CHAPTER II

THE BORDERLAND OF SLAV AND LATIN

It was the same along the entire line of the Armistice from the Brenner

down to Istria. Whenever the officials with whom we talked heard that we

were going to Fiume, they shook their heads pessimistically. "It's a

good place to stay away from just now," said one. "They won't let you

enter the city," another warned us. Or, "You mustn't think of taking the

_signora_ with you." But the representative of an American oil company

whom I met in the American consulate in Trieste regarded the excursion

from a different view-point altogether.

"Be sure to stop at the Europa," he urged me. "It's right on the

water-front, and there isn't a better place in the city to see what's

happening. I was there last week when the mob attacked the French

Annamite troops. Believe me, friend, that was one hellish business ...

they literally cut those poor little Chinks into pieces. I saw the whole

thing from my window. I'm going back to Fiume to-morrow, and if you like

I'll tell the manager of the Europa to save you a front room."

His tone was that of a New Yorker telling a friend from up-State that he

would reserve him a room in a Fifth Avenue hotel from which to view a

parade.

As things turned out, however, we did not have occasion to avail

ourselves of this offer, for we found that rooms had been reserved for

us at a hotel in Abbazia, just across the bay from Fiume. This

arrangement was due to the Italian military governor, General Grazioli,

who was perfectly aware that the inhabitants of Fiume were not hanging

out any "Welcome-to-Our-City" signs for foreigners, particularly for

foreigners who were country people of President Wilson, and that the

fewer Americans there were in the town the less danger there was of

anti-American demonstrations. In view of what had happened to the

Annamites I had no overpowering desire to be the center of a similar

demonstration. Pursuant to this arrangement we slept in a great barn of

a hotel whose echoing corridors had, in happier days, been a favorite

resort of the wealth and fashion of Hungary, but whose once costly

furniture had been sadly dilapidated by the spurred boots of the

Austrian staff officers who had used it as a headquarters; in the

mornings we had our sugarless coffee and butterless war-bread on a lofty

balcony commanding a superb panorama of the Istrian coast from Icici to

Volosca and of the island-studded Bay of Quarnero, and commuted to and

from Fiume in the big gray Lancia in which we had traveled along the

line of the Armistice for upward of 2,000 miles.

We had our first view of the Unredeemed City (though it was really not

my first view, as I had been there before the war) from a curve in the

road where it suddenly emerges from the woods of evergreen laurel above

Volosca to drop in steep white zigzags to the sea. It is superbly

situated, this ancient city over whose possession Slav and Latin are

growling at each other like dogs over a disputed bone. With its snowy

buildings spread on the slopes of a shallow amphitheater between the

sapphire waters of the Adriatic and the barren flanks of the Istrian

Karst, it suggested a lovely siren, all glistening and white, who had

emerged from the sea to lie upon the bare brown breast of a mountain

giant.

The car, with its exhaust wide open, for your Italian driver delights in

noise, roared down the grade at express-train speed, took the hairpin

curve at the bottom on two wheels, to be brought to an abrupt halt with

an agonized squealing of brakes, our further progress being barred by a

six-inch tree-trunk which had been lowered across the road like a

barrier at an old-time country toll-gate. At one side of the road was a

picket of Italian carabinieri in field-gray uniforms, their huge cocked

hats rendered a shade less anachronistic by covers of gray linen, with

carbines slung over their shoulders, hunter fashion. On the opposite

side of the highway was a patrol of British sailors in white drill

landing-kit, their rosy, smiling faces in striking contrast to the

saturnine countenances of the Italians. (I might explain,

parenthetically, that Fiume, being in theory under the jurisdiction of

the Peace Conference, was at this time occupied by about a thousand

French troops, the same number of British, a few score American

blue-jackets, and nearly 10,000 Italians.) The sergeant in command of

the carabinieri stepped up to the car, saluted, and curtly asked for our

papers. I produced them. Among them was a pass authorizing us to go when

and where we pleased in the territory occupied by the Italian forces. It

had been given to me by the Minister of War himself, but it made about

as much impression on the sergeant as though it had been signed by

Charlie Chaplin.

"This is good only for Italy," he said. "It will not take you across the

line of the Armistice."

