From this blow, the confederated Indians never recovered; but they

still remained sufficiently strong to harass the settlements by

continual inroads. In retaliation, the English sent several detachments

into their territories, nearly all of which were successful. Captain

Church, of Plymouth, and captain Dennison, of Connecticut, were

conspicuous for their bravery and success. In the midst of these

reverses, Philip remained firm and unshaken. His warriors were cut off;

his chief men, his wife and family, were killed, or taken prisoners;

and at these successive misfortunes, he is represented to have wept

with a bitterness which proves him not to have been destitute of the

noblest affections; but he disdained to listen to any offers of peace.

He even shot one of his men, who proposed submission. At length,

after being hunted from swamp to swamp, he was himself shot, by the

brother of the Indian he had killed. This event was certainly the

signal of complete victory. The Indians in all the neighboring country

now generally submitted to the English, or fled, and incorporated

themselves with distant and strange nations. Never was peace more

welcome. In this short, but tremendous war, about six hundred of the

inhabitants of New England, composing its principal strength, were

either killed in battle, or murdered by the enemy; twelve or thirteen

towns were entirely destroyed; and about six hundred buildings, chiefly

dwelling-houses, were burnt. In addition to these calamities, the

colonies contracted a very heavy debt; while, by the loss of their

substance through the ravages of the enemy, their resources were

greatly diminished. But, in their deepest distress, they forbore to

apply to the mother country for assistance; and this omission excited

surprise and jealousy. ‘You act,’ said a privy counsellor, ‘as though

you were independent of our master’s crown; and though poor, yet you

are proud.’

In this unsettled state of the country, the French in Canada and

Nova Scotia instigated the northern and eastern Indians to commence

hostilities against the English settlements. Dover and Salmon Falls,

in New Hampshire, Casco, in Maine, and Schenectady, in New York, were

attacked by different parties of French and Indians, and the most

shocking barbarities perpetrated on the inhabitants. The Indians having

taken the fort at Pemaquid, and the French privateers from Acadie still

infesting the coast of New England, the general court of Massachusetts

determined to make an attempt on Port Royal. A fleet, with seven or

eight hundred men, under the command of Sir William Phipps, sailed on

that expedition in the latter end of April. The fort at Port Royal,

not being in a state to sustain a siege, surrendered, with little or

no resistance; and Sir William took possession of the whole sea-coast,

from Port Royal to the New England settlements.

Regarding Canada as the principal source of their miseries, New England

and New York formed the bold project of reducing it to subjection. By

great exertion they raised an army, which, under the command of general

Winthrop, was sent against Montreal, and equipped a fleet, which,

commanded by Sir William Phipps, was destined to attack Quebec. The

fleet, retarded by unavoidable accidents, did not arrive before Quebec

until the 5th of October. Phipps, the next morning, sent a summons on

shore, but received an insolent answer from count Frontenac. The next

day he attempted to land his troops, but was prevented by the violence

of the wind. On the 8th, all the effective men, amounting to between

twelve and thirteen hundred, landed at the isle of Orleans, four miles

below the town, and were fired on from the woods by French and Indians.

Having remained on shore three days, they received information from a

deserter of the strength of the place, and precipitately embarked. A

tempest soon after dispersed the fleet, which made the best of its way

back to Boston. A successful result had been so confidently expected,

that adequate provision was not made at home for the payment of the

troops. In this extremity, the government of Massachusetts issued bills

of credit, or paper money; and these were the first that were ever

issued in the American colonies; but though it afforded relief at

the moment, it produced in its consequences extensive and complicated

mischief.

The first trials for witchcraft in New England occurred in the year

1645, when four persons charged with this crime were put to death in

Massachusetts. For more than twenty years after, we hear but little of

similar prosecutions. But in the year 1688, a woman was executed for

witchcraft in Boston, after an investigation conducted with a degree

of solemnity that made a deep impression on the minds of the people.

Suspicions having been thus violently roused, the charges of witchcraft

began gradually to multiply, till at length there commenced at Salem

that dreadful tragedy which rendered New England for many months a

scene of bloodshed, terror and madness, and at one time seemed to

threaten the subversion of civil society.

In the year 1692, the frenzy of the colonists reached the highest

pitch of extravagance. Suspicions and accusations of witchcraft became

general among them; and on this fanciful charge many persons were

put to death. This pestilential visitation first showed itself in the

town of Salem. A fanatic, who was minister of a church there, had two

daughters subject to convulsions. He fancied they were bewitched; and

fixed his suspicions on an Indian girl who lived in the house, as the

accomplice and tool of Satan in the matter. By harsh treatment he made

the poor savage acknowledge herself a witch. Among a people like the

New Englanders, this was throwing a firebrand into a powder magazine;

and the explosion was dreadful. Every woman subject to hysterical

affections instantly believed herself bewitched; and was seldom at a

loss to discover the guilty cause of her malady. Persons accused of the

imaginary crime of witchcraft were imprisoned, condemned, hanged, and

their bodies left exposed to wild beasts and birds of prey. Counsellors

who refused to plead against these devoted victims, and judges who were

not forward in condemning them, were doomed to share their fate, as

accomplices in their guilt.

Children of ten years of age were put to death; young women were

stripped naked, and the marks of witchcraft sought for on their bodies

with unblushing curiosity. Scorbutical or other spots on the bodies

of old men were reckoned clear proofs of a heinous commerce with

the infernal powers. Dreams, apparitions, prodigies of every kind,

increased the general consternation and horror. The prisons were

filled, the gibbets left standing, and the citizens were appalled.

Under this frightful delirium, the miserable colonists seemed doomed

to destruction by each other’s hands. The more prudent withdrew from a

country polluted by the blood of its inhabitants, and the ruin of the

colony seemed inevitable; when, ceasing to receive countenance from

those in authority, this awful frenzy passed away, almost as suddenly

as it had arisen, leaving to future ages a fearful warning against such

popular insanity.

It is matter of satisfaction to the historian, that his attention

is not again to be diverted, in the annals of this state, from his

peculiar province, to record events which, had the intention of

religion been rightly apprehended, would not have intermixed with civil

affairs in fact, and therefore not in history. The legislature, at its

first session under the new charter, passed a law which indicates the

same independent spirit that afterwards resisted the usurpations of the

British parliament. It provided that no tax should be imposed upon any

of his majesty’s subjects, or their estates, in the province, but by

the act and consent of the governor, council, and representatives of

the people, in general court assembled. It is almost needless to add,

that this law was disallowed by the king.

The war with the French and Indians, which began in 1690, was not yet

terminated. For several years were the frontier settlements harassed by

the savages, and the English were employed in expeditions against them.

This continuance of the war on the part of the Indians, instigated and

aided by the French, induced repeated applications for a force from the

British government, to act in conjunction with land forces to be raised

in New England and New York, for the reduction of Canada; and it was

at length determined, that an expedition should be undertaken for that

purpose. A fleet was to be employed in the winter in the reduction of

Martinico; and, after the performance of that service, was to sail to

Boston, take on board a body of land forces under Sir William Phipps,

and proceed to Quebec. By attempting too much, the whole of this

extensive project entirely failed.

The attacks of the natives on the English continued with little

intermission till the peace of 1697. They were carried on with Indian

cunning, treachery, and cruelty. ‘To these causes of suffering were

superadded the power of all such motives as the ingenuity of the

French could invent, their wealth furnish, or their bigotry adopt. Here

all the implements of war and the means of sustenance were supplied;

the expedition was planned; the price was bidden for scalps; the

aid of European officers and soldiers was conjoined; the devastation

and slaughter were sanctioned by the ministers of religion; and the

blood-hounds, while their fangs were yet dropping blood, were caressed

and cherished by men regarded by them as superior beings. The intervals

between formal attacks were usually seasons of desultory mischief,

plunder, and butchery; and always of suspense and dread. The solitary

family was carried into captivity; the lonely house burned to the

ground; and the traveller waylaid and shot in the forest. It ought,

however, to be observed, to the immortal honor of these people,

distinguished as they are by so many traits of brutal ferocity, that

history records no instance in which the purity of a female captive

was violated by them, or even threatened.’

The peace of Ryswick, which had been signed on the 20th of September,

was proclaimed at Boston on the 10th of December, and the English

colonies had a brief repose. By the seventh article it was agreed,

that mutual restitution should be made of all the countries, forts,

and colonies taken by each party during the war.

In a few years war again broke out in Europe, and hostilities speedily

recommenced in America. The first blow fell upon Deerfield. In February,

1704, it was surprised in the night, about forty persons were killed,

and more than one hundred were made prisoners, among whom were Mr.

Williams, the minister, and his family. The killed were scalped, and

the prisoners commanded to prepare for a long march to Canada. On the

second day, Mrs. Williams was so exhausted with fatigue that she could

go no farther. Her husband solicited permission to remain with her; but

the retreating savages, according to their custom in such cases, killed

her and compelled him to proceed. Before the termination of their

journey, twenty more became unable to walk, and were in like manner

sacrificed. Those who survived the journey to Canada were treated by

the French with humanity; and after a captivity of many years, most of

them were redeemed, and returned to their friends.

New York having agreed with the French and the western Indians to

remain neutral, the enemy were enabled to pour their whole force

upon Massachusetts and New Hampshire, the inhabitants of which, for

ten years, endured miseries peculiar to an Indian war, of which the

description we have given falls below the truth. The enemy were at all

times prowling about the frontier settlements, watching in concealment

for an opportunity to strike a sudden blow, and to fly with safety.

The women and children retired into the garrisons; the men left their

fields uncultivated, or labored with arms at their sides, and with

sentinels at every point whence an attack could be apprehended. Yet,

notwithstanding these precautions, the Indians were often successful,

killing sometimes an individual, sometimes a whole family, sometimes

a band of laborers, ten or twelve in number; and so swift were they in

their movements, that but few fell into the hands of the whites. It was

computed, that the sum of one thousand pounds was expended for every

Indian killed or made captive. In 1707, Massachusetts, New Hampshire,

and Rhode Island, despatched an armament against Port Royal, in Nova

Scotia, then in possession of the French, which returned, however,

without effecting its object; but in 1710, the troops of New England,

assisted by a British fleet, succeeded in reducing the place; and in

compliment to queen Anne, changed its name to Annapolis.

We pass over various topics of interest, in regard to contests in

Massachusetts between the people and their governors, relative to

certain prerogatives of the crown. After a struggle of more than thirty

years, the crown was compelled to yield to a bold and persevering

opposition, and the controversy was not again renewed till the year

1773.

In 1744, war again broke out between England and France, and the

colonies were again the theatre on which the great drama was to be

acted. Commerce generally, and in particular the fisheries, suffered

greatly during these hostilities from privateers fitted out at

Louisburg, a French port on Cape Breton. This post was considered of

vast importance, and nearly six millions of dollars had been expended

on its fortifications. This post it was determined to subdue, and

an expedition was sent against it under the command of Sir William

Pepperell, of Kittery. In conjunction with other forces from England

under the command of commodore Warren, batteries were erected before

the town, and an assault eventually resolved upon. Discouraged by these

adverse events and menacing appearances, the French commander consented

to capitulate, and on the sixteenth of June articles were accordingly

signed. After the surrender of the city, the French flag was kept

flying on the ramparts, and several rich prizes were thus decoyed.

Fired with resentment at their loss, the French made extraordinary

exertions to retrieve it, and to inflict chastisement on New England.

The next summer they despatched to the American coast a powerful fleet,

carrying a large number of soldiers. The news of its approach spread

terror throughout New England; but an uncommon succession of disasters

deprived it of all power to inflict injury. After remaining a short

time on the coast, it returned to France, having lost two admirals,

both of whom it was supposed put an end to their lives through chagrin;

having also, by tempests, been reduced to one half its force, without

effecting any of the objects anticipated.

In the month of November, 1747, a great tumult occurred in the town

of Boston, arising from the following circumstance: Commodore Knowles,

while lying at Nantasket with a number of men of war, losing some of

his sailors by desertion, thought it reasonable that Boston should

supply him with as many men as he had lost. He therefore sent his boats

early in the morning, and surprised not only as many seamen as could

be found on board any of the ships, but pressed some ship carpenters’

apprentices, and other laboring landsmen. This conduct was universally

resented as outrageous; and as soon as it was dusk, several thousand

people assembled in King’s street, where the general court was sitting.

