and resolved on a vindictive war with

their invaders. A party who had taken refuge in North Carolina, chose

colonel Sumpter their leader. At the head of these he returned to his

own state, attacked and defeated several scattered detachments from the

British army; and by a succession of gallant enterprises he kept alive

a spirit of determined hostility to Great Britain in every part of the

state. His exertions were rendered the more effective by the approach

of four thousand men, principally continentals, under the command

of general Gates. Lord Cornwallis, whom Sir Henry Clinton, on his

return to New York, had left chief in command, hastened to oppose

the conqueror of Burgoyne. On the night of the 15th of August he

marched, with his whole force, to attack the Americans in their camp

at Clermont. They at the same hour began to move towards Camden, where

lord Cornwallis had his head-quarters. As the two armies were marching

on the same road, in opposite directions, their advanced guards met

and fired on each other about half-past two in the morning. From some

prisoners made on both sides, the commanders learned each other’s

movements.

Both armies halted, and were formed, and the firing soon ceased, as if

by mutual consent. The ground on which the two armies thus accidentally

met, was exceedingly favorable to lord Cornwallis. A swamp on each side

secured his flanks, and narrowed the ground in front, so as to render

the superiority of the Americans in numbers of less consequence. In

the morning a severe and general action was fought. The charge of the

British was made with such vigor, that the Virginia militia threw down

their arms, and fled with the utmost precipitation; and the greatest

part of the North Carolina militia soon followed their example. The

American reserve was now brought into action, and general Gates, in

conjunction with general Caswell, endeavored to rally the militia at

advantageous passes in the rear of the field of action, but in vain. On

the left and in the centre the contest was more obstinately maintained

by the Americans, whose artillery did considerable execution; but

by the flight of the militia their left flank was exposed, and the

continentals, after a brave resistance of nearly three-quarters of an

hour, were thrown into confusion, and forced to give way. The Americans

lost the whole of their artillery, the greatest part of their baggage,

several hundred men, and some very valuable officers; the loss of the

British was also severe.

Sumpter, who had lately been victorious in a skirmish, retreated

precipitately on hearing of the defeat of Gates; but supposing he was

beyond danger, he halted at the Catawba ford to refresh his troops.

Here his sentinels unhappily slept at their posts, and Tarleton’s

legion rode into his camp before preparations could be made for defence.

Between three and four hundred were killed or wounded. The remainder

were dispersed in the woods, three hundred British prisoners were

released, and all the baggage and stores fell into the power of the

victors.

Apprehending the state to be subdued, Cornwallis adopted measures

of extreme severity to suppress every latent inclination to revolt.

He directed that all who, having once submitted, had lately given aid

to the armies of congress, should be deprived of their property and

imprisoned; and that all who had once borne arms with the British, and

afterwards joined the Americans, should suffer death. In consequence

of these orders several were executed, and many were reduced to

poverty and wretchedness. In these times of confusion and distress,

the mischievous effects of slavery in facilitating the conquest of

the country became apparent. As the slaves had no interest at stake,

the subjugation of the state was a matter of no consequence to them.

Instead of aiding in its defence, they, by a variety of means, threw

the weight of their influence into the opposite scale.

Although his corps had been dispersed, general Sumpter speedily

recollected a band of volunteers, and kept the field in South Carolina

for three months, when there was no continental army in the state.

Varying his position along the Evoree, Broad, and Tyger rivers, he had

frequent skirmishes with the enemy, whom he incessantly harassed. In

November, he was attacked at Broad river by major Wemys, commanding

a corps of infantry and dragoons, but the British were defeated, and

their commanding officer taken prisoner; and in a few days afterward he

was attacked near Tyger river by colonel Tarleton, who, finding himself

unable to dislodge the Americans, retreated with considerable loss,

and left Sumpter in possession of the field. The zeal, activity, and

bravery of this officer, at that trying period, procured him the thanks

of congress and the applause of his country.

While the affairs of the south were in a state by no means

encouraging to the cause of independence, the general army under the

command of Washington was in a state of insufferable destitution,

and of consequent mutiny. Two hundred millions of dollars in paper

currency were at this time in circulation upon the credit of the United

States. Congress had the preceding year solemnly pledged the faith of

government not to issue more than this sum, and the national treasury

was now empty. Congress, the head of the nation, had, therefore,

no further command of the resources of the country. The power of

taxation, and of every coercive measure of government, was vested in

the state sovereignties, and a system which in its execution required

the conjoint agency of thirteen sovereignties, was too complex for

the prompt operations of a military body. In the course of the winter,

forage had failed, and many of the horses attached to the army had died,

or were rendered unfit for use. General Washington therefore struggled

with almost insuperable difficulties in supplying the army. The pay of

the officers also had now scarcely more than a nominal value; and the

officers of whole lines belonging to some of the states, in a body,

gave notice, that on a certain day they should resign their commissions,

unless provision was made for their honorable support.

Congress possessed not the means to apply adequate remedies to these

threatening evils. They passed a resolution, indeed, “That congress

will make good to the line of the army, and to the independent corps

thereof, the deficiencies of their original pay, which had been

occasioned by the depreciation of the continental currency;” but

the promise of future compensation from a country whose neglect was

conceived to be the source of all their sufferings, they deemed a

feeble basis of dependence, at the moment they were severely pressed

by privations of every kind. Murmurs at length broke out into actual

mutiny. Two of the Connecticut regiments paraded under arms, announcing

their intention to return home, or by their arms to obtain subsistence;

but by the spirited and prudent exertions of the officers, the

ringleaders were secured, and the regiments brought back to their duty.

This disaffection was reported to New York, with the customary

exaggerations of rumor. General Knyphausen, the commanding officer at

that post, supposing the American citizens and soldiers ripe for revolt,

passed over into New Jersey with five thousand men, to avail himself of

favorable events; but the behavior of the Americans soon convinced him

he had been deceived in the report of their disaffected disposition.

The troops detached from the army to oppose his progress fought

with obstinate bravery; and the inhabitants, seizing their arms with

alacrity, emulated the spirit and persevering courage of the regular

soldier. The general, finding he must encounter serious opposition,

retreated to Elizabeth Point, opposite to Staten island. In the mean

time, Sir Henry Clinton, returning with his victorious troops from

Charleston, ordered a reinforcement to Knyphausen, who, with the whole

body, advanced a second time towards Springfield. The British were

now opposed by general Green with a considerable body of continental

troops, and a severe action was fought, but the Americans were forced,

by superior numbers, to retire. General Green took post with his troops

on a range of hills, in the hope of being attacked; but the British,

having burned the town, retreated, and the next day set out on their

return to New York.

Late in the spring the marquis la Fayette returned from France with

the pleasing intelligence that his government had resolved to assist

the United States, by employing this year a respectable land and naval

force in America. This grateful information reanimated the public

mind, and gave a new stimulus to the activity of congress, and of the

governments of the several states, that preparation might be made to

co-operate with the French armament on its arrival. Vigorous measures

were in consequence adopted by congress and by the states to recruit

the army, to lay up magazines, and to enable the general to comply

with the reasonable expectations of their allies; but the agency of

different bodies was necessary to carry these public measures into

effect, and their operation was dilatory.

Early in July the first division of French troops reached the American

shore, consisting of between five and six thousand men, with a large

train of battering and field artillery. These forces were commanded by

count de Rochambeau, whose government had placed him under the command

of general Washington. The count brought information that a second

division would follow him as soon as transports could be fitted out

to bring them. The principal French and American officers assiduously

cultivated a mutual affection between the two armies; and the

commander-in-chief recommended to the officers of the United States

to ingraft on the American cockade a white relief, as an emblem of the

alliance of the two powers. On the arrival of the French, the Americans

were unprepared to act with them, nor did the American general know

what force would ultimately be brought into the field; and before

any thing could be effected, information was brought that the second

armament destined for America was blocked up in the harbor of Brest,

and would not this season reach the American continent. The flattering

prospect of terminating the war by the conquest of the British posts

in a moment vanished, and elevated views of brilliant success were

succeeded by grievous disappointment.