[Illustration: AT THE GATES OF FIUME

Major Powell (second from left), Mrs. Powell, Captain Tron of the

Italian _Comando Supremo_, and the car in which they travelled 1,000

miles]

Thereupon I played my last trump. I produced an imposing document which

had been given me by the Italian peace delegation in Paris. It had

originally been issued by the Orlando-Sonnino cabinet, but upon the fall

of that government I had had it countersigned, before leaving Rome, by

the Nitti cabinet. It was addressed to all the military, naval, and

civil authorities of Italy, and was so flatteringly worded that it would

have satisfied St. Peter himself. But the sergeant was not in the

least impressed. He read it through deliberately, scrutinized the

official seals, examined the watermark, and then disappeared into a

sentry-box on the roadside. I could hear him talking, evidently over a

telephone. Presently he emerged and signaled to his men to raise the

barrier. "Passo," he said grudgingly, in a tone which intimated that he

was letting us enter the jealously guarded portals of Fiume against his

better judgment, the bar swung upward, the big car leaped forward like a

race-horse that feels the spur, and in another moment we were rolling

through the tree-arched, stone-paved streets of the most-talked-of city

in the world. As we sped down the Corsia Deák we passed a large hotel

which, as was quite evident, had recently been renamed, for the words

"Albergo d'Annunzio" were fresh and staring. But underneath was the

former name, which had been so imperfectly obliterated that it could

still easily be deciphered. It was "Hotel Wilson."

To correctly visualize Fiume you must imagine a town no larger than

Atlantic City crowded upon a narrow shelf between a towering mountain

wall and the sea; a town with broad and moderately clean streets,

shaded, save in the center of the city, by double rows of stately trees

and paved with large square flagstones which make abominably rough

riding; a town with several fine thoroughfares bordered by

well-constructed four-story buildings of brick and stone; with numerous

surprisingly well-stocked shops; with miles and miles of concrete moles

and wharfs, equipped with harbor machinery of the most modern

description, and adjacent to them rows of warehouses as commodious as

the Bush Terminals in Brooklyn, and rising here and there above the

trees and the housetops, like fingers pointing to heaven, the graceful

campaniles of fine old churches, one of which, the cathedral, was

already old when the Great Navigator turned the prows of his caravels

westward from Cadiz in quest of this land we live in.

Fiume lacks none of the conditions which make a great seaport: there is

deep water and a convenient approach, which is protected against the

ocean and against a hostile fleet by the islands of Veglia and Cherso

and against the north winds by the rocky plateau of the Karst. Yet,

despite its natural advantages and the millions which were spent in its

development by the Hungarian Government, Fiume never developed into a

port of the size and importance which the foreign commerce of Hungary

would have seemed to require, this being largely due to its unfortunate

geographical condition, for the dreary and inhospitable Karst completely

shuts the city off from the interior, the numerous tunnels and steep

gradients making rail transport by this route difficult and consequently

expensive.

The public life of the city centers in the Piazza Adamich, a broad

square on which front numerous hotels, restaurants, and coffee-houses,

before which lounge, from midmorning until midnight, a considerable

proportion of the Italian population, sipping _café nero_, or tall

drinks concocted from sweet, bright-colored syrups, scanning the papers

and discussing, with much noise and gesticulation, the political

situation and the doings of the peace commissioners in Paris. Save only

Barcelona, Fiume has the most excitable and irritable population of any

city that I know. When we were there street disturbances were as

frequent as dog-fights used to be in Constantinople before the Turks

recognized that the best gloves are made from dogskins. As I have said,

a few days before our arrival a mob had attacked and killed in most

barbarous fashion a number of Annamite soldiers who were guarding a

French warehouse on the quay. Several prominent Fumani with whom I

talked attempted to justify the massacre on the ground that a French

sailor had torn a ribbon bearing the motto "_Italia o Morte_!" from the

breast of a woman of the town. They did not seem to regret the affair or

to realize that it is just such occurrences which lead the Peace

Conference to question the wisdom of subjecting the city's Slav minority

to that sort of rule. As a result of the tense atmosphere which

prevailed in the city, the nerves of the population were so on edge that

when my car back-fired with a series of violent explosions, the loungers

in front of a near-by café jumped as though a bomb had been thrown among

them. The patron saint of Fiume is, appropriately enough, St. Vitus.

In discussing the question of Fiume the mistake is almost invariably

made of considering it as a single city, whereas it really consists of

two distinct communities, Fiume and Sussak, bitterly antagonistic and

differing in race, religion, language, politics, customs, and thought.