Stones and brickbats were thrown into the council chamber through

the windows. A judicious speech of the governor from the balcony,

disapproving of the impress, promising his utmost endeavors to obtain

the discharge of the persons impressed, but reprehending the irregular

proceedings of the people, had no effect.

Illustration: Riot in State Street.

The seizure and restraint of the commanders and other officers who

were in town were insisted on, as the only effectual method to procure

the release of the inhabitants aboard the ships. The militia of Boston

was summoned the next day to the aid of government, but refused to

appear. The governor, judging it inexpedient to remain in town another

night, withdrew to castle William; but kept up a communication with

the commodore, urging the liberation of the townsmen. Meanwhile, the

council and house of representatives passed some vigorous resolutions,

and the tumultuous spirit began to subside. The inhabitants, assembled

in town meeting, while they expressed their sense of the great insult

and injury by the impress, condemned the riotous transactions. The

militia of the town the next day promptly made their appearance, and

conducted the governor with great pomp to his house; and the commodore

dismissed most, if not all of the inhabitants who had been impressed;

and the squadron sailed, to the joy and repose of the town.

In October, 1748, a treaty of peace between England and France was

signed at Aix la Chapelle. By the articles of this treaty, Cape Breton

was given up to the French, in a compromise for restoring the French

conquests in the low countries to the empress queen of Hungary and

the States General, and for a general restitution of places captured

by the other belligerent powers. It was naturally a mortification to

the inhabitants of New England, that what they termed, not unjustly,

‘their own acquisition,’ should be restored to France; but so long

as peace continued, they sustained no disadvantage. In most respects,

Massachusetts Bay was never in a more easy and happy situation, than

at the close of this war.

NEW HAMPSHIRE AND MAINE.

It was in the year 1623, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges, John Mason, and

others, having obtained of the Plymouth or New England company grants

of several tracts of land, lying north of Massachusetts, sent from

England a few persons to begin a settlement. Part landed, and for a

short time remained at Little Harbor, on the west side Piscataqua river,

and near its mouth, where they erected the first house, calling it

Mason Hall; the remainder, proceeding higher up the river, settled at

Cocheco, afterwards called Dover. Fishing and trade being the principal

objects of these emigrants, their settlements increased slowly.

The persecuting policy of the Massachusetts colony peopled this country,

when money and persuasion had been tried in vain. It has already been

stated, that among those who were expelled from the jurisdiction of

Massachusetts, at the time of the dissensions occasioned by opposition

to the spread of antinomian sentiments at Boston, was the Rev. John

Wheelwright. Previously to the date of Mason’s patent, he had purchased

the land of the Indians, and laid the foundation of Exeter. In the

year 1630, thirty-five persons residing in that town combined and

established civil government; and within a year or two afterwards, the

inhabitants of Dover and Portsmouth followed their example, each town

remaining distinct and independent.

From Indian hostilities, this colony suffered more severely than

her neighbors. The surprise of Dover, in 1689, was effected with the

most shocking barbarity; though the natives having been ill-treated

by one of the principal inhabitants may account for, if not palliate,

their ferocious revenge. Having determined upon their plan of attack,

the Indians employed their usual art to lull the suspicions of the

inhabitants. So civil and respectful was their behavior, that they

occasionally obtained permission to sleep in the fortified houses in

the town. On the evening of the fatal night, they assembled in the

neighborhood, and sent their women to apply for lodgings at the houses

devoted to destruction. When all was quiet the doors were opened and

the signal given. The Indians rushed into Waldron’s house, and hastened

to his apartment. Awakened by the noise, he seized his sword, and drove

them back, but when returning for his other arms was stunned with a

hatchet, and fell. They then dragged him into his hall, seated him

in an elbow chair upon a long table, and insultingly asked him, ‘Who

shall judge Indians now?’ After feasting upon provisions, which they

compelled the rest of the family to procure, each one with his knife

cut gashes across his breast, saying, ‘I cross out my account.’ When,

weakened with the loss of blood, he was about to fall from the table,

his own sword was held under him, which put an end to his tortures. At

other houses, similar acts of cruelty were perpetrated; in the whole,

twenty-three persons were killed, and twenty-nine carried prisoners to

Canada, who were mostly sold to the French. Many houses were burned,

and much property was plundered; but so expeditious were the Indians,

that they had fled beyond reach before the neighboring people could

be collected. The war thus commenced, was not easily terminated. The

French, by giving premiums for scalps, and by purchasing the English

prisoners, animated the Indians to exert all their activity and address,

and the frontier inhabitants endured the most aggravated sufferings.

The peace of Ryswick, in 1697, closed the distressing scene till 1703,

when another war began, which continued ten years.

A few years only transpired before the inhabitants again suffered the

afflictions of an Indian war. Following the example of the French, the

government offered premiums for scalps, which induced several volunteer

companies to undertake expeditions against the enemy. One of these,

commanded by captain Lovewell, was greatly distinguished. In April,

1725, with thirty-four men, he fought a famous Indian chief, named

Paugus, at the head of about eighty savages, near the shores of a pond

in Pequackett. Lovewell’s men were determined either to conquer or die,

although outnumbered by the Indians more than twice. They fought till

Lovewell and Paugus were killed, and all Lovewell’s men but nine were

either killed or dangerously wounded. The savages having lost, as was

supposed, sixty of their number out of eighty, and being convinced of

the fierce and determined resolution of their foes, at length retreated,

and left them masters of the ground. The scene of this desperate and

bloody action, which took place in the town that is now called Fryburgh,

is often visited with interest to this day, and the names both of those

who fell, and those who survived, are yet repeated with exultation.

CONNECTICUT.

The Connecticut colony consisted of people who first emigrated from

England to Massachusetts, and, in the years 1630 and 1632, settled and

formed themselves into churches at Dorchester, Watertown, and Cambridge,

where they resided several years. But either because the number of

emigrants to Massachusetts did not allow them all such a choice as they

wished of good lands, or because some jealousies had arisen between

their pastors and leaders, and the leading men of the colony, they

took the resolution of seating themselves again in the wilderness;

and in the years 1635 and 1636 they removed their families to Windsor,

Weathersfield, and Hartford, on the Connecticut river.

From the commencement of the Connecticut colony, the natives discovered

a hostile disposition. Their principal enemy was the Pequods, the most

numerous and warlike nation within the limits of the state, and perhaps

in New England. They inhabited the country which environs the towns

of New London, Groton, and Stonington. Sassacus, the great prince of

the Pequods, had under him six-and-twenty sachems, and could bring

into the field seven hundred or a thousand warriors, who had been

long accustomed to victory. The royal residence was at a large fort

situated on a beautiful eminence in the town of Groton, which commands

an extensive prospect of the sea and of the surrounding country. There

was also another fortress, called Mystic fort, situated in the town of

Stonington. After suffering repeated injuries, and the murder of about

thirty of their people, principally by the Pequods, the general court,

which had been convened for the purpose, resolved on active hostilities,

and immediately raised an army of ninety men, half the effective

force of the colony. These were to be joined by two hundred men from

Massachusetts, and forty from Plymouth.

The court which declared war was holden on the 1st of May; the men

were raised and embarked on the river, under the command of captain

Mason, on the 10th; and, after being wind-bound several days, sailed

from the mouth of the river for Narraganset bay on the 19th. They were

accompanied by sixty Mohegan and River Indians, under Uncas, a Mohegan

sachem. On reaching Narraganset bay, they landed to the number of

seventy-seven Englishmen, marched into the country of the Narragansets,

and communicated their design to Miantonimoh, the sachem of the country,

who offered to join them. Information was here received that captain

Patrick had reached Providence, with a company of Massachusetts troops,

but it was resolved not to wait for this reinforcement. On the next

day, they marched twenty miles through the west part of Rhode Island,

and reached Nihantick, which bordered on the Pequods’ country.[99] The

army wheeled directly to Mystic fort, which was immediately attacked;

the contest, though tremendously severe, terminated in favor of the

English, and in the destruction of the Indians. Although this victory

was complete, the situation of the army was extremely dangerous and

destressing. Several were killed, and one-fourth of their number were

wounded; the remainder were exhausted with fatigue, and destitute of

provisions; they were in the midst of an enemy’s country, many miles

from their vessels, and their ammunition was nearly exhausted; they

were but a few miles distant from the principal fortress of their foe,

where there was a fresh army, which they knew would be exasperated in

the highest degree on learning the fate of their brethren. In the midst

of their perplexity, while they were consulting on the course to be

pursued, their vessels appeared in sight, steering with a fair wind

directly into the harbor. The army was received on board with great

mutual joy and congratulation.

The troops employed on this successful expedition reached their homes

before the expiration of a month from the day that the war was resolved

upon. The Pequods, on the departure of captain Mason, burnt their

wigwams, destroyed their principal fort, and scattered themselves

throughout the country. Sassacus, with a party of his chief warriors,

abandoned his country, and moved by slow marches towards the Hudson

river. They were followed by a party of Massachusetts and Connecticut

troops; and, in a great swamp in Fairfield, near the western part of

Connecticut, they were overtaken, and a battle ensued. Sassacus, and

about twenty of his most hardy men, escaped, and fled to the Mohawk

country; but there he found no safety; he was surprised by the Mohawks,

and killed, with all his party, except Mononotto, who, after being

wounded, made his escape. The Pequods who remained were divided between

the Mohegans and Narragansets, and the nation became extinct. The vigor

and boldness with which this war was prosecuted on both sides, give it

the air of romance. Its decisive termination, which was so fatal to one

party, was productive of the most happy consequences to the other. It

struck the Indians throughout New England with such a salutary terror,

that they were contented, in general, to remain at peace for nearly

forty years.

In the year 1637, Mr. John Davenport, a celebrated London minister,

accompanied by several eminent merchants, made overtures to the native

proprietors for the purchase of all the lands between the rivers

Hudson and Connecticut. This purchase they in part effected, and from

this originated the colony of New Haven. At first they recognised

the authority of Massachusetts, but it being evident that they were

not within the limits of the Massachusetts colony, they convened an

assembly at Hartford, and formed a constitution of government of the

most popular kind. The people of New Haven followed their example, and

framed a similar government; and these continued the constitutions of

the two colonies, till their union in 1661. On the completion of the

union among the several colonies of New England, several Indian sachems

came in and submitted themselves to the English government, among whom

were Miantonomoh, the Narraganset, and Uncas, the Mohegan, chief.

After the restoration, the Connecticut colony sent out Mr. Winthrop

of Massachusetts to England, with a petition for a charter with the

royal signature. This charter he obtained, and it was one of the most

liberal description. It established a government of a highly popular

kind, and continued the fundamental law of Connecticut for one hundred

and fifty-eight years. ‘It is remarkable,’ says a writer in the North

American Review, ‘that although it was granted at a period of the

world when the rights of the people were little understood and little

regarded, and by a sovereign who governed England with a more arbitrary

sway than any of his successors, the form of government established by

this charter was of a more popular description, and placed all power

within the more immediate reach of the people, than the constitution

for which it has been deliberately exchanged, in these modern days

of popular jealousy and republican freedom.’ In this new charter was

included the colony of New Haven; though it was not for some years that

the union was finally adopted.

Connecticut was destined to suffer, with the rest of the colonies,

from the violent acts committed in the last years of the reign of the

Stuarts. Massachusetts had been deprived of her charter, and Rhode

Island had been induced to surrender hers, when, in July, 1685, a

writ of _quo warranto_ was issued against the governor and company

of Connecticut. The colonial government was strongly advised by Vane

to comply with the requisition, and surrender the charter; but it was

determined neither to appear to defend the charter, nor voluntarily

to surrender it. Sir Edmund Andros made repeated applications for its

surrender, but without success.

The singular mode of its escape from his demand in person is thus

recorded by Trumbull: ‘The assembly met as usual, in October, 1687,

and the government continued, according to charter, until the last

of the month. About this time, Sir Edmund, with his suite, and more

than sixty regular troops, came to Hartford, where the assembly were

sitting, demanded the charter, and declared the government under it

to be dissolved. The assembly were extremely reluctant and slow with

respect to any resolve to surrender the charter, or with respect to

any motion to bring it forth. The tradition is, that governor Treat

strongly represented the great expense and hardships of the colonists

in planting the country; the blood and treasure which they had expended

in defending it, both against the savages and foreigners; to what

hardships and dangers he himself had been exposed for that purpose;

and that it was like giving up his life now to surrender the patent and

privileges so dearly bought, and so long enjoyed. The important affair

was debated and kept in suspense until the evening, when the charter

was brought and laid upon the table where the assembly were sitting.