In this season of difficulty, of embarrassment, and of gloom, a

circumstance occurred which excited the deepest interest throughout

both armies, and indeed in the breast of the inhabitants of all the

states. The American army was stationed in the strong-holds of the high

lands on both sides of the North river; and for the defence of this

position, and to keep command of the river, a fortress had been built

at West Point, which was deemed impregnable, and had acquired the

appellation of the Gibraltar of America. Of this post general Arnold

solicited the command, and general Washington, far from suspecting

any sinister views in an officer who had been so zealous and active in

the cause of his country, complied with the solicitation. Arnold had,

however, no sooner become invested with the command, than he carried

on a negotiation with Sir Henry Clinton, by which it was agreed, that

he should make such a disposition of his forces, as would enable the

British general effectually to surprise West Point. The agent employed

in this negotiation was major André, adjutant-general of the British

army; and to favor the communications, the Vulture, a British sloop

of war, had been previously stationed in North river, as near Arnold’s

posts as could be without exciting suspicion. On the night of the 21st

of September a boat was sent from the shore to fetch major André, and

Arnold met him at the beach, without the posts of both armies. Their

business not being finished until it was too near morning for André to

return to the Vulture, Arnold, telling him he must be concealed until

the next night, conducted him within one of the American posts, where

he continued with him the following day. The Vulture having in the mean

time been compelled to alter her position, André could return to New

York in no other way than by land; changing his uniform, therefore,

which he had worn under a surtout, for a plain dress, he set out on

horseback, under the name of John Anderson, with a passport, signed

by Arnold, ‘to go to the lines of White Plains, or lower if he thought

proper, he being on public business.’ When advanced a great part of

the way, he was stopped by three of the New York militia, and several

papers, containing exact returns of the state of the forces, ordnance,

and defences at West Point, were found in his boots. The captors,

disdaining a proffered bribe of a purse of gold and permanent provision

and promotion, on condition of their conveying and accompanying him

to New York, delivered him a prisoner to lieutenant-colonel Jameson,

who commanded the outposts. André, with the incautious permission of

Jameson, procured a letter to be sent to Arnold, informing him of his

detention, which gave the traitor opportunity to escape on board the

Vulture,[136] in which he reached New York in safety. At this very

hour Washington arrived on his return from a conference with the French

general at Hartford. He repaired, without delay, to the fort of West

Point, where, however, he could learn nothing of a decisive import. But

some orders, issued by Arnold the day before, redoubled his suspicions;

he returned to the quarters of the general, and at this instant

Jameson’s messenger presented himself, and delivered the packet with

which he was charged. Washington seemed for the moment overwhelmed by

the discovery of a crime which ruined the fame of an American general,

and wounded the honor of the American army. Those who were near him

anxiously interrogated his looks in silence, which he broke by saying,

‘I thought that an officer of courage and ability, who had often shed

his blood for his country, was entitled to confidence, and I gave him

mine. I am convinced now, and for the rest of my life, that we should

never trust those who are wanting in probity, whatever abilities

they may possess. Arnold has betrayed us.’ Meanwhile, the precautions

required by the occasion were everywhere taken. General Heath, a

faithful and vigilant officer, was substituted for Arnold at West Point;

the commanders of the other posts were admonished to be on their guard;

Green, who had been invested with the command of the army during the

absence of Washington, recalled within the forts the garrisons which

the traitor had dispersed, and marched a strong division near to the

lines. General Washington referred the case of André to the examination

and decision of a board, consisting of fourteen officers, who founded

their report on his own statements; they reported it as their unanimous

opinion, ‘that major André ought to be considered as a spy, and that,

agreeably to the laws and usages of nations, he should suffer death;’

and he was, in accordance with their sentence, hung as a spy.[137]

Illustration: Capture of Major André.

When the winter of 1780 commenced, the troops of the northern army

retired to the quarters which they had last occupied. Again they

endured distress at which patriotism feels indignant and humanity weeps.

The harvest had been abundant; plenty reigned in the land, while want

was still felt in the camp of its defenders. Lassitude had succeeded

enthusiasm in the breasts of the people, and congress exerted its

powers with too little vigor to draw forth the resources of the country.

The soldiers of the Pennsylvania line stationed at Morristown, New

Jersey, complained that, in addition to sustaining sufferings common

to all, they were retained in service contrary to the terms of their

enlistments. In the night of the 1st of January, thirteen hundred, on

a concerted signal, paraded under arms, and declared their intention

of marching to Philadelphia, and demanding of congress a redress of

their grievances. The officers strove to compel them to relinquish

their purpose. In the attempt, one was killed and several were wounded.

General Wayne presented his pistols, as if intending to fire. They held

their bayonets to his breast; ‘We love and respect you,’ said they;

‘but if you fire you are a dead man. We are not going to the enemy.

On the contrary, if they were now to come out, you should see us fight

under your orders with as much alacrity as ever. But we will be amused

no longer; we are determined to obtain what is our just due.’ They

elected temporary officers, and moved off in a body towards Princeton.

General Wayne, to prevent them from plundering the inhabitants,

forwarded provisions for their use. The next day he followed, and

requested them to appoint a man from each regiment, to state to him

their complaints; a conference was accordingly held, but he refused

to comply with their demands. They then proceeded in good order to

Princeton, where three emissaries from Sir Henry Clinton met them,

and made liberal offers to entice them from the service of congress.

The offers were indignantly rejected, and the emissaries seized and

executed as spies. Here they were also met by a committee of congress,

and a deputation from the state of Pennsylvania; and the latter,

granting a part of their demands, succeeded in persuading them to

return to their duty. This mutiny, and another in the Jersey line,

which was instantly suppressed, aroused the attention of the states to

the miserable condition of their troops. The amount of three months’

pay was raised and forwarded to them in specie; it was received with

joy, as affording an evidence that their country was not unmindful of

their sufferings.

Illustration: Mutiny.

The year on which we now enter decided the important contest which

engaged the attention of Europe, and of all the civilized world,

in favor of liberty, and, we must add, of justice. The boon of

independence was not, however, gained without adding to the long

list of widows and orphans, nor without augmenting the catalogue

of cruelties more horrid than those of the Indian tribes, because

perpetrated by those who had no accumulated antipathy of ages to

palliate their hostility, but who only yesterday were friends and

brothers. The inhabitants of the Carolinas endured calamity and

distress from which humanity revolts. About equally divided in

political sentiments, village was opposed to village, and neighbor to

neighbor, and their hostility became embittered by attack and reprisal,

until pillage, burning, and murder, became familiar to all.[138] Each

party aimed at the extirpation of the other, and the whole country

presented a scene of slaughter and of blood. The American generals

seized every occasion to discountenance such vindictive and barbarous

conduct, while, with few exceptions, the British permitted and even

accelerated their perpetration.

The reduction of Savannah and Charleston encouraged the British to a

vigorous invasion of North Carolina. The whole army of general Green,

which had at the close of last year advanced from Hillsborough to

Charlottetown, consisted of about two thousand men, more than half of

whom were militia. With this inconsiderable body of troops, miserably

provided, general Green took the field against a superior regular force,

which had already marched in triumph two hundred miles from the point

of its debarkation. Soon after Green took the command, he divided his

force, and sent general Morgan with a respectable detachment to the

western extremity of South Carolina, where the tories were destroying

the whigs without mercy and without restraint, and marched with the

main body to Hick’s creek, on the north side of the Pedee. On the

entrance of general Morgan into the district of Ninety-six, lord

Cornwallis, who was preparing for the invasion of North Carolina, that

he might not leave an enemy in his rear, ordered colonel Tarleton to

proceed with about eleven hundred men, and drive him from his position.

Tarleton had two field-pieces, and a superiority both of infantry and

cavalry. With these advantages, he engaged Morgan at the Cowpens, near

Pacolet river, on the 17th of January. The British, led to the attack

by Tarleton himself, advanced with a shout, and poured in an incessant

fire of musketry. The American militia, though they received the

charge with firmness, were soon compelled to fall back in the rear

of their second line; and this line, in its turn, after an obstinate

conflict, was compelled to retreat to the cavalry. At this juncture

lieutenant-colonel Washington made a successful charge on captain

Ogilvie, who, with about forty dragoons, was cutting down the

retreating militia; lieutenant-colonel Howard almost at the same

moment rallied the continental troops, and charged with fixed bayonets,

and the militia instantly followed the example. By these sudden and

unexpected charges, the British, who had considered the fate of the

day decided, were thrown into confusion, and driven from the ground

with great slaughter. Howard and Washington pressed the advantage which

they had respectively gained, until the artillery and a great part of

the infantry had surrendered.[139] Seldom has a victory, achieved by

so small a number, been so important in its consequences. It deprived

Cornwallis of one-fifth of his force, and disconcerted his plans for

the reduction of North Carolina. He sought, however, to repair, by

active exertions, the loss which he had suffered, and determined, if

possible, to intercept Morgan, and compel him to restore the trophies

of his victory. This resolution led to a military race, which maybe,

without exaggeration, termed one of the most celebrated in history.

Each army strove to precede the other at the fords of the Catawba, from

which both were equally distant. The American troops endured almost

incredible hardships, being sometimes without meat, often without flour,

and entirely destitute of spirituous liquors. A large portion of the

troops were without shoes, and, marching over frozen ground, marked

with blood every step of their progress. On the twelfth day after the

engagement, Morgan reached the fords and crossed the Catawba; and two

hours afterwards Cornwallis arrived, and, it being then dark, encamped

on the bank. During the night, a heavy fall of rain made the river

impassable, which gave Morgan an opportunity to remove the prisoners

beyond the reach of his pursuer.

The movements of the royal army induced general Green immediately to

retreat from Hick’s creek; and, leaving the main army under the command

of general Huger, he rode a hundred and fifty miles through the country

to join the detachment under general Morgan, that he might be in front

of lord Cornwallis, and so direct both divisions of his army as to

form a speedy junction between them. Lord Cornwallis, after three days’

delay, effected the passage of the Catawba, and recommenced the pursuit.