A small river, the Rieka, no wider than the Erie Canal, divides the city

into two parts, one Latin the other Slav, very much as the Rio Grande

separates the American city of El Paso from the Mexican town of Ciudad

Juarez. On the left or west bank of the river is Fiume, with

approximately 40,000 inhabitants, of whom very nearly three-fourths are

Italian. Here are the wharfs, the harbor works, the rail-head, the

municipal buildings, the hotels, and the business districts. But cross

the Rieka by the single wooden bridge which connects Fiume with Sussak

and you find yourself in a wholly different atmosphere. In a hundred

paces you pass from a city which is three-quarters Italian to a town

which is overwhelmingly Slav. There are about 4,500 people in Sussak, of

whom only one-eighth are Italian. But let it be perfectly clear that

Sussak is not Fiume. In proclaiming its annexation to Italy on the

ground of self-determination, the National Council of Fiume did not

include Sussak, which is a Croatian village in historically Croatian

territory. It will be seen, therefore, that Sussak, which is not a part

of Fiume but an entirely separate municipality, does not enter into the

question at all. As for the territory immediately adjacent to Fiume on

the north and east, it is as Slav as though it were in the heart of

Serbia. To put it briefly, Fiume is an Italian island entirely

surrounded by Slavs.

The violent self-assertiveness of the Fumani may be attributed to the

large measure of autonomy which they have always enjoyed, Fiume's status

as a free city having been definitely established by Ferdinand I in

1530, recognized by Maria Theresa in 1776 when she proclaimed it "a

separate body annexed to the crown of Hungary," and by the Hungarian

Government finally confirmed in 1868. Louis Kossuth admitted its

extraterritorial character when he said that, even though the Magyar

tongue should be enforced elsewhere as the medium of official

communication, he considered that an exception "should be made in favor

of a maritime city whose vocation was to welcome all nations led thither

by commerce."

Though the Italian element of the population vociferously asserts its

adherence to the slogan "_Italia o Morte_!" I am convinced that many of

the more substantial and far-seeing citizens, if they dared freely to

express their opinions, would be found to favor the restoration of the

city's ancient autonomy under the ægis of the League of Nations. The

Italians of Flume are at bottom, beneath their excitable and mercurial

temperaments, a shrewd business people who have the commercial future of

their city at heart. And they are intelligent enough to realize that,

unless there be established some stable form of government which will

propitiate the Slav minority as well as the Italian majority, the Slav

nations of the hinterland will almost certainly divert their trade, on

which Fiume's commercial importance entirely depends, to some

non-Italian port, in which event the city would inevitably retrograde to

the obscure fishing village which it was less than half a century ago.

In order that you may have before you a clear and comprehensive picture

of this most perplexing and dangerous situation, which is so fraught

with peril for the future peace of the world, suppose that I sketch for

you, in the fewest word-strokes possible, the arguments of the rival

claimants for fair Fiume's hand. Italy's claims may be classified under

three heads: sentimental, commercial, and political. Her sentimental

claims are based on the ground that the city's population, character,

and history are overwhelmingly Italian. I have already stated that the

Italians constitute about three-fourths of the total population of

Fiume, the latest figures, as quoted in the United States Senate, giving

29,569 inhabitants to the Italians and 14,798 to the Slavs. There is no

denying that the city has a distinctively Italian atmosphere, for its

architecture is Italian, that Venetian trademark, the Lion of St. Mark,

being in evidence on several of the older buildings; the mode of outdoor

life is such as one meets in Italy; most of its stores and banks are

owned by Italians, and Italian is the prevailing tongue. The claim that

the city's history is Italian is, however, hardly borne out by history

itself, for in the sixteen centuries which have elapsed since the fall

of the Roman Empire, Fiume has been under Italian rule--that of the

republic of Venice--for just four days.

The commercial reason underlying Italy's insistence on obtaining control

of Fiume is due to the fact that Italians are convinced that should

Fiume pass into either neutral or Jugoslav hands, it would mean the

commercial ruin of Trieste, where enormous sums of Italian money have

been invested. They assert, and with sound reasoning, that the Slavs of

the hinterland, and probably the Germans and Magyars as well, would ship

through Fiume, were it under Slav or international control, instead of

through Trieste, which is Italian. One does not need to be an economist

to realize that if Fiume could secure the trade of Jugoslavia and the

other states carved from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the commercial

supremacy of Trieste, which depends upon this same hinterland, would

quickly disappear. On the other hand, those Italians whose vision has

not been distorted by their passions clearly foresee that, should the

final disposition of Fiume prove unacceptable to the Jugoslavs, they

will almost certainly divert the trade of the interior to some Slav

port, leaving Fiume to drowse in idleness beside her moss-grown wharfs

and crumbling warehouses, dreaming dreams of her one-time prosperity.