‘By this time, great numbers of people were assembled, and men

sufficiently bold to enterprise whatever might be necessary or

expedient. The lights were instantly extinguished, and one captain

Wadsworth, of Hartford, in the most silent and secret manner, carried

off the charter, and secreted it in a large hollow tree, fronting the

house of the honorable Samuel Wyllys, then one of the magistrates of

the colony. The people appeared all peaceable and orderly. The candles

were officiously relighted, but the patent was gone, and no discovery

could be made of it, or of the person who had conveyed it away.’ Though

Sir Edmund was thus foiled in his attempt to obtain possession of the

charter, he did not hesitate to assume the reins of government, which

he administered in a manner as oppressive in this as in the other

colonies. When, on the arrival of the declaration of the prince of

Orange at Boston, Andros was deposed and imprisoned, the people of

Connecticut resumed their previous form of government, having been

interrupted little more than a year and a half.

In the Indian war, in which Philip acted so conspicuous a part,

Connecticut had her share of suffering, though it was not so great as

that of some of her sister colonies. Hostilities were commenced by the

aborigines, on the Connecticut river, in the summer of 1675; and, on

the first of September, the inhabitants of Hadley were alarmed by the

Indians during the time of public worship, and the people thrown into

the utmost confusion; but the enemy were repulsed by the valor and

good conduct of an aged, venerable man, who, suddenly appearing in the

midst of the affrighted inhabitants, put himself at their head, led

them to the onset, and, after the dispersion of the enemy, instantly

disappeared. This deliverer of Hadley, then imagined to be an angel,

was general Goffe, (one of the judges of Charles I.,) who was at that

time concealed in the town.

But a short time elapsed, before the colonists were again called on to

defend their privileges from what they deemed an unjust encroachment.

Colonel Fletcher, governor of New York, had been vested with plenary

powers to command the militia of Connecticut, and insisted on the

exercise of that command. The legislature of Connecticut, deeming

that authority to be expressly given to the colony by charter, would

not submit to his requisition; but, desirous of maintaining a good

understanding with governor Fletcher, endeavored to make terms with

him, until his majesty’s pleasure should be further known. All their

negotiations were, however, unsuccessful; and, on the 26th of October,

he came to Hartford, while the assembly was sitting, and, in his

majesty’s name, demanded submission; but the refusal was resolutely

persisted in. After the requisition had been repeatedly made, with

plausible explanations and serious menaces, Fletcher ordered his

commission and instructions to be read in audience of the trainbands

of Hartford, which had been assembled upon his order.

Captain Wadsworth, the senior officer, who was exercising his soldiers,

instantly called out, ‘Beat the drums!’ which, in a moment, overwhelmed

every voice. Fletcher commanded silence. No sooner was a second attempt

made to read, than Wadsworth vociferated, ‘Drum, drum! I say.’ The

drummers instantly beat up again, with the greatest possible spirit.

‘Silence, silence,’ exclaimed the governor. At the first moment of

a pause, Wadsworth called out earnestly, ‘Drum, drum, I say;’ and,

turning to his excellency, said, ‘If I am interrupted again, I will

make the sun shine through you in a moment.’ Colonel Fletcher declined

putting Wadsworth to the test, and, abandoning the contest, returned

with his suite to New York.

RHODE ISLAND.

The settlement of PROVIDENCE AND RHODE ISLAND was made by Roger

Williams, in 1636. This man was far in advance of his age. He set

the first example of perfect religious equality and toleration; and

extended his humane labors to enlighten, improve and conciliate the

savages. When the New England colonies, in 1643, formed the celebrated

confederacy, Rhode Island applied to be admitted to the union; but

Plymouth objected, on the ground that the settlements were within her

boundaries.

Upon the application of the inhabitants, in 1663, a charter was

granted by Charles II. to the Rhode Island and Providence plantations.

On the accession of James II., the assembly of Rhode Island immediately

transmitted an address, acknowledging themselves his loyal subjects,

and begging protection for their chartered rights. But reformation of

abuses in New England was then the order of the day, and articles of

high misdemeanor were exhibited against them before the lords of the

committee of colonies, accusing them of breaches of their charter, and

of opposition to the acts of navigation. This committee ordered that

Sir Edmund Andros, the governor of Massachusetts, should demand the

surrender of their charter, and govern them as other colonies of New

England. In December, 1686, Andros accordingly dissolved the government

of Rhode Island, broke its seal, and assumed the administration of

affairs. When the revolution put an end to his power, Rhode Island and

Providence resumed their charter, on the ground that an act which was

extorted by terror might justly be recalled when restraint no longer

remained.

The wise, peaceful and beneficent counsels of Williams, had preserved

the colonists from the dangers of Indian incursions. Their prosperity

was proportionate to their moderation. The population increased

with great rapidity, and in 1761 amounted to forty thousand. Brown

university was founded at Warren, in 1764. Six years afterwards it was

removed to Providence, where a large and elegant building was erected

for the students.

NEW YORK.

NEW YORK was first settled by the Dutch, who erected a fort near Albany,

which they called fort Orange, and a few trading-houses on the island

of New York, then called by the Indians Manhattan. The claims of the

Dutch to the property of the soil were disputed by the king of Great

Britain, who founded an adverse claim on the discovery of the Cabots in

the previous century. In the first year of their settlement, they were

visited by captain Argal, who claimed the country for his sovereign,

and warned them to acknowledge his authority. The colony was small,

and prudently acquiesced in the demand: but within a twelvemonth their

number was increased, and the demands of the English were promptly

resisted. For a series of years they continued in undisturbed quiet,

and by toil, perseverance and unwearied activity, surmounted the

dangers and troubles of an infant colony.

In 1621, the Dutch republic granted to their West India company an

extensive territory on both sides of the Hudson, and called it New

Netherlands. Under the management of this company, the settlement was

soon both consolidated and extended; and the foundations were laid of

the cities of New Amsterdam, afterwards New York, and of Albany. In

1623, they erected a fort on the Delaware, which they called Nassau;

and, ten years afterwards, another on the Connecticut, which they

called Good Hope. Near the former the Swedes had a settlement; and from

the interfering claims of the two nations, quarrels arose between the

settlers, which, in a few years, terminated in the subjugation of the

Swedes.

The policy of the Dutch, in extending their settlements so far

eastward as Connecticut, soon brought them into collision with more

powerful neighbors. Numberless causes of dispute arose between New

Netherlands and the colonies of Connecticut and New Haven; but neither

party allowed itself to forget the substantial claims of humanity, or

the forms of ordinary courtesy. In the Indian wars, the English never

delayed to render due assistance to their Dutch neighbors, who were so

unwarlike that they found it necessary to invite captain Underhill, who

had been banished from Boston for his eccentricities in religion, to

take command of their troops. Collecting a flying party of one hundred

and fifty men, he was enabled to preserve the Dutch settlements from

destruction. The number of Indians whom he killed in the course of the

war, was supposed to exceed four hundred. In 1646, a severe battle was

fought on that part of Horse-Neck called Strickland’s Plain. The Dutch

were victorious; on both sides great numbers were slain; and for a

century afterwards the graves of the dead were distinctly visible.

When Charles II. ascended the British throne, he did not hesitate

to assert his claim to the province of New Netherlands; and without

any attempt at negotiation with the states, he executed a charter,

conveying to the duke of York the whole territory from the eastern

shore of the Delaware to the western bank of the Connecticut. This

grant took no notice of the existing possession of the Dutch, or of the

recent Connecticut charter, which it entirely superseded. No sooner did

the duke of York obtain this grant, than he conveyed to lord Berkeley

and Sir George Carteret all that portion now constituting the province

of New Jersey. To carry such a grant into effect, it was necessary to

call in the aid of the military, and an armament was despatched from

England under the command of colonel Nichols; who was also appointed

governor of the province he was about to conquer. After touching at

Boston, the fleet sailed to the Hudson and took a position before

the capital of New Netherlands. The Dutch governor, Stuyvesant, had

determined on a resolute resistance, but his followers were of a

less gallant temperament, and compelled him to agree to a treaty of

capitulation.

Immediately after its subjugation, New Amsterdam, and the whole

conquered province, received the name of New York. Few of the

inhabitants thought proper to remove from the country; even governor

Stuyvesant lived and died there. Nichols at once assumed command of the

conquered territory, and proceeded to reduce the affairs of the state

to one uniform constitution and policy. Many of the Dutch forms of

government were retained, but English influence gradually brought about

a change; and on the twelfth of June, 1665, the inhabitants of New York

were incorporated under a mayor, five aldermen, and a sheriff. At the

peace of Breda, New York was regularly ceded to England in exchange for

Surinam, by a general stipulation that each of the belligerents should

retain what its arms had acquired since the commencement of hostilities.

The interior of New York was originally inhabited by a confederacy,

which consisted at first of five, and afterwards of six, nations of

Indians. This confederacy was formed for mutual defence against the

Algonquins, a powerful Canadian nation, and displayed much of the

wisdom and sagacity which mark the institutions of a civilized people.

By their union they had become formidable to the surrounding tribes.

Being the allies of the English, the French were alarmed at their

successes, and became jealous of their power. In the year 1684, De la

Barre, the governor of Canada, marched to attack them, with an army

of seventeen hundred men. His troops suffered so much from hardships,

famine, and sickness, that he was compelled to ask peace of those

whom he had come to exterminate. He invited the chiefs of the Five

Nations to meet him at his camp, and those of three of them accepted

the invitation. Standing in a circle, formed by the chiefs and his own

officers, he addressed a speech to Garrangula, of the Onondago tribe,

in which he accused the confederates of conducting the English to

the trading grounds of the French, and threatened them with war and

extermination if they did not alter their behavior. Garrangula, knowing

the distresses of the French troops, heard these threats with contempt.

After walking five or six times round the circle, he addressed De la

Barre in the following bold language, calling him Yonnondio, and the

English governor, Corlear:――

‘Hear, Yonnondio, I do not sleep; I have my eyes open, and the sun

which enlightens me, discovers to me a great captain at the head of

a company of soldiers, who speaks as if he was dreaming. He says that

he only came to smoke the great pipe of peace with the Onondagas. But

Garrangula says, that he sees the contrary; that it was to knock them

on the head, if sickness had not weakened the arms of the French. We

carried the English to our lakes, to trade there with the Utawawas,

and Quatoghies, as the Adirondacs brought the French to our castles,

to carry on a trade which the English say is theirs. We are born free;

we neither depend on Yonnondio nor Corlear. We may go where we please,

and buy and sell what we please. If your allies are your slaves, use

them as such; command them to receive no other but your people. Hear,

Yonnondio! what I say is the voice of all the Five Nations. When

they buried the hatchet at Cadaracui, in the middle of the fort, they

planted the tree of peace in the same place, to be there carefully

preserved, that instead of a retreat for soldiers, the fort might be a

rendezvous for merchants. Take care that the many soldiers who appear

there do not choke the tree of peace, and prevent it from covering

your country and ours with its branches. I assure you that our warriors

shall dance under its leaves, and will never dig up the hatchet to

cut it down, till their brother Yonnondio or Corlear shall invade the

country which the Great Spirit has given to our ancestors.’

De la Barre was mortified and enraged at this bold reply; but,

submitting to necessity, he concluded a treaty of peace, and returned

to Montreal. His successor, De Nonville, led a larger army against the

confederates; but fell into an ambuscade, and was defeated. These wars

within the limits of the colony served to perpetuate the enmity of the

Indians against the French, and their attachment to the English.

When James II. ascended the throne, it was determined to superadd New

York and the Jerseys to the jurisdiction of the four colonies of New

England; and a new commission was issued, appointing Sir Edmund Andros

captain-general and vice-admiral over the whole. His authority, however,

was a brief one. In the following year, intelligence was received of

the accession of William and Mary to the British throne; and while the

principal officers and magistrates were assembled to consult for the

general good, Jacob Leisler, a captain of militia, seized the fort

and held it for the prince of Orange. The province was for some time

subsequently ruled by a committee of safety, with Leisler at their

head. In a few months, a letter arrived from the ministry in England,

directed ‘to such as, for the time being, take care of administering

the laws of the province,’ and conferring authority to perform all

the duties of lieutenant governor. This letter Leisler understood

as addressed to himself, and assumed the authority conferred by it,

without ceremony.

The people of Albany acknowledged king William, but refused to

submit to Leisler. Force was resorted to, with the view of compelling

obedience; and the estates of the rebellious were confiscated. In this

disturbed state, the colonists of New York remained nearly two years;

when the miseries of foreign aggression were added to those of internal

discord.