The Americans, continuing their expeditious movements, crossed the

Yadkin on the 3d of February, and secured their boats on the north side;

but the British, though close in their rear, were incapable of crossing

it through the rapid rising of the river from preceding rains, and the

want of boats. This second remarkable escape confirmed the impression

on the minds of the Americans, that their cause was favored by Divine

Providence. After a junction of the two divisions of the American army

at Guildford court-house, it was concluded, in a council of officers

called by general Green, that he ought to retire over the Dan, and to

avoid an engagement until he should be reinforced.

Lord Cornwallis kept the upper countries, where only the rivers are

fordable, and attempted to get between general Green and Virginia, to

cut off his retreat, and oblige him to fight under many disadvantages;

but the American general completely eluded him. So urgent was the

pursuit of the British, that, on the 14th of February, the American

light troops were compelled to retire above forty miles; and on that

day general Green, by indefatigable exertions, transported his army

over the Dan into Virginia. Here again the pursuit was so close, that

the van of the British just arrived as the rear of the Americans had

crossed. The continental army being now driven out of North Carolina,

earl Cornwallis left the Dan, and proceeded to Hillsborough, where

he set up the royal standard. Green, perceiving the necessity of

some spirited measure to counteract his lordship’s influence on the

inhabitants of the country, concluded, at every hazard, to recross the

Dan. After manœuvring in a very masterly manner to avoid an action with

Cornwallis three weeks, his army was joined by two brigades of militia

from North Carolina, and one from Virginia, and also by four hundred

regulars.

This reinforcement giving him a superiority of numbers, he determined

no longer to avoid an engagement, and, on the 15th of March, he

accepted battle; but at the first fire the North Carolina militia,

who were in the front line, fled; the second line was also routed. The

continentals, who composed the third, fought with their usual bravery,

and for an hour and half maintained the conflict with great firmness.

They at length gave way, but retreated in good order, the slaughter

they had made in the enemy’s ranks preventing pursuit. The victory,

won by a far inferior force, was more glorious than advantageous to

the British army. Soon after the action, lord Cornwallis began a march

toward Wilmington. General Green, on receiving intelligence of this

movement, put his army in motion to follow him, and continued the

pursuit to Ramsay’s mill, on Deep river. Cornwallis, having halted and

refreshed his men about three weeks at Wilmington, marched across the

country to Petersburg, in Virginia.

Before general Green was aware that lord Cornwallis intended to enter

Virginia, he had formed the bold resolution of returning into South

Carolina. Marching towards Camden, where nine hundred men, under the

command of lord Rawdon, were posted, he took a position on Hobkirk’s

hill, about a mile from the British intrenchments. Here the Americans

were attacked on the 25th of April. In the beginning of the action

their bravery gained advantages, which, in its progress, were lost

by the premature retreat of two companies, occasioned by the death of

their officers. At this reverse of fortune, Green retired a few miles

from the field, both armies having sustained nearly an equal loss.

Several British posts in South Carolina speedily fell into the power

of the brave and active partisans, who, with small bodies of troops,

were ever present where oppression was to be resisted or glory won. Lee

joined Marion; and, on the 15th of April, they unexpectedly presented

themselves before fort Watson, a British post on the Santee. It was

an Indian mound, rising thirty or forty feet above the level of the

plain. Neither the garrison nor the assailants had artillery; but in

a few days the Americans constructed a work on an unusual plan, which

overlooked the fort, and from the top of which the riflemen fired with

such unerring aim that not a man of the garrison could show himself

without certain destruction. On the 23d, the garrison, consisting of

one hundred and fourteen men, capitulated.

Illustration: Attack on Fort Watson.

Orangeburg and fort Motte surrendered to Sumpter. Lee captured fort

Granby, and Marion drove from Georgetown the troops stationed to defend

it. Immediately after the surrender of fort Granby, lieutenant-colonel

Lee marched to Augusta, and joined brigadier-general Pickens, who, with

a body of militia, had some time before taken post in the vicinity;

and these two able officers jointly carried on their approaches against

fort Cornwallis. Two batteries were erected within thirty yards of

the parapet which overlooked the fort; and from them the American

riflemen shot into the inside of the works with effect. The garrison,

almost entirely burying themselves underground, obstinately refused

to capitulate until resistance became useless, and then the fort, with

about three hundred men, surrendered on honorable terms of capitulation.

The Americans, during the siege, had about forty men killed and wounded.

On the 22d of May, general Green laid siege to Ninety-six, which was

defended by lieutenant-colonel Cruger, with upwards of five hundred

men. The works of the besiegers were carried forward with indefatigable

industry and success until the 18th of June, when, on intelligence

of the approach of lord Rawdon for the relief of the place, it was

concluded to attempt its reduction by assault. The assailants displayed

great resolution; but, failing of success, general Green raised the

siege, and retreated over the Saluda.

Lord Rawdon having returned to England, the command of the British

troops in South Carolina devolved upon lieutenant-colonel Stewart;

who, in the beginning of September, took post at Eutaw Springs.

General Green marched against him from the hills of Santee. The rival

forces were equal, amounting on each side to two thousand men. On

the 8th an attack was made by the Americans; a part of the British

line, consisting of new troops, broke and fled; but the veteran corps

received the charge of the assailants on the points of their bayonets.

The hostile ranks were for a time intermingled, and the officers fought

hand to hand; but lieutenant-colonel Lee, who had turned the British

left flank, charging them at this instant in the rear, their line was

soon completely broken, and driven off the field. They were vigorously

pursued by the Americans, who took upwards of five hundred of them

prisoners. The British, on their retreat, took post in a large

three-story brick house, and in a picketed garden; and from these

advantageous positions renewed the action. Four six-pounders were

ordered up before the house; but the Americans were compelled to leave

these pieces and retire. They formed again at a small distance in

the woods; but general Green, thinking it inexpedient to renew the

desperate attempt, left a strong picket on the field of battle, and

retired with his prisoners to the ground from which he had marched in

the morning. In the evening of the next day, lieutenant-colonel Stewart,

leaving seventy of his wounded men and one thousand stand of arms,

moved from Eutaw towards Charleston. The loss of the British, inclusive

of prisoners, was supposed to be not less than eleven hundred men. The

loss of the Americans, in killed, wounded, and missing, was about half

that number. This battle was attended by consequences very advantageous

to the Americans, and maybe considered as closing the revolutionary war

in South Carolina.

Brilliant as were the successes of general Green in the Carolinas

it was in Virginia that the last great stroke in favor of American

independence was to be effected. The army under the commander-in-chief

had passed another distressing winter, and symptoms of mutiny had

again manifested themselves, but were happily suppressed. Deplorably

deficient of provisions and supplies, and promised reinforcements

being grievously delayed, Washington still remained undiscouraged, and

determined, in conjunction with the French fleet, to resume vigorous

operations. New York was the destined point of the combined attack; but

the large reinforcements which had recently arrived there, and other

unfavorable circumstances, induced the commander-in-chief, so late as

August, entirely to change the plan of the campaign, and to resolve to

attempt the capture of the army of lord Cornwallis, which had now taken

up a position at Yorktown, in Virginia. The defence of West Point, and

of the other posts on the Hudson, was committed to general Heath, and a

large portion of the troops raised in the northern states was for this

service left under his command.

General Washington resolved in person to conduct the Virginia

expedition. The troops under count Rochambeau, and strong detachments

from the American army, amounting to more than two thousand men, and

consisting of the light infantry, Lamb’s artillery, and several other

corps, were destined for it. By the 25th of August the whole body,

American and French, had crossed the North river. An intercepted letter

of general Washington’s, in which he communicated, as the result of a

consultation with the French commanders, the design to attack New York,

had excited the apprehensions of the British general for the safety of

that city. This apprehension was kept alive, and the real object of the

Americans concealed, by preparations for an encampment in New Jersey,

opposite to Staten island, by the route of the American army, and

other appearances, indicating an intention to besiege New York; and the

troops had passed the Delaware, out of reach of annoyance, before Sir

Henry suspected their destination. General Washington pressed forward

with the utmost expedition, and at Chester he received the important

intelligence that count de Grasse had arrived with his fleet in the

Chesapeake, and that the marquis St. Simon had, with a body of three

thousand land forces, joined the marquis de la Fayette. Having directed

the route of his army from the head of the Elk, he, accompanied by

Rochambeau, Chatelleux, Du Portail, and Knox, proceeded to Virginia.

They reached Williamsburg on the 14th of September, and immediately

repaired on board the Ville de Paris, to settle with count de Grasse

the plan of operations. The whole body of American and French troops

reached Williamsburg by the 25th of September. At this place the allied

forces were joined by a detachment of the militia of Virginia, under

the command of governor Nelson, and preparations were soon made to

attack the intrenchments of lord Cornwallis.

Yorktown, the head-quarters of lord Cornwallis, is a village on the

south side of York river, the southern banks of which are high, and

where ships of the line may ride in safety. Gloucester point is a piece

of land on the opposite shore, projecting considerably into the river.

Both these posts were occupied by the British; and a communication

between them was commanded by their batteries, and by several ships

of war. The main body of lord Cornwallis’ army was encamped on the

open grounds about Yorktown, within a range of outer redoubts and

field-works; and lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, with a detachment of six

or seven hundred men, held the post at Gloucester point.