Italy's third reason for insisting on the cession of Fiume is political,

and, because it is based on a deep-seated and haunting fear, it is,

perhaps, the most compelling reason of all. Italy does not trust the

Jugoslavs. She cannot forget that the Austrian and Hungarian fractions

of the new Jugoslav people--in other words, the Slovenes and

Croats--were the most faithful subjects of the Dual Monarchy, fighting

for the Hapsburgs with a ferocity and determination hardly surpassed in

the war. Unlike the Poles and Czecho-Slovaks, who threw in their lot

with the Allies, the Slovenes and Croats fought, and fought desperately,

for the triumph of the Central Empires. Had these two peoples turned

against their masters early in the war, the great struggle would have

ended months, perhaps years, earlier than it did. Yet, within a few days

after the signing of the Armistice, they became Jugoslavs, and announced

that they have always been at heart friendly to the Allies. But, so the

Italians argue, their conversion has been too sudden: they have changed

their flag but not their hearts; their real allegiance is not to

Belgrade but to Berlin. The Italian attitude toward these peoples who

have so abruptly switched from enemies to allies is that of the American

soldier for the Filipino:

"He may be a brother of William H. Taft,

But he ain't no brother of mine."

The Italians are convinced that the three peoples who have been so

hastily welded into Jugoslavia will, as the result of internal

jealousies and dissensions, eventually disintegrate, and that, when the

break-up comes, those portions of the new state which formerly belonged

to Austria-Hungary will ally themselves with the great Teutonic or,

perhaps, Russo-Teutonic, confederation which, most students of European

affairs believe, will arise from the ruins of the Central Empires. When

that day comes the new power will look with hungering eyes toward the

rich markets which fringe the Middle Sea, and what more convenient

gateway through which to pour its merchandise--and, perhaps, its

fighting men--than Fiume in friendly hands? In order to bar forever

this, the sole gateway to the warm water still open to the Hun, the

Italians should, they maintain, be made its guardians.

"But," you argue, "suppose Jugoslavia does _not_ break up? How can

14,000,000 Slavs seriously menace Italy's 40,000,000?"

Ah! Now you touch the very heart of the whole matter; now you have put

your finger on the secret fear which has animated Italy throughout the

controversy over Fiume and Dalmatia. For I do not believe that it is a

reincarnated Germany which Italy dreads. It is something far more

ominous, more terrifying than that, which alarms her. For, looking

across the Adriatic, she sees the monstrous vision of a united and

aggressive Slavdom, untold millions strong, of which the Jugoslavs are

but the skirmish-line, ready to dispute not merely Italy's schemes for

the commercial mastery of the Balkans but her overlordship of that sea

which she regards as an Italian lake.

Jugoslavia's claims to Fiume are more briefly stated. Firstly, she lays

title to it on the ground that geographically Fiume belongs to Croatia,

and that Croatia is now a part of Jugoslavia, or, to give the new

country its correct name, the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and

Slovenes. This claim is, I think, well founded, and this despite the

fact that Italy has attempted to prove, by means of innumerable

pamphlets and maps, that Fiume, being within the great semi-circular

wall formed by the Alps, is physically Italian. The Jugoslavs demand

Fiume, secondly, because, they assert, if Fiume and Sussak are

considered as a single city, that city has more Slavs than Italians,

while the population of the hinterland is almost solidly Croatian. With

the first half of this claim I cannot agree. As I have already pointed

out, Sussak is not, and never has been, a part of Fiume, and its

annexation is not demanded by the Italians. Conceding, however, for the

sake of argument, that Fiume and Sussak are parts of the same city, the

most reliable figures which I have been able to obtain show that, even

were the Slav majority in Sussak added to the Slav minority in Fiume,

the Slavs would still be able to muster barely more than a third of the

total population. By far the strongest title which the Slavs have to the

city, and the one which commands for them the greatest sympathy, is

their assertion that Fiume is the natural and, indeed, almost the only

practicable commercial outlet for Jugoslavia, and that the struggling

young state needs it desperately. In reply to this, the Italians point

out that there are numerous harbors along the Dalmatian coast which

would answer the needs of Jugoslavia as well, or almost as well, as

Fiume. Now, I am speaking from first-hand knowledge when I assert that

this is not so, for I have seen with my own eyes every harbor, or

potential harbor, on the eastern coast of the Adriatic from Istria to

Greece. As a matter of fact, the entire coast of Dalmatia would not make

up to the Jugoslavs for the loss of Fiume. The map gives no idea of the

city's importance as the southernmost point at which a standard-gauge

railway reaches the Adriatic, for the railway leading to Ragusa, to

which the Italians so repeatedly refer as providing an outlet for

Jugoslavia, is not only narrow-gauge but is in part a rack-and-pinion

mountain line. The situation is best summed up by the commander of the

American war-ship on which I dined at Spalato.