War had been declared between France and England; and De Nonville

had been replaced in the governorship of Canada by count Frontignac,

a veteran officer, whose skilful and energetic measures, aided by a

large reinforcement, soon raised the affairs of the French from the

brink of ruin, and enabled them to act on the offensive. Frontignac

was indefatigable in his efforts to gain over the Five Nations, who

had made two attacks upon Montreal, and murdered a great number of

inhabitants. He held a great council with them at Onondaga; and, as

they seemed to be somewhat inclined to peace, he resolved to give

their favorable disposition no time for change, and, at the same time,

to inspirit his own drooping countrymen, by finding them immediate

employment against the English colonies. On the 19th of January, a

party of about two hundred French, and some Cahnuaga Indians, set

out, in a deep snow, for Schenectady; they arrived on the 8th of

February, at eleven o’clock at night; and the first intimation the

inhabitants had of their design, was conveyed in the noise of their own

bursting doors. The village was burnt, sixty persons were butchered,

twenty-seven suffered the worse fate of captivity, the rest made

their way naked through the snow towards Albany, where some arrived in

extreme distress, while many perished in the attempt. A party of young

men, and some Mohawk Indians, set out from the latter place, pursued

the enemy, and killed or captured twenty-five.

To avenge these barbarities, and others perpetrated in New England,

a combined expedition against Canada was projected. An army, raised

in New York and Connecticut, proceeded as far as the head of lake

Champlain, whence, finding no boats prepared, they were obliged to

return. Sir William Phipps, with a fleet of more than thirty vessels,

sailed from Boston into the St. Lawrence, and, landing a body of troops,

made an attack by land and water upon Quebec; but the return of the

army to New York allowing the whole force of the enemy to repair to the

assistance of the garrison, he was obliged to abandon the enterprise.

Leisler, transported with rage when he was informed of the retreat,

caused Winthrop, who commanded the New England forces, to be arrested,

but was instantly compelled, by universal indignation, to release him.

It was to the misconduct or incapacity of Leisler and Milborne, (the

latter of whom, as commissary-general, had made no adequate provision

for the enterprise,) that the failure of this expedition was attributed.

Leisler was afterwards superseded by colonel Sloughter, and, together

with Milborne, was executed for refusing to surrender his authority to

the officer legally appointed to receive it. Sloughter’s administration

was inefficient and turbulent. He was succeeded by colonel Fletcher,

a man of great energy of character, but violent in his disposition

and mean. His administration was signalized by no occurrence worthy

of particular record. The war between the French and the Five Indian

Nations raged with great fury, and both parties seemed inspired with

a mutual emulation of cruelty in victory, no less than of prowess in

battle. Prisoners were tortured, and put to death, without the least

regard to the rights of humanity, or the laws of war.

In 1697, the peace of Ryswick, which was concluded between Great

Britain and France, gave security and repose to the colonies. The next

year, the earl of Bellamont was appointed governor. He was particularly

desirous of clearing the American seas of the pirates with which they

had for some time been grievously infested. The government, however,

declining to furnish an adequate naval force, the earl engaged with

others in a private undertaking against them. Among the associates were

lord chancellor Summers and the duke of Shrewsbury; the king himself,

too, held a tenth share. The company, having procured a vessel of war,

gave the command to captain Kid, and despatched him on a cruise against

the pirates. He had been but a short time at sea, when he made a new

contract with his crew, and, on the Atlantic and Indian oceans, became

himself a daring and successful pirate. Three years afterwards he

returned, burned his ship, and, with a strange infatuation, appeared

in public at Boston.

The earl of Bellamont wrote to the secretary of state, desiring

that Kid might be sent for, and a man-of-war was despatched upon

this service; but being driven back by a storm, a general suspicion

prevailed in England, that there was collusion between the ministry

and the adventurers, who were thought unwilling to produce Kid, lest

he might discover that the chancellor and the other associates were

confederates in the piracy. So powerful was this feeling, that a motion

was made in the house of commons, that all who were concerned in the

adventure might be deprived of their employments; but it was rejected

by a great majority, and all subsequent attempts to implicate the

unfortunate shareholders, only proved more satisfactorily their entire

innocence of any participation either in the designs or the profits

of captain Kid; although their imprudence in selecting a person whose

previous character was very indifferent, was evident and undeniable.

Ultimately Kid was conveyed to England, where he was tried and executed.

Lord Bellamont found affairs in great confusion, and the colony

divided into two bitter factions, contending with increased animosity.

His administration was prudent, and promised to be highly beneficial;

but was early terminated by his death, in March, 1701. Lord Cornbury

was appointed his successor, a man eminent only for his meanness and

profligacy: dismissed by his friends to place him out of the reach of

his creditors. His rule was oppressive and extravagant; and the infamy

of his private character exposed him to universal odium. He was finally

removed, and was succeeded by lord Lovelace. His lordship died soon

after his arrival, and general Hunter was appointed to the vacant chair.

He brought with him nearly three thousand Germans, who were dispersed

through New York and Pennsylvania.

In the year 1709, extensive preparations were made for an attack on

the French settlements in Canada; the plan was afterwards abandoned,

but in 1711 resumed. It was unsuccessful, and nothing was accomplished

by it. To defray its expenses, the newly-elected assembly passed

several bills, which the council persisted in amending. A contest

ensued between these two bodies, in which the governor took side

with the council, and finally dissolved the assembly. At the ensuing

election, most of the members chosen were opposed to the governor.

This assembly was dissolved by the death of the queen. The next met

a similar fate from the governor soon after it met, a majority being

known to be unfriendly to his views. At length, however, the people

became weary of contending, and sent representatives who were not

disposed to differ from the governor.

General Hunter quitted the province in 1719, and his authority

devolved on Peter Schuyler, the oldest member of the council. William

Burnet succeeded him in the following year. He was a man of good sense,

and kind feelings, and he entertained just views of policy. His most

vigilant attention was directed to Indian affairs, and to the danger to

be apprehended from the vicinity of the French.

Turning his views towards the wilderness, he perceived that the

French, in order to connect their settlements in Canada and Louisiana,

to secure to themselves the Indian trade, and to confine the English

to the sea-coast, were busily employed in erecting a chain of forts

from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi. He endeavored to defeat

their design, by building a trading-house, and afterwards a fort,

at Oswego, on lake Ontario. But the French had the command of more

abundant resources, and applied them to the accomplishment of their

object with great activity and zeal. They launched two vessels upon

that lake; and, going farther into the wilderness, erected a fort at

Niagara, commanding the entrance into it; they had previously erected

fort Frontignac, commanding the outlet. The Jesuit Charlevoix does no

more than justice to Mr. Burnet, in declaring that he left no stone

unturned to defeat the French at Niagara. Besides supplanting his

favorite trade at Oswego, these operations tended to the defection

of the Five Nations; and, in case of a rupture, exposed the frontiers

of the southern colonies to the ravages of the French and their

allies. Mr. Burnet, upon whom these considerations made the deepest

impression, laid the matter before the house, remonstrated against the

proceedings to Longuiel, in Canada, wrote to the ministry in England,

who complained of them to the French court, and met the confederates

at Albany, endeavoring to convince them of the danger they themselves

would be in from an aspiring, ambitious neighbor.

He spoke first about the affair privately to the sachems, and

afterwards, in the public conference, informed them of all the

encroachments which the French had made upon their fathers, and the

ill-usage they had met with, according to La Potherie’s account,

published with the privilege of the French king, at Paris, in 1722.

He then reminded them of the kind treatment they had received from the

English, who constantly fed and clothed them, and never attempted any

act of hostility to their prejudice. This speech was extremely well

drawn, the thoughts being conceived in strong figures, particularly

expressive and agreeable to the Indians. The governor required

an explicit declaration of their sentiments concerning the French

transactions at Niagara, and their answer was truly categorical. ‘We

speak now in the name of all the Six Nations, and come to you howling.

This is the reason why we howl, that the governor of Canada encroaches

on our land, and builds thereon.’ After which they entreated him

to write to the king for succor. Mr. Burnet embraced this favorable

opportunity to procure from them a deed, surrendering their country to

his majesty, to be protected for their use, and confirming their grant

in 1701, concerning which there was only an entry in the books of the

secretary for Indian affairs.

It was an unfortunate circumstance, which tended to prevent the

execution of Mr. Burnet’s vigorous designs, that the electors of the

colony had become dissatisfied at the length of time which had elapsed

since they had been called on to exercise their functions. The assembly

elected in 1716 had been on such good terms with the governor, that he

continued its existence during the long period of eleven years. In the

year 1727, however, the clamors of the people induced him to dissolve

it; and, as might be expected, that which next met, was composed

almost exclusively of his opponents. The court of chancery, in which

he presided, had become exceedingly unpopular. It had been instituted

by an ordinance of the governor and council, without the concurrence

of the assembly, and some of the decisions had given great offence to

powerful individuals. The house passed resolutions, declaring it ‘a

manifest oppression and grievance,’ and intimating that its decrees

were void. Mr. Burnet no sooner heard of these votes, than he called

the members before him, and dissolved the assembly. They occasioned,

however, an ordinance in the spring following, as well to remedy sundry

abuses in the practice in chancery, as to reduce the fees of that court,

‘which, on account of the popular clamors, were so much diminished,’

says Smith, ‘that the wheels of the chancery have ever since rusted

upon their axles, the practice being contemned by all gentlemen of

eminence in the profession.’

Mr. Burnet was soon after appointed governor of Massachusetts, and was

succeeded at New York by colonel Montgomery, who devoted himself so

much to his ease that he has left nothing else to distinguish his brief

rule. Upon his death, in 1731, the supreme authority devolved upon

Rip Van Dam, the senior member of the council. Under his inefficient

administration, the French were permitted to erect a fort at Crown

Point, within the acknowledged boundaries of New York, from which

parties of savages were often secretly despatched to destroy the

English settlements.

In August, 1732, Van Dam was superseded by William Crosby. Having been

the advocate in parliament of the American colonies, he was at first

popular, but he soon lost the affection and confidence of the people.

One of his most unpopular acts was the prosecution of Zenger, the

printer of a newspaper, for publishing an article derogatory to the

dignity of his majesty’s government, bringing him to trial, after

a severe imprisonment of thirty-five weeks from the printing of the

offensive articles. Andrew Hamilton, an eminent lawyer of Philadelphia,

though aged and infirm, learning the distress of the prisoner and

the importance of the trial, went to New York to plead Zenger’s cause,

which he did so effectually that the jury brought in the prisoner not

guilty. The common council of the city of New York, for this noble

and successful service, presented Mr. Hamilton the freedom of their

corporation in a gold box.

Governor Crosby was succeeded, in 1736, by George Clark. During his

administration, the contest which had ended, twenty years before, in

the victory gained by governor Hunter over the house of representatives,

was revived. The colony being in debt, the house voted to raise the sum

of six thousand pounds; but, in order to prevent its misapplication,

declared that it should be applied to the payment of certain specified

debts. Offended by this vote, Clark immediately dissolved the assembly.

At the election which ensued, the popular party was triumphant. In

their second session the house voted an address to the lieutenant

governor, in which, after stating some of the vital principles of free

government, and referring to recent misapplications of money, they say,

‘We therefore beg leave to be plain with your honor, and hope you will

not take it amiss when we tell you, that you are not to expect that we

will either raise sums unfit to be raised, or put what we shall raise

into the power of a governor to misapply, if we can prevent it; nor

shall we make up any other deficiencies than what we conceive are fit

and just to be paid; nor continue what support or revenue we shall

raise for any longer time than one year; nor do we think it convenient

to do even that, until such laws are passed as we conceive necessary

for the safety of the inhabitants of this colony, who have reposed a

trust in us for that only purpose, and which we are sure you will think

it reasonable we should act agreeable to; and, by the grace of God, we

shall endeavor not to deceive them.’