The legion of the duke de Lauzun, and a brigade of militia under

general Weedon, the whole commanded by the French general De Choisé,

were directed to watch and restrain the enemy on the side of Gloucester;

and the grand combined army, on the 30th of September, moved down

to the investiture of Yorktown. On the night of the 6th of October,

advancing to within six hundred yards of the English lines, they began

their first parallel, and labored with such silence and diligence, that

they were not discovered until morning, when the works they had raised

were sufficient to protect them. On the 9th, several batteries being

completed, a heavy cannonade was begun. Many of the British guns were

dismounted, and portions of their fortifications laid level with the

ground. On the night of the 11th, the besiegers commenced their second

parallel, three hundred yards in advance of the first. This approach

was made so much sooner than was expected, that the men were not

discovered at their labor until they had rendered themselves secure

from all molestation in front. The fire from the new batteries was

still more furious and destructive. From two British redoubts, in

advance of their main works, and flanking those of the besiegers, the

men in the trenches were so severely annoyed, that Washington resolved

to storm them.

The enterprise against one was committed to an American force under the

marquis de la Fayette, that against the other to a French detachment.

Colonel Hamilton, who led the van of the former, made such an impetuous

attack that possession was soon obtained, with little slaughter. The

French detachment was equally brave and successful, but sustained

greater loss. On the 16th, a sortie was made from the garrison by

a party of three hundred and fifty, commanded by lieutenant-colonel

Abercrombie, who forced two batteries, and spiked eleven pieces of

cannon; but the guards from the trenches immediately advancing on

them, they retreated, and the pieces which they had hastily spiked

were soon rendered fit for service. In the afternoon of the same day

the besiegers opened several batteries in their second parallel; and in

the whole line of batteries nearly one hundred pieces of heavy ordnance

were now mounted. The works of the besieged were so universally in

ruins as to be in no condition to sustain the fire which might be

expected the next day. In this extremity, lord Cornwallis boldly

resolved to attempt an escape by land with the greater part of his

army. His plan was to cross over, in the night, to Gloucester point,

and forcing his way through the troops under De Choisé, to pass

through Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Jersey, and form a junction with

the royal army at New York. In prosecution of this desperate design,

one embarkation of his troops crossed over to the opposite point; but

a violent storm of wind and rain dispersed the boats, and frustrated

the scheme.

On the morning of the 17th the fire of the American batteries

rendered the British post untenable. Lord Cornwallis, perceiving

further resistance to be unavailing, about ten o’clock beat a parley,

and proposed a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, that

commissioners might meet to settle the terms on which the posts of

York and Gloucester should be surrendered. General Washington, in his

answer, declared his ‘ardent desire to spare the effusion of blood,

and his readiness to listen to such terms as were admissible;’ but to

prevent loss of time, he desired ‘that, previous to the meeting of the

commissioners, the proposals of his lordship might be transmitted in

writing, for which purpose a suspension of hostilities for two hours

should be granted.’ The terms proposed by his lordship were such as led

the general to suppose that articles of capitulation might easily be

adjusted, and he continued the cessation of hostilities until the next

day. To expedite the business, he summarily stated the terms he was

willing to grant, and informed earl Cornwallis, that if he admitted

these as the basis of a treaty, commissioners might meet to put them

into form. Accordingly, viscount de Noailles and lieutenant-colonel

Laurens, on the part of the allies, and colonel Dundas and major Ross,

on the part of the English, met the next day, and adjusted articles of

capitulation, which were to be submitted to the consideration of the

British general.

Resolving not to expose himself to any accident that might be the

consequence of unnecessary delay, general Washington ordered the rough

draft of the commissioners to be fairly transcribed, and sent to lord

Cornwallis early next morning, with a letter expressing his expectation

that the garrison would march out by two o’clock in the afternoon.

Hopeless of more favorable terms, his lordship signed the capitulation,

and surrendered the posts of York and Gloucester, with their garrisons,

to general Washington; and the shipping in the harbor, with the seamen,

to count de Grasse. The prisoners, exclusive of seamen, amounted to

more than seven thousand, of which between four and five thousand only

were fit for duty. The garrison lost, during the siege, six officers

and five hundred and forty-eight privates, in killed and wounded.

The privates, with a competent number of officers, were to remain in

Virginia, Maryland, or Pennsylvania. The officers not required for

this service were permitted on parole to return to Europe, or to any

of the maritime posts of the English on the American continent. The

terms granted to earl Cornwallis were, in general, the terms which

had been granted to the Americans at the surrender of Charleston;

and general Lincoln, who on that occasion resigned his sword to lord

Cornwallis, was appointed to receive the submission of the royal army.

The allied army, to which lord Cornwallis surrendered, amounted to

sixteen thousand;――seven thousand French, five thousand five hundred

continental troops, and three thousand five hundred militia. In the

course of the siege they lost, in killed and wounded, about three

hundred. The siege was prosecuted with so much military judgment and

ardor, that the treaty was opened on the eleventh, and the capitulation

signed on the thirteenth day after ground was broken before the British

lines.

The capture of so large a British army excited universal joy, and on no

occasion during the war did the Americans manifest greater exultation.

From the nature and duration of the contest, the affections of many

had been so concentrated upon their country, and so intense was their

interest in its fate, that the news of this brilliant success produced

the most rapturous emotions, under the operations of which, it is

said, some were even deprived of their reason, and one aged patriot in

Philadelphia expired.

The day after the capitulation general Washington ordered, ‘that

those who were under arrest should be pardoned and set at liberty;’

and announced, that ‘divine service shall be performed to-morrow

in the different brigades and divisions. The commander-in-chief

recommends, that all the troops that are not upon duty do assist at

it with a serious deportment, and that sensibility of heart which

the recollection of the surprising and particular interposition of

Providence in our favor claims.’ Congress, as soon as they received

general Washington’s official letter giving information of the event,

resolved to go in procession to the Dutch Lutheran church, and return

thanks to Almighty God for the signal success of the American arms; and

they issued a proclamation, recommending to the citizens of the United

States to observe the 13th of December as a day of public thanksgiving

and prayer.

While these successful operations had been carrying on in Virginia,

Sir Henry Clinton endeavored, if possible, to recall Washington, or

at least to divert his attention, by some daring enterprise in the

north. Giving to the traitor Arnold, who had just returned from his

destructive expedition to Virginia, the command of a strong detachment,

he sent him against New London, a flourishing city situated upon the

river Thames, in his native state. Nearly opposite, on a hill in Groton,

stood fort Griswold, which was then garrisoned by militia, hastily

summoned from their labors in the field. Against this fort Arnold

despatched a part of his troops. It was assaulted on three sides at

the same moment. The garrison, fighting in view of their property and

their homes, made a brave and obstinate resistance. By their steady and

well-directed fire many of the assailants were killed. Pressing forward

with persevering ardor, the British entered the fort through the

embrasures. Immediately all resistance ceased. Irritated by gallantry

which should have caused admiration, a British officer inquired who

commanded the fort. ‘I did,’ said colonel Ledyard, ‘but you do now;’

and presented him his sword. He seized it, and, with savage cruelty,

plunged it into his bosom. This was the signal for an indiscriminate

massacre. Of a hundred and sixty men, composing the garrison, all

but forty were killed or wounded, and most of them after resistance

had ceased. Seldom has the glory of victory been tarnished by such

detestable barbarity. The British then entered New London, which was

set on fire and consumed. The property destroyed was of immense value.

Perceiving no other object within the reach of his force, Arnold led

back his troops to New York.

A circumstance which evidently exercised a very favorable influence

on American affairs during this period should not be omitted――the

institution of a national bank. The plan of it was projected by Robert

Morris, one of the delegates of Pennsylvania, a man of high reputation,

and well versed in affairs of commerce and finance, whom congress had

appointed treasurer. He assigned to this bank a capital of four hundred

thousand dollars, divided in shares of four hundred dollars each,

in money of gold or silver, to be procured by subscriptions. Twelve

directors were to manage the bank, which was denominated by congress,

‘The President, Directors, and Company of the Bank of North America.’

To the financial skill and indefatigable efforts of Mr. Morris in

the treasury department, it has been thought our country was scarcely

less indebted, than to the valor of her soldiers and the wisdom of

her statesmen. Under his auspices, public credit revived; the army was

pacified; and a new impulse given to every operation in the field and

the cabinet.