With men so resolute in maintaining their rights, Clark wisely

declined to contend; and promised his cordial co-operation in all

measures calculated to promote the prosperity of the colony. Harmony

did not, however, long continue. Clark, in his speech at the opening

of the next session, declared that unless the revenue was granted for

as long a time as it had been granted by former assemblies, his duty

to his majesty forbade him from assenting to any act for continuing

the excise, or for paying the colonial bills of credit. The house

unanimously resolved, that it would not pass any bill for the grant

of money, unless assurance should be given that the excise should be

continued and the bills of credit redeemed. The lieutenant governor

immediately ordered the members to attend him. He told them that ‘their

proceedings were presumptuous, daring, and unprecedented; that he could

not look upon them without astonishment, nor with honor suffer the

house to sit any longer;’ and he accordingly dissolved it. In April,

1740, the assembly again met. It had now risen to importance in the

colony; and the adherence of the representatives to their determination,

not to grant the revenue for more than one year, made annual meetings

of the assembly necessary. Their attachment to liberty was construed

by the lieutenant governor into a desire for independence: in a speech

delivered, in 1741, he alludes to ‘a jealousy which for some years had

obtained in England, that the plantations were not without thoughts of

throwing off their dependence on the crown.’

George Clinton superseded Clark in the government of the colony in 1743.

Like most of his predecessors he was welcomed with joy; and one of his

earliest measures confirmed the favorable accounts which had preceded

him, of his talents and liberality. To manifest his confidence in the

people, he assented to a bill limiting the duration of the present and

all succeeding assemblies. The house evinced its gratitude by adopting

the measures he recommended for the defence of the province against

the French, who were then at war with England. In 1745, the savages in

alliance with France made frequent invasions of the English territories;

and their hostilities were continued, with little intermission, till

the war which terminated the French dominion in Canada.

In the middle of the seventeenth century, the whole colony of New

York contained scarcely one hundred thousand inhabitants,[100] not half

the number which the city of New York alone can now boast. That the

population would have been much more numerous at this time, had not the

inhabitants been so continually exposed to the irruptions of the French

and their Indian allies, is evident from its rapid increase when those

unfavorable circumstances ceased to exist. The consideration of this

period belongs, however, to another department of the work.

NEW JERSEY.

It was not till the year 1640 that any attempt was made by the

English to colonize that portion of the continent now known as New

Jersey, and then they were resisted and expelled by the Swedes. This

nation remained in possession of the country on both sides of the

Delaware until 1655, when the governor of New Netherlands conquered all

their posts, and transported most of the Swedes to Europe. The Dutch

consequently possessed themselves of the whole territory of New Jersey,

New York, and Delaware; but their settlements in New Jersey shared the

fate of those on the Hudson, when in the year 1664 they were captured

by the English under colonel Nichols. In the same year the duke of York

conveyed that portion of his grant lying between Hudson and Delaware

rivers to lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. This tract was called

NEW JERSEY, in compliment to Sir George, who had been governor of the

island of Jersey, and had held it for the king in his contest with the

parliament.

The early history of this province is a history of disputes between

the inhabitants and the proprietaries. It would not be interesting

to go into their details, as they are mere claims and adjudications

of title. Suffice it to say, that in the course of the disputes it

became partitioned into East and West Jersey, and fell into the hands

of different proprietors. The former was released, in July, 1676, by

William Penn and his three associates, assignees of lord Berkeley,

to Philip Carteret; and he in return conveyed to them the latter,

the government of which the duke retained as a dependency of New York,

while that of the first was resigned to Carteret.

Philip Carteret, a natural son of Sir George, returned to East

Jersey in the beginning of 1675, and was now kindly received by the

inhabitants, because they had felt the rigors of conquest, which had

not been softened by Andros, who had been appointed by the duke of

York lieutenant over all his territories, from the western bank of the

Connecticut to the farther shore of the Delaware. Having postponed the

payment of quit-rents to a future day, and published new concessions

with regard to the tenure of lands, tranquillity was perfectly restored.

Desirous to promote the commercial interests of the colony, because he

perceived its neighbor growing great and rich by trade, Carteret began,

in 1676, to clear out vessels from East Jersey; but he was steadily

opposed by Andros, who claimed jurisdiction over the Jersies, insisting

that conquest by the Dutch divested the proprietors of all their rights.

He forcibly seized, transported to New York, and there imprisoned,

those magistrates why refused to acknowledge his authority. He imposed

a duty upon all goods imported, and upon the property of all who came

to settle in the country.

The inhabitants made repeated and energetic complaints of this

injustice to the duke of York; and at length, wearied with their

continual importunity, this prince consented to refer the matter to

commissioners, who ultimately agreed to adhere to the opinion of Sir

William Jones.

The commissioners pronounced their judgment, in conformity with the

opinion of Sir W. Jones, ‘that as the grant to Berkeley and Carteret

had reserved no profit or jurisdiction, the legality of the taxes

could not be defended.’ In consequence of this adjudication, the duke

resigned all his claims on West Jersey, and confirmed the province

itself in the amplest terms to its new proprietaries; and soon after

granted a similar release in favor of the representatives of Sir George

Carteret in East Jersey. The whole of New Jersey thus rose to the rank

of an almost independent state, maintaining only a federal connection

with the British crown.

The accession of numerous companies of settlers now rapidly promoted

the population and prosperity of West Jersey. In the year 1681, the

first representative assembly was held; and during its session were

enacted the ‘Fundamental Constitutions,’ and other laws for the

preservation of property, and the punishment of criminals.

Frequent disputes arising between the proprietary government of

East Jersey and the colonists, the trustees of Sir George Carteret,

apprehending they should derive little emolument from retaining the

government under their control, offered their rights in the province

for sale, and accepted the proposals of William Penn, to whom, and his

associates, East Jersey was conveyed. Among the new proprietors was the

author of the well-known ‘Apology;’ and his colleagues, by a unanimous

vote, conferred on him the office of governor for life, with the

extraordinary permission to appoint a deputy, instead of his residing

at the scene of his authority.

The number of proprietors, and the frequent transfers and subdivisions

of shares, introduced such confusion into titles to land, and such

uncertainty as to the rights of government, that, for twenty years

afterwards, both Jerseys were frequently in a state of disturbance and

disorder. In 1702, the proprietors, weary of contending with each other,

and with the people, surrendered the right of government to the crown.

Queen Anne reunited the two divisions, and appointed lord Cornbury

governor over the provinces of New Jersey and New York. From the period

of his appointment till his deprivation of office, the history of

New Jersey consists of little else than a detail of his contests with

the colonial assemblies; and exhibits the resolution with which they

opposed his arbitrary conduct, his partial distribution of justice,

and his fraudulent misapplication of the public money. After repeated

complaints, the queen yielded to the universal indignation; and he was

superseded, in 1709, by lord Lovelace.

These provinces continued, for several years, to be ruled by the same

governor, but each chose a separate assembly. In 1738, the inhabitants,

by a petition to the king, desired that they might, in future, have a

separate governor; and their request was granted.

The distance of New Jersey from Canada, the source of most of the

Indian wars which afflicted the northern colonies, gave it a complete

exemption from those direful calamities, while the Indian tribes in

the neighborhood, which were far from numerous, were almost always

willing to cultivate a friendly relation with the Europeans. The

gravity, simplicity, and courtesy of Quaker manners seem to have been

particularly acceptable to these savages; and, added to the careful

observation of the principles of equity in the proceedings of the

colonists, established an amicable intercourse, to the manifest

advantage both of themselves and of the natives.

PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE.

During a considerable period, the colony of Delaware was attached to

that of Pennsylvania, without even a separate assembly; and after it

acquired that privilege, it remained for some time longer under the

same governor: its history requires, therefore, to be blended with that

of Pennsylvania, although it was settled at a much earlier period. It

does not appear that the date of the first European plantation on South

river, or the Delaware, can now be ascertained with any precision;

some authorities, however, assert that a Swedish colony settled at cape

Henlopen as early as the year 1627; although Chalmers is of opinion

that, ‘though various Europeans may have trafficked in Delaware, their

plantations had not yet embellished her margin, probably in the year

1632.’

The colony which forms the chief subject of this division was founded

in the year 1681, by the celebrated William Penn. His attention was

attracted to colonization by his connection with New Jersey. While

he was engaged in the government of that territory, he received

information of the country situate to the westward of the Delaware,

which induced in his mind the desire of acquiring an estate in that

quarter. He therefore presented a petition to Charles II., urging his

claim for a debt incurred by the crown to his father, and soliciting

a grant of land to the northward of Maryland, and westward of the

Delaware. After a conference with the duke of York and lord Baltimore,

to ascertain that the grant would not interfere with any prior claims

of theirs, a charter, making conveyance of that territory, was signed

and sealed by the king. It constituted William Penn and his heirs true

and absolute proprietaries of the province of Pennsylvania, saving to

the crown their allegiance and the sovereignty. It gave him, his heirs,

and their deputies, power to make laws, by advice of the freemen, and

to erect courts of justice for the execution of those laws, provided

they be not repugnant to the laws of England.[101]

The charter being thus obtained, Penn invited purchasers by public

advertisement. Many single persons, and some families, chiefly of

the denomination of Quakers, were induced to think of a removal; and

a number of merchants and others, forming themselves into a company,

purchased twenty thousand acres of this land, which was sold at the

rate of twenty pounds for every thousand acres. In May he despatched

Markham, a relative, with a few associates, to take possession of

the newly granted territory; and in the autumn three ships, with a

considerable number of emigrants, sailed for the same destination. The

philanthropic proprietor sent a letter to the Indians, informing them

that ‘the great God had been pleased to make him concerned in their

part of the world, and that the king of the country where he lived, had

given him a great province therein; but that he did not desire to enjoy

it without their consent; that he was a man of peace, and that the

people whom he sent were of the same disposition; and if any difference

should happen between them, it might be adjusted by an equal number

of men chosen on both sides.’ The position selected by these emigrants

for their abode, was immediately above the confluence of the Schuylkill

and Delaware. In the following April, Penn published ‘the frame of

government for Pennsylvania.’ The chief intention of this famous

charter was declared to be, ‘for the support of power in reverence

with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of power. For,

liberty without obedience is confusion, and obedience without liberty

is slavery.’

The first page in the annals of Pennsylvania is one of the brightest

in the history of mankind, recording an event not more to the credit

of the wise and benevolent legislator through whose agency it happened,

than honorable to humanity itself. At a spot which is now the site of

one of the suburbs of Philadelphia, the Indian sachems, at the head of

their assembled warriors, awaited in arms the approach of the Quaker

deputation. Penn, distinguished from his followers only by a sash of

blue silk, and holding in his hand a roll of parchment that contained

the confirmation of the treaty, arrived, at the head of an unarmed

train, carrying various articles of merchandise, which, on their

approach to the sachems, were spread on the ground. He addressed the

natives through an interpreter, assuring them of his friendly and

peaceable intentions; and certainly the absence of all warlike weapons

was a better attestation of his sincerity than a thousand oaths. The

conditions of the proposed purchase were then read; and he delivered

to the sachems not only the stipulated price, but a handsome present

of the merchandise which he had spread before them. He concluded by

presenting the parchment to the sachems, and requesting that they would

carefully preserve it for three generations. The Indians cordially

acceded to his propositions, and solemnly pledged themselves to live

in love with William Penn and his children as long as the sun and moon

should endure.

Illustration: Penn’s Treaty.

Having received information from his agent that his presence was

necessary in England, Penn departed from America, in August, 1684,

leaving his province in profound peace, under the administration of

five commissioners chosen from the provincial council. The unfortunate

James II. ascended the throne soon after Penn’s arrival. ‘As he has,’

said Penn, ‘been my friend, and my father’s friend, I feel bound

in justice to be a friend to him.’ He adhered to him while seated

on the throne; and for two years after he was expelled from his

kingdom, the government of the province was administered in his name.

By this display of attachment to the exiled monarch, he incurred

the displeasure of William III. On vague suspicion and unfounded

charges, he was four times imprisoned. The king took the government

of Pennsylvania into his own hands; and colonel Fletcher was appointed

governor of this province, as well as of New York. On the arrival of

colonel Fletcher at Philadelphia, the persons in the administration

appear to have surrendered the government to him, without any notice

or order to them, either from the crown or the proprietary. By the

severest scrutiny, however, it was rendered apparent, that Penn had not

suffered personal gratitude to lead him to any serious dereliction of

duty, and he consequently regained the good opinion of king William;

and being permitted to resume and exercise his rights, he appointed

William Markham to be his deputy governor.

During several years the colony continued in a course of prosperity,

without any occurrence requiring historical record. In the year 1699,

Penn revisited his Pennsylvanian associates, accompanied by his family,

with an intention of spending the remainder of his life amongst them.

But several points soon came up, on which a difference of opinion

existed between himself and the legislature, and disappointed him

in his hopes of obtaining influence as a lawgiver. He consequently

determined to return to England, and he naturally desired to have some

frame of government finally adopted before his departure. In 1701,

he prepared and presented one to the assembly, which was accepted.

It confirmed to them, in conformity with that of 1696, the right of

originating bills, which, by the charters preceding that date, had been

the right of the governor alone, and of amending or rejecting those

which might be laid before them. To the governor it gave the right of

rejecting bills passed by the assembly, of appointing his own council,

and of exercising the whole executive power.

Immediately after his fourth frame was accepted, Penn returned to

England; but he had scarcely arrived there, when the disputes between

the province and the territories broke forth with greater bitterness

than ever; and in the following year, the separate legislature of

Delaware was permanently established at Newcastle. In addition to the

tidings of these prolonged disagreements, and of the final rupture

between the two settlements, Penn was harassed by complaints against

the administration of governor Evans; and having ascertained, by a

deliberate examination of them, that they were too well founded, he

appointed in his place Charles Gookin, a gentleman of ancient Irish

family, who seemed qualified to give satisfaction to the people over

whom he was sent to preside. Finding his people still in a discontented

state, Penn, now in his sixty-sixth year, for the last time addressed

the assembly, in a letter replete with calm solemnity and dignified

concern. This letter is said to have produced a deep and powerful

impression on the more considerate part of the assembly, who now began

to feel for the father of his country, and to regard with tenderness

his venerable age; to remember his long labors, and to appreciate their

own interest in his distinguished fame: but it is very doubtful if

this change of sentiment was ever known to its illustrious object, who

was attacked shortly afterwards by a succession of apoplectic fits,

which impeded, in a great degree, the exercise of his memory and

understanding, and ultimately terminated his life.

The legislatures and governors continuing to act on the noble

principles and example which their founder left for their imitation,

the colony acquired, by well-conducted purchases from the Indians,

a most extensive and unembarrassed territory, and proceeded rapidly

in its prosperous course. The only circumstance which appears to have

created any internal disunion worthy of notice, was a dispute between

the governors and the assembly, on the question of exempting the land

of the proprietaries from the general taxation; a claim which the

inhabitants deemed very inequitable. In January, 1757, the assembly of

Pennsylvania voted a bill for granting to his majesty the sum of one

hundred thousand pounds by tax on all the estates, real and personal,

and taxables, within the province. On submitting it to governor Denny

for his sanction, he refused it. ‘The proprietaries,’ he observed

in his message, ‘are willing their estates should be taxed in the

manner that appears to them to be reasonable, and agreeable to the

land-tax acts of parliament in our mother country.’ The governors of

Pennsylvania still refusing their assent to any tax bill that did not

exempt the estates of the proprietaries, the assembly of that province

deputed the celebrated Benjamin Franklin as an agent to London, to

petition the king for redress. The subject was discussed before the

privy council; and Mr. Franklin acceding to a proposal to enter into

engagements that the assessments should be fair and equitable, a bill

for levying a general tax, which had previously received the governor’s

assent, though after the agent’s departure from the province, was

stamped with the royal approbation. These disputes, by calling the

energetic mind of Benjamin Franklin into a new field of exertion,

enlarged the sphere of his observation, and fitted him for those

extraordinary services in which he acquired his greatest glory by

contributing to that of his country.

MARYLAND.

The founder of the state of Maryland was lord Baltimore. Before the

date of his charter, it was a portion of the territory of Virginia; but

by that instrument it was separated, and declared subject only to the

crown of England. Lord Baltimore was created the absolute proprietary

of it, and was empowered, with the assent of delegates, whom he was

to assemble for that purpose, to make laws for the province, and to

administer them. Having thus obtained a most favorable charter, he

proceeded to carry its provisions into execution.

He appointed his brother, Leonard Calvert, governor of the new

province, and concurred with him in the equipment of vessels, which

conveyed a numerous body of emigrants, chiefly Roman Catholics, and

many of them gentlemen of rank and fortune. After a circuitous voyage

the governor arrived, accompanied by his brother George, at Point

Comfort, in Virginia, in February, 1634. Early in March, he proceeded

up the bay of Chesapeake to the northward, and entered the Potomack,

up which he sailed twelve leagues, and came to an anchor under an

island, which he named St. Clement. Here he erected a cross, and

took possession ‘in the name of the Savior of the world, and of the

king of England.’ Thence he went fifteen leagues higher to the Indian

town of Potowmack, on the Virginia side of the river, now called New

Marlborough, where he was received in a friendly manner. Arriving at

the town of Piscatawa, on the Maryland side, he found Henry Fleet,

an Englishman, who had resided several years among the natives, and

was held by them in great esteem, who was very serviceable as an

interpreter.

An interview having been procured with the werowance, or prince,

Calvert asked him, whether he was willing that a settlement should be

made in his country; he replied, ‘I will not bid you go, neither will

I bid you stay; but you may use your own discretion.’ Having convinced

the natives that his designs were honorable and pacific, the governor

now sought a suitable station for commencing his colony. He visited

a creek on the northern side of the Potomack, on which he found an

Indian village. Here he acquainted the prince of the place with his

intentions, and by presents to him and his principal men, conciliated

his friendship so much as to obtain permission to reside in one part of

the town until next harvest, when it was agreed that the natives should

entirely quit the place. Both parties entered into a contract to live

together in a friendly manner. After Calvert had given a satisfactory

consideration, the Indians readily yielded a number of their houses,

and retired to the others. Thus, on the 27th of March, 1634, the

governor took peaceable possession of the country of Maryland, and

gave to the town the name of St. Mary, and to the creek on which it

was situate, the name of St. George. The desire of rendering justice to

the natives by giving them a reasonable compensation for their lands,

is a trait in the character of the first planters, which will always

do honor to their memory.

Circumstances favored the rapid population of the colony. The charter

granted more ample privileges than had ever been conceded to a subject;

the country was inviting; the natives were friendly; from the south

Churchmen drove Puritans, from the north Puritans drove Churchmen, into

her borders, where all were freely received, protected, and cherished.

The colony was soon able to export Indian corn and other products

to New England and Newfoundland, for which they received in return

dried fish and other provisions. The Indians also killed many deer

and turkeys, which they sold to the English for knives, beads, and

other small articles of traffic, while cattle, swine, and poultry,

were procured from Virginia.

It is a fact, which reflects the greatest credit on these early

colonists, that fifteen years after they first landed, the general

assembly of the people passed an act, entitled ‘An Act concerning

Religion,’ in which the great principles of religious toleration and

liberty are extensively recognised. This law was passed by an assembly

composed entirely of Roman Catholics, and is the more remarkable, as

being the first legislative act which is recorded to have been passed

by any government, administered by members of the Romish hierarchy, in

favor of the unlimited toleration of all Christian sects.

In 1676, Cecil, lord Baltimore, the father of the province, died.

For more than forty years he had directed its affairs as proprietor,

and displayed in all his conduct a benevolent heart and enlightened

understanding. Although he lived in an age of bigotry, he was liberal

in his opinions; and for all his exertions to contribute to the

happiness of his fellow-beings, he desired no reward but their

gratitude. This reward he received. The records of the Maryland

assembly contain frequent memorials of the respect and affection of

the people. He was succeeded, as proprietor, by his eldest son, Charles,

who had for several years been governor of the colony, and displayed

the same amiable qualities which had rendered his father respected and

beloved.

The closing years of the proprietary government were embittered by a

circumstance similar to that which the institution of the colony of

Maryland had inflicted on Virginia. The grant which had been made by

Charles II. to the celebrated Penn included the territory of Delaware,

which lord Baltimore had always considered within the limits of his

patent. On the arrival of William Penn in America, a meeting took place

between him and lord Baltimore, in the hope of effecting an amicable

adjustment of the boundaries of their respective territorial grants.

But the pretensions of the parties were so completely incompatible,

that it proved impossible at the time to adjust them in a manner

satisfactory to both. Penn ultimately complained to the English

government, and by his interest at court, procured it to be adjudged

that the debatable territory should be divided into two equal parts,

one of which was appropriated to himself, and the other to lord

Baltimore. This adjudication was carried into effect; and the territory

which now composes the state of Delaware was thus dismembered from the

provincial limits of Maryland.

In the year following the revolution of 1688, the repose of Maryland

was again disturbed. A rumor was artfully circulated that the Catholics

had leagued with the Indians to destroy all the Protestants in the

province. An armed association was immediately formed, for the defence

of the Protestant religion, and for asserting the rights of king

William and queen Mary. The magistrates attempted to oppose this

association by force; but, meeting with few supporters, they were

compelled to abdicate the government. King William directed those

who had assumed the supreme authority to exercise it in his name; and

for twenty-seven years the crown retained the entire control of the

province. In 1716, the proprietor was restored to his rights; and he

and his descendants continued to enjoy them until the commencement

of the revolution. The people then assumed the government, adopted a

constitution, and refused to admit the claims of the representatives

of lord Baltimore either to jurisdiction or to property.

NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA.

The final settlement of this country originated with the earl of

Clarendon and other courtiers of Charles II., who were presented

with a grant of all the lands lying between the thirty-first and

thirty-sixth degrees of north latitude, and received in their charter

ample powers of administration and judicature. Some previous efforts

had been unsuccessfully made to colonize this portion of the North

American continent, and grants had been given to different individuals,

which were now all pronounced void by the privy council. A few settlers

were scattered in different parts, and those on Albemarle sound were

on certain conditions allowed to retain their lands. A government was

organized over them, at the head of which Mr. Drummond was placed.

Having taken the command of the infant settlement at Albemarle, the

proprietaries directed a survey of the coast to the southward, and

projected the establishment of a new colony in Clarendon country,

which had been recently abandoned by the emigrants from New England.

In furtherance of this object, they conferred on John Yeamans, a

respectable planter of Barbadoes, the appointment of commander-in-chief

of Clarendon country. In the autumn, he conducted from Barbadoes a

body of emigrants, who landed on the southern bank of cape Fear. He

cultivated the good will of the natives, and insured a seven years’

peace. The planters, in opening the forest to make room for the

operations of tillage, ‘necessarily prepared timber for the uses of the

cooper and builder, which they transmitted to the island whence they

had emigrated, as the first subject of a feeble commerce, that kindled

the spark of industry which soon gave animation to the whole.’ Another

settlement was also projected to the southward of cape Remain, which

received the name of Carteret, and was placed under a separate governor.

In pursuance of the authority with which the proprietors were

invested by their charter, they began to frame a system of laws for

the government of their colony; in which they availed themselves of

the assistance of the illustrious John Locke. The form of government

proposed by this eminent man proved utterly impracticable and useless.

It received no favor from the people, and never attained the force of

fundamental laws.

Notwithstanding these constitutions and legal preparations, several

years elapsed before the proprietors of Carolina made any serious

efforts towards its settlement. In 1667, they fitted out a ship, gave

the command of it to captain William Sayle, and sent him out to bring

them some account of the coast. His report to his employers, as might

naturally be expected, was favorable. He praised their possessions,

and encouraged them to engage with vigor in the execution of their

project. His observations respecting the Bahama islands, which he had

visited, induced them to apply to the king for a grant of them, and

Charles bestowed on them by patent all those islands lying between the

twenty-second and twenty-seventh degrees of north latitude. Nothing

then remained but to make preparations for sending a colony to Carolina.

Two ships were procured, on board of which a number of adventurers

embarked, with provisions, arms, and utensils requisite for building

and cultivation.

Sayle was appointed the first governor, and received a commission,

bearing date July 26, 1669. The expenses of this first embarkation

amounted to twelve thousand pounds; a proof that the proprietors

entertained no small hopes with respect to their palatinate. The

number of men, however, must have been by no means adequate to the

undertaking, especially considering the multitude of savages that

ranged through that extensive wilderness. In what place governor Sayle

first landed is uncertain; but he was dissatisfied with his first

situation, and, moving to the southward, took possession of a neck of

land between Ashley and Cooper rivers, where he laid out a town, which,

in honor of the king then reigning, he called Charleston; but dying

soon after, Sir John Yeamans, who had for several years been governor

at Clarendon, was appointed to succeed him. This new settlement

attracted many inhabitants from that at Clarendon, and ultimately

entirely exhausted it. Being at a great distance from Albemarle, the

proprietors established a separate government over it, and hence arose

the distinctive appellations of North and South Carolina.

The affairs of the northern colony must now occupy a portion of our

attention. The fundamental constitutions, which have already been

described, were received by the colonists with disgust and disunion.