During this fortunate year also the compact of the confederation was

rendered complete. Much difficulty had been experienced in obtaining

its ratification. Various and sometimes conflicting amendments had been

proposed by the states respectively; but they had successively yielded

to the opinion that a federal compact would be of vast importance

in the prosecution of the war. One of the greatest impediments had

hitherto been, that within the chartered limits of several states

there were immense tracts of vacant territory, which, it was supposed,

would constitute a large fund of future wealth; and the states not

possessed of this advantage insisted on considering this territory as

a joint acquisition, to be applied to the common benefit. The cession

made by Virginia, the preceding year, of its north-west territory,

was now accepted by congress, and, to the great joy of America, the

confederation was completed.[140]

The result of the last campaign convinced the British nation

that America could not be subdued by force; and led to a change of

administration and pacific overtures. Parliament met on the 27th of

November, 1781; and though the speech from the throne still breathed

a spirit of hostility, and answers from both houses were procured

in accordance with it, yet not long after the recess, the ministers

found themselves in a minority in the house of commons. On the 22d of

February, 1782, general Conway moved an address to the king, praying,

‘that the war on the continent of North America might no longer be

pursued for the impracticable purpose of reducing that country to

obedience by force; and expressing their hope, that the earnest desire

and diligent exertion to restore the public tranquillity, of which

they had received his majesty’s most gracious assurances, might, by a

happy reconciliation with the revolted colonies, be forwarded and made

effectual; to which great end his majesty’s faithful commons would be

ready to give their utmost assistance.’ This motion being lost by a

single vote only, was, five days after, renewed, by the same gentleman,

in a form somewhat different, and was carried; and an address in

pursuance of it presented to the king. Not yet satisfied with the

triumph obtained over the ministry, and considering the answer of the

king not sufficiently explicit, the house of commons, on the 4th of

March, on the motion of general Conway, declared, that all those who

should advise, or by any means attempt, the farther prosecution of

offensive war in America, should be considered as enemies to their king

and country. In this state of things it was impossible for the ministry

longer to continue in power, and on the 19th they relinquished their

places. A new administration was soon after formed――the marquis of

Rockingham was placed at the head of the treasury, and the earl of

Shelburne and Mr. Fox held the important places of secretaries of state.

Soon after their appointment, the new ministers sent a Mr. Oswald

to France, to sound the French court, as well as Dr. Franklin, on

the subject of peace. In a conference with the count de Vergennes,

Mr. Oswald was informed that the French court were disposed to treat

for peace, but could do nothing without the consent of their allies;

and the count expressed a wish that Paris might be the place of meeting

for entering upon this important business. About the 18th of April the

British agent went back to London, and on the 4th of May returned to

France with the assent of the British cabinet to treat of a general

peace, and for that purpose to meet at Paris.

One of the first measures of the new administration was to appoint Sir

Guy Carleton commander-in-chief in America, in the room of Sir Henry

Clinton, and to authorize admiral Digby and himself to treat for peace.

One object of conferring this power was to induce congress to agree

to a separate treaty. Sir Guy Carleton arrived in America on the 5th

of May, and two days afterwards informed general Washington that he

and admiral Digby were authorized to treat for peace, and requested a

passport for their secretary as the bearer of despatches to congress

on the subject. A copy of this letter was forwarded by the general to

that body; but the members being determined not to negotiate without

their allies, refused the passport. The same commissioners, on the 2d

of August following, sent a second letter to the American commander,

informing him that negotiations for a general peace had commenced at

Paris, and that Mr. Grenville had full powers to treat with all the

parties at war, and that, by his instructions, ‘the independency of the

thirteen provinces was to be proposed by him, in the first instance,

instead of being made a condition of a general treaty.’

A majority of the new British cabinet very early determined to offer

America unlimited unconditional independence, as the basis of a

negotiation for peace, and so instructed their minister, Mr. Grenville.

This was a favorite measure with the marquis of Rockingham; on this

point, however, the cabinet was divided. The earl of Shelburne,

though he acquiesced, was still opposed, and it was one of the last

measures to which the king would assent. The illness of the marquis of

Rockingham, and his death, which happened on the 1st of July, produced

no little delay and difficulty in the negotiations. The appointment of

lord Shelburne as first lord of the treasury produced an open rupture

in the cabinet. Lord John Cavendish, Mr. Fox, and some others, resigned

their places. In consequence of this, William Pitt was made chancellor

of the exchequer, and Thomas Townshend and lord Grantham secretaries

of state. There can be little doubt that the king, as well as lord

Shelburne, still entertained a distant hope that some arrangement might

be made with the Americans short of an open and express acknowledgment

of their independence; and the views of the latter on this point,

probably, had no little influence in placing him at the head of the

administration.[141] Parliament adjourned on the 11th of July, having

passed an act at the close of the session, authorizing the king to

conclude a peace or truce with the Americans.

The instructions of congress to the American commissioners not to

conclude peace without the consent of France, rendered their situation

complicated and embarrassing. There were several questions which the

Americans deemed of the first importance, in which the French court

either felt no interest, or were opposed to the American claims. The

principal of these points referred to the right of fishery on the

Grand bank, and the western boundary of the United States. On the

latter point, Spain, who was also a party to the negotiations, was

extremely desirous of limiting as much as possible the extent of the

American territory. These circumstances occasioned much difficulty and

considerable delay. At length the American commissioners determined

to agree to a provisional treaty without the concurrence of the French

court. Mr. Oswald, who had succeeded Mr. Grenville, on the part of

the British government, strongly urged the propriety of the American

loyalists being compensated for the losses they had incurred during the

struggle for independence; but this proposition was met by a counter

one from Dr. Franklin, that a similar arrangement should be made by

Great Britain in favor of the Americans who had suffered in their

property from the destruction carried on by the British troops. This

point was therefore ultimately waved, and other difficulties being

overcome, a provisional treaty was agreed to on the 30th of November;

and after great delay, occasioned by the strenuous endeavors of the

court of Madrid to procure the cession of Gibraltar by Great Britain,

preliminary treaties of peace were signed on the 20th of January, 1783,

between France, Spain, and Great Britain.

On the 24th of March, intelligence of a general peace reached America

by a letter from the marquis de la Fayette; and orders were immediately

issued, recalling all armed vessels cruising under the authority of

the United States. Congress soon after received official information

of the agreement between the ministers of the United States and Great

Britain, and of the exchange of ratifications of the preliminary

articles between Great Britain and France; and, on the 11th of April,

they issued a proclamation, declaring the cessation of arms, as well by

sea as by land, agreed upon between the United States and his Britannic

majesty, and enjoining its strict observance. On the 19th of April,

peace was proclaimed in the American army by the commander-in-chief,

precisely eight years from the day of the first effusion of blood at

Lexington.

The independence of the United States was acknowledged by Sweden on

the 5th of February; by Denmark, on the 25th of February; by Spain,

on the 24th of March; and by Russia, in July; treaties of amity and

commerce were also concluded with each of those powers. On the 8th of

June, general Washington addressed a letter to each of the governors

of the several states in the Union, on the present situation, and

what appeared to him the wisest policy, of the United States. In

this paternal and affectionate letter he stated four things which

he conceived to be essential to their well-being, and even to their

existence, as an independent power: ‘An indissoluble union of the

states under one general head; a sacred regard to public justice; the

adoption of a proper peace establishment; and the prevalence of that

pacific and friendly disposition, among the people of the United States,

which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and politics,

to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general

prosperity, and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual

advantages to the interest of the community.’

The definitive treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United

States of America was signed at Paris on the 3d of September, by David

Hartley, Esq., on the part of his Britannic majesty, and by John Adams,

Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, on the part of the United States. The

provisions of the treaty attest the zeal and ability of the American

negotiators, as well as the liberal feelings which actuated the British

ministry. The independence of the United States was fully acknowledged.

The right of fishing on the banks of Newfoundland, and certain

facilities in the enjoyment of that right, were secured to them forever;

and territory was ceded to them more extensive than the most sanguine

had dared to anticipate or to hope.

In December, 1782, the officers of the American army, still retained

in service but unemployed, forwarded to congress a petition, praying

that all arrears which were due to them might be discharged, and that,

instead of half-pay for life, a sum equal to five years’ full pay

should be paid or secured to them when disbanded. The delay of congress

to comply with this request produced an alarming agitation in that

portion of the army stationed at Newburgh. An address to the officers

was privately circulated, written with great ability, and admirably

well fitted to work upon those passions which recent sufferings and

gloomy forebodings had excited in every bosom. The writer boldly

recommended that, as all the applications to the sympathy and justice

of congress had failed of success, an appeal should be made to their

fears. Fortunately, the commander-in-chief was in the camp. Though

conscious that the officers had just cause of complaint, he was aware

that duty to his country, and even friendship for them, required that

he should prevent the adoption of rash and disorderly expedients to

obtain redress. Calling them together, he, by a calm and sensible

address, persuaded them to rely still longer upon the disposition of

congress to perform for them whatever the limited means of the nation

would permit. In a letter to that body, giving an account of these

occurrences, he maintained and enforced the claims of the officers with

such pathos and strength of reasoning, that their request was granted.

On the 18th of October, congress issued a proclamation for disbanding

the army. New York was evacuated by the British on the 25th of November,

and the Americans took possession of the city the same day; and a

short time after the army was disbanded, and again mingled with their

fellow-citizens.[142]

General Washington, taking an affectionate leave of his officers,

repaired to Annapolis, where congress was sitting, and there, at a

public audience, with dignity and sensibility, resigned his commission

as commander-in-chief of the American armies. Then, with a character

illustrious throughout the world, he returned to his residence at Mount

Vernon, possessing the sincere love and profound veneration of his

countrymen.