Their promulgation produced no other effect than to excite the most

inveterate jealousy of the designs of the proprietaries; till, in

process of time, a refractory spirit took possession of the minds of

the people, and was at length exasperated into sentiments as hostile

to subordination, as the policy of the proprietaries was repugnant to

liberty. From this period the history of the northern province, for

a series of years, is involved in such confusion and contradiction,

that it is impossible to render it interesting, and difficult to make

it even intelligible. It is a record of insurrection and revolt, not

easily understood, and not sufficiently interesting to demand more than

this slight allusion.

To return to the affairs of the southern colony, now under the

administration of Joseph West. The situation of Old Charleston being

found inconvenient, the inhabitants, in 1680, removed to Oyster Point,

where a new city was laid out, to which the name of the other was given.

In the same year commenced a war with the Westoes, a powerful tribe of

Indians, which threatened great injury to the colony; peace, however,

was soon restored. Governor West was superseded by Sir Richard Kirle,

an Irish gentleman, who died six months after his arrival in the

country. After his decease, colonel Robert Quarry was chosen his

successor. During the time of his government, a number of pirates put

into Charleston, and purchased provisions with their Spanish gold and

silver. Those public robbers, instead of being taken and tried by the

laws of England, were treated with great civility and friendship, in

violation of the laws of nations.

Whether the governor was ignorant of the treaty made with Spain, by

which England had withdrawn her former toleration from these plunderers

of the Spanish dominions, or whether he was afraid to bring them to

trial from the notorious courage of their companions in the West Indies,

we have not sufficient authority to affirm; but one thing is certain,

that Charles II., for several years after the restoration, winked at

their depredations, and many of them performed such valiant actions, as,

in a good cause, would have justly merited honors and rewards; he even

knighted Henry Morgan, a Welshman, who had plundered Porto Bello and

Panama, and carried off large treasures from them. For several years

so formidable was this body of plunderers in the West Indies, that they

struck a terror into every quarter of the Spanish dominions. Their gold

and silver, which they lavishly spent in the colony, insured to them

a kind reception among the Carolinians, who opened their ports to them

freely, and furnished them with necessaries. They could purchase the

favor of the governor, and the friendship of the people, for what they

deemed a trifling consideration. Leaving their gold and silver behind

them for clothes, arms, ammunition, and provisions, they embarked in

quest of more. However, the proprietors, having intelligence of the

encouragement given to pirates by governor Quarry, dismissed him from

the office he held; and, in 1685, landgrave Joseph Morton was appointed

to the government of the colony.

It is not now of importance to recur to the difficulties between the

proprietary government and the people: they led to extreme irritation,

and in the year 1690, at a meeting of the representatives, a bill was

brought in and passed, for disabling James Colleton, then governor of

the province, from holding any office, or exercising any authority,

civil or military, in the colony, and he was informed that in a limited

time he must depart from the colony.

During these public commotions, Seth Sothel, one of the proprietors,

who had been driven from North Carolina, appeared suddenly at

Charleston, and, aided by a powerful faction, assumed the reins of

government. At first the people gladly acknowledged his authority,

while the current of their enmity ran against Colleton; especially

as he stood forth as an active and leading man in opposition to that

governor, and ratified the law for his exclusion and banishment; but

they afterwards found him void of every principle of honor, and even

of honesty. Such was the insatiable avarice of this man, that every

restraint of common justice and equity was trampled upon by him;

and oppression, such as usually attends the exaltation of vulgar and

ambitious scramblers for power, extended her rod of iron over the

distracted colony. The fair traders from Barbadoes and Bermuda were

seized as pirates by order of this popular governor, and confined

until such fees as he was pleased to exact were paid him; bribes from

felons and traitors were accepted to favor their escape from the hands

of justice; and plantations were forcibly taken possession of, upon

pretences the most frivolous and unjust. At length, the people, weary

of his grievous impositions and extortions, agreed to take him by force,

and ship him off for England. He then evinced the meanness of spirit

generally associated with a disposition to tyranny, and humbly begged

liberty to remain in the country, promising to submit his conduct to

the trial of the assembly at their first meeting. When the assembly met,

thirteen different charges were brought against him, and all supported

by the strongest evidence; upon which, being found guilty, they

compelled him to abjure the government and country forever.

The next important incident that attracts our attention is the

unsuccessful expedition against St. Augustine, planned by governor

Moore, in the year 1702, at the time of a rupture in Europe between

England and Spain. It failed utterly, and entailed a debt on the colony

of six thousand pounds sterling; which led to many severe reflections

against the governor, and brought him sadly into disrepute. To redeem

his character, the governor resolved upon an expedition against the

Apalachian Indians; in consequence of the insults and injuries which

they had been instigated by the Spaniards to commit. To make his

conquest permanent, he transplanted fourteen hundred of these Indians

to the territory now included in Georgia; a measure which seems to have

led to the settlement of the English in that part of the country.

The northern colony continued to receive accessions to its strength

from several of the European states. In 1707, a company of French

Protestants arrived and seated themselves on the river Trent, a branch

of the Neuse; and three years afterwards a large number of palatines,

fleeing from religious persecution in Germany, sought refuge in the

same part of the province. To each of these bodies of emigrants the

proprietors granted a hundred acres of land. On their newly acquired

possessions they were living in peace, in the enjoyment of liberty of

conscience, and in the prospect of competence and ease, when suddenly

a terrible calamity fell upon them. The Tuscarora and Coree Indians,

smarting under recent aggressions, and dreading total extinction from

the encroachment of these strangers, with characteristic secrecy,

plotted their entire destruction. Sending their families to one of

their fortified towns, twelve hundred bowmen sallied forth, and in

the same night attacked, in separate parties, the nearest settlements

of the palatines. Men, women, and children were indiscriminately

butchered. The savages, with the swiftness and ferocity of wolves,

ran from village to village. Before them was the repose of innocence;

behind, the sleep of death. A few escaping alarmed the settlements

more remote, and hastened to South Carolina for assistance. Governor

Craven immediately despatched to the aid of the sister colony nearly

a thousand men, under the command of colonel Barnwell. Hideous was

the wilderness through which colonel Barnwell had to march, and the

utmost expedition was requisite. There was no road through the woods

upon which either horses or carriages could pass; and his army had all

manner of hardships and dangers to encounter, from the climate, the

wilderness, and the enemy.

In spite of every difficulty, however, Barnwell advanced against them,

and being much better supplied with arms and ammunition than his enemy,

he did great execution among them, killing in the first battle three

hundred Indians, and taking about one hundred prisoners. The Tuscaroras

then retreated to their town, fortified within a wooden breastwork;

but there Barnwell surrounded them, and forced them to sue for peace;

and some of his men being wounded, and others having suffered greatly

by constant watching, and much hunger and fatigue, the savages the

more easily obtained their request. After having killed, wounded,

or captured nearly a thousand Tuscaroras, Barnwell returned to South

Carolina. The peace was, however, of short duration, and upon the

recommencement of hostilities, assistance was again solicited from

the southern colony. Colonel James Moore, an active young officer, was

immediately despatched, with forty white men and eight hundred friendly

Indians. He found the enemy in a fort near Cotechny river; and after a

siege, which continued more than a week, the fort was taken, and eight

hundred Indians made prisoners. The Tuscaroras, disheartened by this

defeat, migrated, in 1713, to the north, and joined the celebrated

confederacy, denominated the Five Nations. The others sued for peace,

and afterwards continued friendly.

The northern colony had scarcely recovered from the scourge of

Indian war, when the southern was exposed to the same calamity. All

the tribes from Florida to cape Fear, had been for some time engaged

in a conspiracy to extirpate the whites. On the day before the

Yamassees began their bloody operations, captain Nairn and some of the

traders observing an uncommon gloom on their savage countenances, and

apparently great agitations of spirit, which to them prognosticated

approaching mischief, went to their chief men, begging to know the

cause of their uneasiness, and promising, if any injury had been

done them, to give them satisfaction. The chiefs replied, they had

no complaints to make against any one, but intended to go a-hunting

early the next morning. Captain Nairn accordingly went to sleep, and

the traders retired to their huts, and passed the night in seeming

friendship and tranquillity. But next morning at daybreak, the 15th

day of April, all were alarmed with the cries of war. The leaders were

all out under arms, calling up their followers, and proclaiming aloud

designs of vengeance. The young men, burning with fury and passion,

flew to their arms, and, in a few hours, massacred above ninety

persons in Pocotaligo town and the neighboring plantations; and many

more must have fallen a sacrifice on Port Royal island, had they not

providentially been warned of their danger. Mr. Burrows, a captain

of the militia, after receiving two wounds, by swimming one mile and

running ten escaped to Port Royal, and alarmed the town. A vessel

happening fortunately to be in the harbor, the inhabitants in great

hurry repaired on board, and sailed for Charleston; a few families

of planters on that island, not having timely notice, fell into the

barbarous hands of the Indians, and of them some were murdered, and

others made prisoners of war.

While the Yamassees, with whom the Creeks and Apalachians had joined,

were advancing against the southern frontiers, and spreading desolation

and slaughter through the province, the colonists on the northern

borders also found the Indians among their settlements in formidable

parties. The Carolinians had foolishly entertained hopes of the

friendship of the Congarees, the Catawbas, and Cherokees; but they soon

found that they had also joined in the conspiracy, and declared for

war. It was computed that the southern division of the enemy consisted

of above six thousand bowmen, and the northern of between six hundred

and a thousand. In the muster-roll at Charleston there were no more

than one thousand two hundred men fit to bear arms, but as the town had

several forts into which the inhabitants might retreat, governor Craven

resolved to march with this small force into the woods against the

enemy. He proclaimed martial law, and laid an embargo on all ships, to

prevent either men or provisions from leaving the country. He obtained

an act of assembly, empowering him to impress men, and seize arms,

ammunition, and stores, wherever they were to be found, to arm such

trusty negroes as might be serviceable at a juncture so critical, and

to prosecute the war with the utmost vigor.

Being no stranger to the ferocious temper of his enemies, and their

horrid cruelty to prisoners, the governor advanced against them by

slow and cautious steps, always keeping the strictest guard round

his army. He knew well under what advantages they fought among their

native thickets, and the various wiles and stratagems they made use

of in conducting their wars; and therefore he was watchful above

all things against surprises, which might throw his followers into

disorder, and defeat the end of his enterprise. The fate of the whole

province depended on the success of his arms, and his men had no other

alternative but to conquer or die a painful death. As he advanced,

the straggling parties fled before him, until he reached Saltcatchers,

where they had pitched their great camp. Here a sharp and bloody battle

ensued from behind trees and bushes, the Indians whooping, hallooing,

and giving way one while, and then again and again returning with

double fury to the charge. But the governor, notwithstanding their

superior number, and their terrible shrieks, kept the provincials close

at their heels, and drove them before him like a flock of wolves. He

expelled them from their settlement at Indian river, pursued them over

the Savannah, and entirely freed the province of this formidable tribe

of savages. What number of the army was killed does not appear; but in

the whole war nearly four hundred unfortunate inhabitants of Carolina

fell a prey to Indian cruelty, property of great value was destroyed,

and a large debt contracted.

Of this debt the proprietors refused to pay any portion, and by

their harsh and arbitrary conduct in regard to this matter and its

consequences, a bitter hostility grew up between them and the people.

It was resolved to throw off their yoke. A favorable opportunity

presented itself at a general review of the militia at Charleston, in

1719; the officers and soldiers binding themselves by a solemn compact

to resist the tyranny of the proprietors. The assembly was dissolved

by the governor, but it immediately met in convention, and assumed

the direction of public affairs. In spite of all opposition they

established themselves in the full possession of the government, both

in its legislative and executive relations.

The agent for Carolina at length procured a hearing from the lords

of the regency and council in England, the king being at that time

in Hanover; who gave it as their opinion, that the proprietors had

forfeited their charter, and ordered the attorney-general to take

out a _scire facias_ against it. In consequence of this decision, in

September, 1720, they appointed general Francis Nicholson provisional

governor of the province, with a commission from the king. Several

years afterwards, seven of the proprietors sold to the king their claim

to the soil and rents, and all of them assigned to him their right

of jurisdiction. The government of both Carolinas was subsequently

administered in each colony by a governor and council appointed by

the crown, and by assemblies chosen by the people. They soon attracted

general attention, and their population was increased by accessions

from several of the states of Europe.