WASHINGTON’S ADMINISTRATION.

The exhausting effect of their exertions was felt by the people of

the United States for a considerable period after peace, as well as

independence, had been secured. The enthusiasm of a popular contest

terminating in victory began to subside, and the sacrifices of the

revolution soon became known and felt. The claims of those who toiled,

and fought, and suffered in the arduous struggle, were strongly urged,

and the government had neither resources nor power to satisfy or to

silence them. The federal head had no separate or exclusive fund. The

members of congress depended on the states which they respectively

represented, even for their own maintenance, and money for national

purposes could only be obtained by requisitions on the different

members of the confederacy. On them it became necessary immediately to

call for funds to discharge the arrears of pay due to the soldiers of

the revolution, and the interest on the debt which the government had

been compelled to contract. The legislatures of the different states

received these requisitions with respect, listened to the monitory

warnings of congress with deference, and with silent and inactive

acquiescence. Their own situation, indeed, was full of embarrassment.

The wealth of the country had been totally exhausted during the

revolution. Taxes could not be collected, because there was no money

to represent the value of the little personal property which had not

been, and the land which could not be, destroyed; and commerce, though

preparing to burst from its thraldom, had not yet had time to restore

to the annual produce of the country its exchangeable value. The

states owed each a heavy debt for local services rendered during the

revolution, for which it was bound to provide, and each had its own

domestic government to support.

Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that each state was

anxious to retain for its own benefit the small but rising revenue

derived from foreign commerce; and that the custom-houses in each

commercial city were considered as the most valuable sources of

income which the states possessed. Each state, therefore, made its

own regulations, its tariff, and tonnage duties, and, as a natural

consequence, the different states clashed with each other; one nation

became more favored than another under the same circumstances; and one

state pursued a system injurious to the interests of another. Hence the

confidence of foreign countries was destroyed; and they would not enter

into treaties of commerce with the confederated government, while they

were not likely to be carried into effect. A general decay of trade,

the rise of imported merchandise, the fall of produce, and an uncommon

decrease of the value of lands, ensued.

The distress of the inhabitants was continually on the increase; and

in Massachusetts, where it was most felt, an insurrection of a serious

character was the consequence. Near the close of the year 1786, the

populace assembled to the number of two thousand, in the north-western

part of the state, and, choosing Daniel Shays their leader, demanded

that the collection of debts should be suspended, and that the

legislature should authorize the emission of paper money for general

circulation. Two bodies of militia, drawn from those parts of the state

where disaffection did not prevail, were immediately despatched against

them, one under the command of general Lincoln, the other of general

Shepard. The disaffected were dispersed with less difficulty than had

been apprehended, and, abandoning their seditious purposes, accepted

the proffered indemnity of the government.

The time at length came when the public mind gave tokens of being

prepared for a change in the constitution of the general government――an

occurrence the necessity of which had long been foreseen by Washington

and most of the distinguished patriots of that period. Evil had

accumulated upon evil, till the mass became too oppressive to be

endured, and the voice of the nation cried out for relief. The first

decisive measures proceeded from the merchants, who came forward almost

simultaneously in all parts of the country, with representations of

the utter prostration of the mercantile interests, and petitions for

a speedy and efficient remedy. It was shown, that the advantages of

this most important source of national prosperity were flowing into the

hands of foreigners, and that the native merchants were suffering for

the want of a just protection and a uniform system of trade. The wise

and reflecting were convinced that some decided efforts were necessary

to strengthen the general government, or that a dissolution of the

Union, and perhaps a devastating anarchy, would be inevitable. The

first step towards a general reformation was rather accidental than

premeditated. Certain citizens of Virginia and Maryland had formed

a scheme for promoting the navigation of the Potomac and Chesapeake

bay, and commissioners were appointed by those two states to meet

at Alexandria, and devise some plan of operation. These persons

made a visit to Mount Vernon, and, while there, it was proposed

among themselves that more important objects should be connected

with the purpose at first in view, and that the state governments

should be solicited to appoint other commissioners, with enlarged

powers, instructed to form a plan for maintaining a naval force in

the Chesapeake, and also to fix upon some system of duties on exports

and imports in which both states should agree, and that in the end

congress should be petitioned to allow these privileges. This project

was approved by the legislature of Virginia, and commissioners were

accordingly appointed. The same legislature passed a resolution

recommending the design to other states, and inviting them to unite,

by their commissioners, in an attempt to establish such a system of

commercial relations as would promote general harmony and prosperity.

Five states only, in addition to Virginia, acceded to this proposition,

namely, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York.

From these states commissioners assembled at Annapolis, but they had

hardly entered into a discussion of the topics which naturally forced

themselves into view, before they discovered the powers with which

they were intrusted to be so limited, as to tie up their hands from

effecting any purpose that could be of essential utility. On this

account, as well as from the circumstance that so few states were

represented, they wisely declined deciding on any important measures in

reference to the particular subjects for which they had come together.

This convention is memorable, however, as having been the prelude to

the one which followed. Before the commissioners adjourned, a report

was agreed upon, in which the necessity of a revision and reform of

the articles of the old federal compact was strongly urged, and which

contained a recommendation to all the state legislatures for the

appointment of deputies, to meet at Philadelphia, with more ample

powers and instructions. This proposal was eventually carried into

effect, and, in conformity with it, a convention of delegates from

the several states met at Philadelphia in May, 1787. Of this body of

eminent statesmen, George Washington was unanimously elected president.

They deliberated with closed doors during a period of four months.

One party in the convention was anxious to enlarge, another to abridge

the authority delegated to the general government. This was the first

germ of parties in the United States; not that materials were wanting,

for the dissensions of the revolution had left behind some bitterness

of spirit, and feelings that only awaited an opportunity for their

disclosure. The divisions in the convention proved the foundation of

many a subsequent struggle. At length a constitution was agreed on,

which, after being reported to congress, was submitted for ratification

to conventions held in the respective states. This constitution differs,

in many important particulars, from the articles of confederation;

and, by its regulations, connects the states more closely together,

under a general and supreme government, composed of three departments,

legislative, executive, and judicial; and invested with powers

essential to its being respected, both by foreign nations and the

states whose interest it was designed to secure. The provisions and

characteristics of this interesting and important political code,

will receive the consideration to which they are so justly entitled

in another department of our work.

As that party which was desirous to extend the powers of the

constitution had been the most anxious for the formation of this system,

and the most zealous advocates for its adoption, it almost naturally

followed that the administration of it was committed to their hands.

This party, which might, from their opinions, have been denominated

nationalists, or, in more modern phraseology, centralists, acquired

the name of federalists, while the appellation of anti-federalists was

given to their antagonists. The latter, ardently attached to freedom,

imagined that rulers, possessing such extensive sway, such abundant

patronage, and such independent tenure of office, would become fond

of the exercise of power, and in the end arrogant and tyrannical. The

former, equally devoted to the cause of national liberty, contended

that to preserve it an energetic government was necessary. They

described, with powerful effect, the evils actually endured from the

inefficiency of the confederation, and demanded that a trial at least

should be made of the remedy proposed.

In eleven states, a majority, though in some instances a small one,

decided in favor of the ratification of the constitution. Provision

was then made for the election of the officers to compose the executive

and legislative departments. In the highest station, the electors, by a

unanimous vote, placed the illustrious Washington; and to the office of

vice-president, by a vote nearly unanimous, they elevated John Adams,

who, in stations less conspicuous, had, with equal patriotism, rendered

important services to his country. On the 23d of April the president

elect arrived at New York, where he was received by the governor of the

state, and conducted with military honors, through an immense concourse

of people, to the apartments provided for him. Here he received the

salutations of foreign ministers, public bodies, political characters,

and private citizens of distinction, who pressed around him to offer

their congratulations, and to express their joy at seeing the man who

had the confidence of all, at the head of the American republic. On the

30th of April the president was inaugurated. Having taken the oath of

office in an open gallery adjoining the senate chamber, in the view

of an immense concourse of people, who attested their joy by loud and

repeated acclamations, he returned to the senate chamber, where he

delivered an appropriate address.

The same disinterested spirit which had appeared in the general, was

shown in the president. Having, at his entrance on the military service,

renounced every pecuniary compensation, he now ‘declined any share

in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a

permanent provision for the executive department;’ and requested that

the pecuniary estimates for the station in which he was placed, might,

during his continuance in it, ‘be limited to such actual expenditures

as the public good may be thought to require.’

The government being now completely organized, and a system of revenue

established, the president proceeded to make appointments of suitable

persons to fill the offices which had been created.[143] After a

laborious and important session, in which perfect harmony subsisted

between the executive and the legislature, congress adjourned on the

29th of September to the first Monday in the succeeding January.

At the next session of congress, which commenced in January, 1790,

Mr. Hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, made his celebrated

report upon the public debts contracted during the revolutionary war.

Taking an able and enlarged view of the advantages of public credit,

he recommended that not only the debts of the continental congress,

but those of the states arising from their exertions in the common

cause, should be funded or assumed by the general government; and that

provision should be made for paying the interest, by imposing taxes

on certain articles of luxury, and on spirits distilled within the

country. The report of the secretary was largely discussed, and with

great force of argument and eloquence. In conclusion, congress passed

an act for the assumption of the state debts, and for funding the

national debt. By the provisions of this act, twenty-one millions five

hundred thousand dollars of the state debts were assumed in specific

proportions; and it was particularly enacted, that no certificate

should be received from a state creditor which could be ‘ascertained

to have been issued for any purpose other than compensations and

expenditures for services or supplies towards the prosecution of the

late war, and the defence of the United States, or of some part thereof,

during the same.’

Thus was the national debt funded upon principles which considerably

lessened the weight of the public burdens, and gave much satisfaction

to the public creditors. The produce of the sales of the lands lying

in the western territory, and the surplus product of the revenue, after

satisfying the appropriations which were charged upon it, with the

addition of two millions which the president was authorized to borrow

at five per cent., constituted a sinking fund to be applied to the

reduction of the debt. The effect of these measures was great and rapid.

The permanent value thus given to the debt produced a result equal to

the most favorable anticipations. The sudden increase of monied capital

derived from it invigorated commerce, and consequently gave a new

stimulus to agriculture.

It has already been stated, that when the new government was first

organized, but eleven states had ratified the constitution. Afterwards

North Carolina and Rhode Island, the two dissenting states, adopted it;

the former in November, 1789, the latter in May, 1790. In 1791, Vermont

adopted it, and applied to congress to be admitted into the Union. An

act was also passed, declaring that the district of Kentucky, then part

of Virginia, should be admitted into the Union on the 1st day of June

in the succeeding year.

During the year 1790, a termination was put to the war which, for

several years, had raged between the Creek Indians and the state

of Georgia. Pacific overtures were also made to the hostile tribes

inhabiting the banks of the Scioto and the Wabash. These being rejected,

an army of fourteen hundred men, commanded by general Harmer, was

despatched against them. Two battles were fought near Chillicothe, in

Ohio, between successive detachments from this army and the Indians, in

which the latter were victorious. Emboldened by these successes, they

continued to make more vigorous attacks upon the frontier settlements,

which suffered all the distressing calamities of an Indian war.

In the course of this year was completed the first census or

enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States. They amounted

to three millions nine hundred twenty-one thousand three hundred

and twenty-six, of which number six hundred ninety-five thousand

six hundred and fifty-five were slaves. The revenue, according to the

report of the secretary of the treasury, amounted to four millions

seven hundred and seventy-one thousand dollars; the exports to about

nineteen, and the imports to about twenty millions. A great improvement

in the circumstances of the people began at this period to be visible.

The establishment of a firm and regular government, and confidence in

the men whom they had chosen to administer it, gave an impulse to their

exertions which bore them rapidly forward in the career of prosperity.

Pursuant to the authority contained in the several acts on the subject

of a permanent seat of the government of the United States, a district

of ten miles square for this purpose was fixed on, comprehending

lands on both sides of the river Potomac, and the towns of Alexandria

and Georgetown. A city was laid out, and the sales which took place

produced funds for carrying on the necessary public buildings.

The war in Europe had embraced those powers with whom the

United States had the most extensive relations. The French people

regarded the Americans as their brethren, bound to them by the ties

of gratitude; and when the kings of Europe, dreading the establishment

of republicanism in her borders, assembled in arms to restore monarchy

to France, they looked across the Atlantic for sympathy and assistance.

The new government, recalling the minister whom the king had appointed,

despatched the citizen Genet, of ardent temper and a zealous republican,

to supply his place. In April, 1793, he arrived at Charleston, in South

Carolina, where he was received by the governor and the citizens, in

a manner expressive of their warm attachment to his country, and their

cordial approbation of the change of her institutions. Flattered by

his reception, and presuming that the nation and the government were

actuated by similar feelings, he undertook to authorize the fitting and

arming of vessels in that port, enlisting men, and giving commissions

to cruise and commit hostilities on nations with whom the United States

were at peace; captured vessels were brought into port, and the consuls

of France assumed, under the authority of M. Genet, to hold courts

of admiralty on them, to try, condemn, and authorize their sale. The

declaration of war made by France against Great Britain and Holland

reached the United States early in the same month. The president,

regarding the situation of these states, issued his proclamation of

neutrality on the 9th of May. In July, he requested the recall of

M. Genet, who was soon afterwards recalled, and succeeded by M. Fauchet.

After the defeat of St. Clair by the Indians, in 1791, general Wayne

was appointed to command the American forces. Taking post near the

country of the enemy, he made assiduous endeavors to negotiate a peace.

Failing in these, he marched against them at the head of three thousand

men. On the 20th of August, 1794, an action took place in the vicinity

of one of the British garrisons, on the banks of the Miami. A vigorous

charge roused the savages from their coverts, and they were driven more

than two miles at the point of the bayonet. Broken and dismayed, they

fled without renewing the combat. In this decisive battle, the loss

of the Americans in killed and wounded, including officers, was one

hundred and seven. After remaining on the banks of the Miami three days,

general Wayne returned with the army to Au Glaize, having destroyed

all the villages and corn within fifty miles of the river. The Indians

still continuing hostilities, their whole country was laid waste, and

forts were erected in the heart of their settlements. The effect of the

battle of the 20th of August was instantly and extensively felt. To the

victory gained by the Americans is ascribed the rescue of the United

States from a general war with the Indians north-west of the Ohio.

The year 1794 is distinguished by an insurrection in Pennsylvania. In

1791, congress had enacted laws laying duties upon spirits distilled

within the United States, and upon stills. From the commencement of the

operation of these laws, combinations were formed in the four western

counties of Pennsylvania to defeat them, and violence was repeatedly

committed. In July of the present year, about one hundred persons,

armed with guns and other weapons, attacked the house of an inspector

of the revenue, and wounded some persons within it. They seized the

marshal of the district of Pennsylvania, and compelled him to enter

into stipulations to forbear the execution of his office. Both the

inspector and the marshal were obliged to fly. These and many other

outrages induced president Washington, on the 7th of August, to issue

a proclamation, commanding the insurgents to disperse, and warning all

persons against aiding, abetting, or comforting the perpetrators of

these treasonable acts. On the 25th of September the president issued

a second proclamation, admonishing the insurgents, and declaring his

fixed determination, in obedience to the duty assigned to him by the

constitution, ‘to take care that the laws be faithfully executed.’

Fifteen thousand men, placed under the command of governor Lee, of

Virginia, were marched into the disaffected counties. A few of the

most active leaders were seized and detained for legal prosecution.

The great body of the insurgents, on submission, were pardoned, as

were also the leaders, after trial and conviction of treason.

Great Britain and the United States had each been incessantly

complaining that the other had violated the stipulations contained

in the treaty of peace. For the purpose of adjusting these mutual

complaints, and also for concluding a commercial treaty, Mr. Adams

had been appointed, in 1785, minister to the court of St. James’; the

British ministry then declined negotiating on the subject; but after

the constitution of 1789 was ratified, ministers were interchanged,

and the discussion was prosecuted with no little zeal. In 1794, Mr. Jay

being then minister from the United States, a treaty was concluded,

which, in the spring of the next year, was laid before the senate.

That body advised the president to ratify it, on condition that an

alteration should be made in one of the articles. The democratic

party, however, exclaimed in intemperate language against most of the

stipulations it contained; and the partisans of France swelled the cry

of condemnation.

Public meetings were held in various parts of the Union, at which

resolutions were passed, expressing warm disapprobation of the treaty,

and an earnest wish that the president would withhold his ratification.

General Washington, believing that an adjustment of differences would

conduce to the prosperity of the republic, and that the treaty before

him was the best that could, at that time, be obtained, gave it his

assent, in defiance of popular clamor, and issued his proclamation

stating its ratification, and declaring it to be the law of the land.

A resolution moved in the house to make the necessary appropriations

to carry the British treaty into effect, excited among the members the

strongest emotions, and gave rise to speeches highly argumentative,

eloquent, and animated. The debate was protracted until the people

took up the subject. In their respective corporations meetings were

held, the strength of parties was fully tried, and it clearly appeared

that the great majority were disposed to rally around the executive.

Innumerable petitions were presented to congress, praying them to make

the requisite appropriations. Unwilling to take upon themselves the

consequences of resisting the public will, they yielded to this call.

During the year 1795, a satisfactory treaty was concluded with Spain

and with the regency of Algiers.

The last two or three years had witnessed several changes in

the important offices of the nation. On the first day of the year

1794, Mr. Jefferson resigned the office of secretary of state, and

was succeeded by Mr. Randolph. On the last day of January, 1795,

Mr. Hamilton retired from the office of secretary of the treasury. He

was succeeded by Oliver Wolcott. At the close of the year 1794, general

Knox resigned the office of secretary of war, and colonel Pickering,

of Massachusetts, was appointed in his place. In August, Mr. Randolph

having lost the confidence of the president, and having in consequence

retired from the administration, Mr. Pickering was appointed his

successor in the department of state, and James McHenry, of Maryland,

was made secretary of war. No one of the republican party being now at

the head of any of the departments, many of the leaders of that party

withdrew their support from the administration; but the confidence of

the people in the integrity and patriotism of the president experienced

not the slightest abatement.