In 1738, an alarming insurrection of the negroes occurred in the

southern colony. A number of them assembled at Stono, and surprised and

killed two men who had charge of a warehouse, from which they took guns

and ammunition. They then chose a captain, and, with drums beating and

colors flying, marched south-westward. They burned every house on their

way, killed all the whites they could find, and compelled other negroes

to join them. Governor Bull, who was returning to Charleston from the

southward, accidentally met them, hastened out of their way, and spread

an alarm. The news soon reached Wiltown, where, fortunately, a large

congregation were attending divine service. The men having, according

to a law of the province, brought their arms to the place of worship,

marched instantly in quest of the negroes, who, by this time, had

become formidable, and spread terror and desolation around them, having

killed about twenty of the whites. While, in an open field, they were

carousing and dancing, with frantic exultation at their late success,

they were suddenly attacked; some were killed, and the remainder took

to flight, but most of them were taken and tried. Those who had been

compelled to join the conspirators were pardoned; but the leaders and

principal instigators suffered death. Under apprehensions resulting,

probably, from this rebellion, the legislature of South Carolina passed

an act, that whoever shall teach, or cause any slave or slaves to be

taught to write, or shall use or employ any slave as a scribe in any

manner of writing whatsoever, shall, for every such offence, forfeit

the sum of one hundred pounds.

The Carolinas were frequently exposed to the injurious effects of

war from the French and Spaniards, as well as from some of the Indian

tribes; but after the treaty of Paris, the progress of these colonies

was no longer retarded from that cause. The assembly of South Carolina,

taking advantage of the peaceful state of the colony to encourage

emigration, appropriated a large fund for bounties to foreign

Protestants, and such industrious poor people of Great Britain and

Ireland as should resort to the province within three years, and

settle on the inland parts. Two townships, each containing forty-eight

thousand acres, were laid out; one on the river Savannah, called

Mecklenburgh, and the other on the waters of Santee, at Long Cane,

called Londonderry. Not long after, the colony received a considerable

accession from Germany.

Beside foreign Protestants, several persons emigrated from England and

Scotland, and great multitudes from Ireland, and settled in Carolina.

An accession was also derived from the northern colonies, from which,

in the space of one year, above a thousand families removed thither. To

these adventurers lands in small tracts were allotted on the frontiers,

by which means the back settlements soon became the most populous part

of the province, while the whole felt the important benefits resulting

from such accessions to its population.

GEORGIA.

The last of the colonies established previous to the war of

independence was Georgia. A company of wealthy and influential

individuals obtained a patent from George III., conferring the

necessary powers, and lost no time in the prosecution of their design.

In November, 1733, James Oglethorpe embarked at Gravesend for Georgia,

with one hundred and sixteen persons, destined for settlement in that

country. In the following January he arrived at Charleston, where he

was kindly received, and whence he started to explore the territory

granted by the patent. He selected the present site of Savannah as the

most desirable point for the new settlement. Having completed a fort

at this place, and put the colony in a state of defence, he next sought

to cultivate friendly relations with the Indians, and to treat with

them for a share of their possessions. Having made such arrangements as

seemed to insure safety, Oglethorpe returned to England, carrying with

him several Indians, among whom was Tomochichi, a chief of the Creeks,

and his queen. Here they remained on a visit of about four months.

In the year 1740, the trustees rendered an account of their

administration. At that time nearly two thousand five hundred emigrants

had arrived in the colony; of whom more than fifteen hundred were

indigent Englishmen, or persecuted Protestants. The benefactions

from government and from individuals had been nearly half a million

of dollars; and it was computed that, for every person transported

and maintained by the trustees, more than three hundred dollars had

been expended. The hopes which the trustees had cherished, that the

colony would be prosperous and the objects of their benevolence happy,

were far from realized. Such was the character of the greater part

of the settlers and the nature of the restrictions imposed, that the

plantations languished, and continued to require the contributions

of the charitable. In the mean time events were preparing a rupture

in Europe, and a war between England and Spain appeared inevitable.

The plenipotentiaries, appointed for settling the boundaries between

Georgia and Florida, and other differences and misunderstandings

subsisting between the two crowns, had met at Pardo in convention,

where preliminary articles were drawn up; but the conference ended to

the satisfaction of neither party. The merchants had lost all patience

under their sufferings, and became clamorous for letters of reprisal,

which at length they obtained; all officers of the navy and army were

ordered to their stations, and, with the unanimous voice of the nation,

war was declared against Spain on the 23d of October, 1739.

As soon as intelligence of the declaration of war reached Georgia,

general Oglethorpe passed over to Florida with four hundred select

men of his regiment, and a considerable party of Indians; and a few

days after, he marched with his whole force, consisting of above

two thousand men, regulars, provincials, and Indians, to fort Moosa,

within two miles of St. Augustine. The Spanish garrison evacuating the

fort on his approach, and retiring into the town, put themselves in a

posture of defence; and the general soon discovering that an attempt

to take the castle by storm would be presumptuous, changed his plan

of operations, and resolved, with the assistance of the ships of war

which were lying at anchor off Augustine bar, to turn the siege into

a blockade. Having made the necessary dispositions, he summoned the

Spanish governor to surrender; but, secure in his strong-hold, he sent

him for an answer that he would be glad to shake hands with him in his

castle.

Indignant at this reply, the general opened his batteries against the

castle, and at the same time threw a number of shells in the town. The

fire was returned with equal spirit from the Spanish fort, and from

six half-galleys in the harbor; but the distance was so great that the

cannonade, though it continued several days, did little execution on

either side. It appears that, notwithstanding the blockade, the Spanish

garrison contrived to admit a reinforcement of seven hundred men, and

a large supply of provisions. All prospect of starving the enemy being

lost, the army began to despair of forcing the place to surrender. The

Carolina troops, enfeebled by the heat of the climate, dispirited by

sickness, and fatigued by fruitless efforts, marched away in large

bodies. The naval commander, in consideration of the shortness of his

provisions, and of the near approach of the usual season of hurricanes,

judged it imprudent to hazard his fleet longer on that coast. The

general himself was sick of a fever, and his regiment was worn out with

fatigue, and disabled by sickness. These combined disasters rendered

it necessary to abandon the enterprise; and Oglethorpe, with extreme

sorrow and regret, returned to Frederica.

After a lapse of two years the Spaniards prepared to retaliate by

the invasion of Georgia, intending, if successful, to subjugate the

Carolinas and Virginia. On receiving information of their approach,

general Oglethorpe solicited assistance from South Carolina: but the

inhabitants of that colony, entertaining a strong prejudice against him,

and terrified by the danger which threatened themselves, determined

to provide only for their own safety, though without avowing their

intention. General Oglethorpe, however, made preparations for a

vigorous defence. He assembled seven hundred men, exclusive of a body

of Indians, fixed his head-quarters at Frederica, on the island of

St. Simon, and, with this small band, determined to encounter whatever

force might be brought against him. It was his utmost hope that he

might be able to resist the enemy until a reinforcement should arrive

from Carolina, which he daily and anxiously expected. On the last day

of June, the Spanish fleet, consisting of thirty-two sail, and having

on board more than three thousand men, came to anchor off St. Simon’s

bay. Notwithstanding all the resistance which general Oglethorpe could

oppose, they sailed up the river Altamaha, landed upon the island,

and there erected fortifications. Convinced that his small force,

if divided, must be entirely inefficient, Oglethorpe assembled the

whole of it at Frederica. One portion he employed in strengthening

his fortifications; the Highlanders and Indians, ranging night and day

through the woods, often attacked the outposts of the enemy. The toil

of the troops was incessant; and the long delay of the expected succors,

still unexpectedly withheld by South Carolina, caused the most gloomy

and depressing apprehensions.

Oglethorpe, at length, learning by an English prisoner who escaped

from the Spanish camp, that a difference subsisted between the troops

from Cuba and those from St. Augustine, so as to occasion a separate

encampment, resolved to attack the enemy while thus divided. Taking

advantage of his knowledge of the woods, he marched out in the night

with three hundred chosen men, the Highland company and some rangers,

with the intention of surprising the enemy. Having advanced within

two miles of the Spanish camp, he halted his troops, and went forward

himself with a select corps to reconnoitre the enemy’s situation. While

he was endeavoring cautiously to conceal his approach, a French soldier

of his party discharged his musket, and ran into the Spanish lines.

Thus betrayed, he hastened his return to Frederica, and endeavored

to effect by stratagem what could not be achieved by surprise.

Apprehensive that the deserter would discover to the enemy his weakness,

he wrote him a letter, desiring him to acquaint the Spaniards with

the defenceless state of Frederica, and the ease with which his small

garrison might be cut to pieces. He pressed him to bring forward the

Spaniards to an attack; but, if he could not prevail thus far, to

use all his art and influence to persuade them to stay at least three

days more at fort Simon; for within that time, according to advices

he had just received from Carolina, he should have a reinforcement

of two thousand land forces, with six British ships of war. The letter

concluded with a caution to the deserter against dropping the least

hint of admiral Vernon’s meditated attack upon St. Augustine, and with

an assurance that for his service he should be amply rewarded by the

British king.

Oglethorpe gave it to a Spanish prisoner, who, for a small

reward together with his liberty, promised to deliver it to the

French deserter. On his arrival at the Spanish camp, however, he

gave the letter, as Oglethorpe expected, to the commander-in-chief,

who instantly put the deserter in irons. This letter perplexed and

confounded the Spaniards; some suspecting it to be a stratagem to

prevent an attack on Frederica, and others believing it to contain

serious instructions to direct the conduct of a spy. While the Spanish

officers wore deliberating what measures to adopt, an incident, not

within the calculation of military skill, or the control of human power,

decided their counsels. Three ships of force, which the governor of

South Carolina had sent out to Oglethorpe’s aid, appeared at this

juncture off the coast. The agreement of this discovery with the

contents of the letter convinced the Spanish commander of its real

intention. The whole army, seized with an instant panic, set fire to

the fort, and precipitately embarked, leaving several cannon, with a

quantity of provisions and military stores; and thus, in the moment of

threatened conquest, was the infant colony providentially saved.

Thus was Georgia, with trifling loss, delivered from the most imminent

danger. General Oglethorpe not only retrieved, but established his

reputation. From the Carolinians, grateful for their preservation,

and from the governors of most of the northern colonies, he received

cordial congratulations upon his address and good fortune. But on an

impeachment brought forward before this invasion, Oglethorpe still

felt himself bound in honor to return to England, where, on trial,

the charge was adjudged to be false, malicious and groundless, and

its author dismissed his majesty’s service. The character of this

able general now appeared in its true light; and his contemporaries

acknowledged what impartial history records, that to him Carolina

was indebted for her safety and repose, as well as Georgia for her

existence and protection. After this period general Oglethorpe never

returned to the province of Georgia, but upon all occasions discovered

in England an uncommon zeal for its prosperity and improvement.

In the year 1749, the colony was exposed to great danger from a

quarter as unexpected as it was singular. During the whole of his

administration, general Oglethorpe had, from motives of policy, treated

an Indian, or rather half-breed woman, called Mary Musgrove, afterwards

Mary Bosomworth, with particular kindness and generosity. Finding

that she had great influence amongst the Creeks, and understood their

language, he made use of her as an interpreter, in order the more

easily to form treaties of alliance with them; allowing her for her

services one hundred pounds sterling a year. Thomas Bosomworth, who

was chaplain to Oglethorpe’s regiment, had married this woman, accepted

a tract of land from the crown, and settled in the province. Being

unsuccessful in most of his speculations, he had recourse to one of

an extraordinary kind. He persuaded his wife to assert herself to be

the elder sister of Malatche, the Indian chief, and to have descended,

by a maternal line, from an Indian king, who held from nature the whole

territory of the Creeks; and therefore to possess a right to them,

superior not only to that of the trustees, but also to that of the

king. Accordingly, Mary assumed the title of an independent empress,

disavowing all subjection or allegiance to the king of Great Britain,

otherwise than by way of treaty or alliance, such as one independent

sovereign might voluntarily enter into with another; a meeting of all

the Creeks was summoned, to whom Mary made a long speech, in which she

set forth the justice of her claim, and the great injury she and her

beloved subjects had sustained by the loss of their territories, and

urged them to a defence of their rights by force of arms. The Indians

were fired with rage at the idea of such indignity, and to a man

pledged themselves to stand by her to the last drop of their blood in

defence of her royal person and their lands; in consequence of which,

queen Mary, escorted by a large body of her savage subjects, set

out for Savannah, to demand from the president and council a formal

acknowledgment of her rights in the province.