The conduct adopted by France towards the American republic continued

to be a source of vexation. M. Fauchet charged the administration

with sentiments of hostility to the allies of the United States, with

partiality for their former foes, and urged the adoption of a course

more favorable to the cause of liberty. Mr. Morris, the minister to

Paris, having incurred the displeasure of those in power, was recalled

at their request, and his place supplied by Mr. Monroe. Being an

ardent republican, he was received in the most respectful manner by the

convention, who decreed that the flags of the two republics, entwined

together, should be suspended in the legislative hall, as a mark of

their eternal union and friendship. M. Adet was appointed soon after

to succeed M. Fauchet. He brought with him the colors of France, which

he was instructed by the convention to present to the congress of the

United States. But France required more than professions and hopes, and

more than by treaty she was entitled to claim. She wished to make the

states a party in the war she was waging with the despots of Europe.

Failing in this, she adopted regulations highly injurious to American

commerce, directing her cruisers to capture in certain cases the

vessels of the United States. In consequence of these regulations,

several hundred vessels, loaded with valuable cargoes, were taken

while prosecuting a lawful trade, and the whole confiscated. Believing

that the rights of the nation were not asserted and vindicated with

sufficient spirit by Mr. Monroe, the president recalled him, and

Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, was appointed in his stead.

In the summer of 1796, he left the United States, instructed to use

every effort compatible with national honor, to restore the amicable

relations which had once subsisted between the sister republics.

As the period for a new election of a president of the United States

approached, after plain indications that the public voice would be in

his favor, and when he probably would have been chosen for the third

time unanimously, Washington determined irrevocably to withdraw to the

seclusion of private life. He published, in September, 1796, a farewell

address to the people of the United States, which ought to be engraven

upon the hearts of all his countrymen.

On the 7th of December, 1796, the president for the last time met

the national legislature. On the 4th of March, 1797, he attended the

inauguration of his successor in office. Having paid his affectionate

compliments to Mr. Adams, as president of the United States, he

bade adieu to the seat of government, and hastened to the delights

of domestic life. He intended that his journey should have been

private, but the attempt was vain; the same affectionate and respectful

attentions were on this occasion paid him which he had received during

his presidency.

THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF JOHN ADAMS AND JEFFERSON.

When the determination of Washington not again to accept of the

presidentship left open the high office to the competition of the

leaders of the great political parties, no exertion was spared

throughout the Union to give success to their respective claims. The

federalists, desiring that the system of measures adopted by Washington

should be pursued, and dreading the influence of French sentiments

and principles, made the most active efforts to elect John Adams. The

republicans, believing their opponents less friendly than themselves

to the maxims of liberty, and too much devoted to the British nation

and to British institutions, made equal exertions to elect Thomas

Jefferson. The result was the choice of Mr. Adams to be president, and

Mr. Jefferson to be vice-president.

Mr. Pinckney had been appointed minister plenipotentiary to the

French republic in 1796. The object of his mission was stated, in his

letter of credence, to be, ‘to maintain that good understanding which,

from the commencement of the alliance, had subsisted between the two

nations; and to efface unfavorable impressions, banish suspicions, and

restore that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of

a friendly union.’ On inspecting his letter of credence, the directory

announced to him their determination ‘not to receive another minister

plenipotentiary from the United States until after the redress of

grievances demanded of the American government, which the French

republic had a right to expect from it.’ The American minister was

afterwards obliged, by a written mandate, to quit the territories

of the French republic. Besides other hostile indications, American

vessels were captured wherever found; and, under the pretext of

their wanting a document, with which the treaty of commerce had been

uniformly understood to dispense, they were condemned as prizes.

In consequence of this serious state of the relations with France,

the president, by proclamation, summoned congress to meet on the 15th

of June; when, in a firm and dignified speech, he stated the great

and unprovoked outrages of the French government. Having mentioned a

disposition indicated in the executive directory to separate the people

of America from their government, ‘such attempts,’ he added, ‘ought

to be repelled with a decision which shall convince France and all the

world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial

spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable

instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor,

character, and interest.’ He expressed, however, his wish for an

accommodation, and his purpose of attempting it. In the mean time, he

earnestly recommended it to congress to provide effectual measures of

defence.

To make a last effort to obtain reparation and security, three

envoys extraordinary were appointed, at the head of whom was general

Pinckney. These ambassadors also the directory refused to receive. They

were, however, addressed by persons verbally instructed by Talleyrand,

the minister of foreign relations, to make proposals. In explicit

terms, these unofficial agents demanded a large sum of money before

any negotiation could be opened. To this insulting demand a decided

negative was given.

When these events were known in the United States they excited general

indignation. The spirit of party appeared to be extinct. The treaty of

alliance with France was declared by congress to be no longer in force;

and authority was given for capturing armed French vessels. Provision

was made for raising immediately a small regular army, and, in case

events should render it expedient, for augmenting it. A direct tax and

additional internal duties were laid. To command the armies of the

United States, president Adams, with the unanimous advice of the senate,

appointed George Washington. He consented, but with great reluctance,

to accept the office, declaring, however, that he cordially approved

the measures of the government.

The first act of hostility between the two nations appears to have

been committed by the Insurgente, which was in a short period after

so signally beaten by an American frigate. The schooner Retaliation,

lieutenant-commandant Bainbridge, being deluded into the power of

this vessel, was captured and carried into Guadaloupe. Several other

United States armed vessels were in company with the Retaliation, and

pursued by the French squadron, but were probably saved from capture

by the address of lieutenant Bainbridge, who, being asked by the French

commodore what was the force of the vessels chased, exaggerated it

with so much adroitness as to induce him to recall his ships. The

Constellation went to sea under the command of captain Truxton. In

February, 1799, he encountered the Insurgente, and, after a close

action of about an hour and a half, compelled her to strike. The rate

of the Constellation was thirty-two guns, that of the Insurgente forty.

The former had three men wounded, one of whom shortly after died,

and none killed; the latter had forty-one wounded, and twenty-nine

killed. This victory, which was so brilliant and decisive, with such

a wonderful disparity of loss, gave great eclat to the victor and to

the navy. Commodore Truxton again put to sea in the Constellation,

being destined to renew his triumphs, and the humiliation of the foe.

In February, 1800, he fell in with the Vengeance, a French ship of

fifty-four guns, with which he began an engagement that lasted, with

great obstinacy and spirit on both sides, from eight o’clock in the

evening till one in the morning, when the Vengeance was completely

silenced, and sheered off. The Constellation, having lost her main-mast,

was too much injured to pursue her. The captain of the Vengeance is

said to have twice surrendered during the contest, but his signals were

not understood amidst the darkness of night and the confusion of battle.

The United States, thus victorious in arms at home and on the ocean,

commanded the respect of their enemy; and the directory made overtures

of peace. The president immediately appointed ministers, who, on their

arrival at Paris, found the executive authority in the possession

of Buonaparte as first consul. They were promptly received, and in

September, 1800, a treaty was concluded satisfactory to both countries.

The services of Washington had not been required in his capacity of

commander-in-chief; but he did not live to witness the restoration

of peace. On Friday, December 13, while attending some improvements

upon his estate, he was exposed to a light rain, which wetted his

neck and hair. Unapprehensive of danger, he passed the afternoon

in his usual manner; but at night was seized with an inflammatory

affection of the windpipe, attended by fever, and a quick and laborious

respiration. Respiration became more and more contracted and imperfect

until half-past eleven on Saturday night, when, retaining the full

possession of his intellect, he expired without a struggle. Thus,

in the sixty-eighth year of his age, died the father of his country.

Intelligence of this event, as it rapidly spread, produced spontaneous,

deep, and unaffected grief, suspending every other thought, and

absorbing every different feeling. Congress, then in session at

Philadelphia, immediately adjourned. The senate of the United States,

in an address to the president on this melancholy occasion, indulged

their patriotic pride, while they did not transgress the bounds of

truth, in speaking of their Washington.

According to the unanimous resolution of congress, a funeral procession

moved from the legislative hall to the German Lutheran church, where an

oration was delivered by general Lee, a representative from Virginia.

The procession was grand and solemn; the oration impressive and

eloquent. Throughout the Union similar marks of affliction were

exhibited; a whole people appeared in mourning. In every part of the

republic funeral orations were delivered, and the best talents of the

nation were devoted to an expression of the nation’s grief.

In the year 1800 the seat of government of the United States

was removed to Washington, in the district of Columbia. After

congratulating the people of the United States on the assembling of

congress at the permanent seat of their government, and congress on

the prospect of a residence not to be changed, the president said:

‘It would be unbecoming the representatives of this nation to assemble

for the first time in this solemn temple, without looking up to the

supreme Ruler of the universe, and imploring his blessing. May this

territory be the residence of virtue and happiness! In this city may

that piety and virtue, that wisdom and magnanimity, that constancy and

self-government, which adorned the great character whose name it bears,

be forever held in veneration! Here, and throughout our country, may

simple manners, pure morals, and true religion, flourish forever!’