"It is not a question of finding a good harbor for the Jugoslavs," he

said. "This coast is rich in splendid harbors. It is a question, rather,

of finding a practicable route for a standard-gauge railway over or

through the mile-high range of the Dinaric Alps, which parallel the

entire coast, shutting the coast towns off from the hinterland. Until

such a railway is built, the peoples of the interior have no means of

getting their products down to the coast save through Fiume. Italy

already has the great port of Trieste. Were she also to be awarded Fiume

she would have a strangle-hold on the trade of Jugoslavia which would

probably mean that country's commercial ruin."

I have now given you, as fairly as I know how, the principal arguments

of the rival claimants. The Italians of Fiume, as I have already shown,

outnumber the Slavs almost three to one, and it is they who are

demanding so violently that the city should be annexed to Italy on the

ground of self-determination. But I do not believe that, because there

is an undoubted Italian majority in Fiume, the city should be awarded to

Italy. If Italy were asking only what was beyond all shadow of question

Italian, I should sympathize with her unreservedly. But to place 10,000

Slavs under Italian rule would be as unjust and as provocative of future

trouble as to place 30,000 Italians under the rule of Belgrade. Nor is

the cession of the city itself the end of Italy's claims, for, in order

to place it beyond the range of the enemy's guns (by the "enemy" she

means her late allies, the Serbs), in order to maintain control of the

railways entering the city, and in order to bring the city actually

within her territorial borders, she desires to extend her rule over

other thousands of people who are not Italian, who do not speak the

Italian tongue, and who do not wish Italian rule. Italy has no stancher

friend than I, but neither my profound admiration for what she achieved

during the war nor my deep sympathy for the staggering losses she

suffered can blind me to the unwisdom, let us call it, of certain of her

demands. I am convinced that, when the passions aroused by the

controversy have had time to cool, the Italians will themselves question

the wisdom of accumulating for themselves future troubles by creating

new lost provinces and a new Irredenta by annexing against their will

thousands of people of an alien race. Viewing the question from the

standpoints of abstract justice, of sound politics, and of common sense,

I do not believe that Fiume should be given either to the Italians or to

the Jugoslavs, but that the interests of both, as well as the prosperity

of the Fumani themselves, should be safeguarded by making it a free

city under international control.

No account of the extraordinary drama--farce would be a better name were

its possibilities not so tragic--which is being staged at Fiume would be

complete without some mention of the romantic figure who is playing the

part of hero or villain, according to whether your sympathies are with

the Italians or the Jugoslavs. There is nothing romantic, mind you, in

Gabriele d'Annunzio's personal appearance. On the contrary, he is one of

the most unimpressive-looking men I have ever seen. He is short of

stature--not over five feet five, I should guess--and even his

beautifully cut clothes, which fit so faultlessly about the waist and

hips as to suggest the use of stays, but partially camouflage the

corpulency of middle age. His head looks like a new-laid egg which has

been highly varnished; his pointed beard is clipped in a fashion which

reminded me of the bronze satyrs in the Naples museum; a monocle, worn

without a cord, conceals his dead eye, which he lost in battle. His walk

is a combination of a mince and a swagger; his movements are those of

an actor who knows that the spotlight is upon him.

Though d'Annunzio takes high rank among the modern poets, many of his

admirers holding him to be the greatest one alive, he is a far greater

orator. His diction is perfect, his wealth of imagery exhaustless; I

have seen him sway a vast audience as a wheat-field is swayed by the

wind. His life he values not at all; the four rows of ribbons which on

the breast of his uniform make a splotch of color were not won by his

verses. Though well past the half-century mark, he has participated in a

score of aerial combats, occupying the observer's seat in his fighting

Sva and operating the machine-gun. But perhaps the most brilliant of his

military exploits was a bloodless one, when he flew over Vienna and

bombed that city with proclamations, written by himself, pointing out to

the Viennese the futility of further resistance. His popularity among

all classes is amazing; his word is law to the great organization known

as the _Combatenti_, composed of the 5,000,000 men who fought in the

Italian armies. He is a jingo of the jingoes, his plans for Italian

expansion reaching far beyond the annexation of Fiume or even all of

Dalmatia, for he has said again and again that he dreams of that day

when Italy will have extended her rule over all that territory which

once was held by Rome.

[Illustration: THE INHABITANTS OF FIUME CHEERING D'ANNUNZIO AND HIS

RAIDERS

"Save only Barcelona, Fiume has the most excitable population of any

place that I know."

The patron saint of the city is, appropriately enough, St. Vitus]

He is a very picturesque and interesting figure, is Gabriele

d'Annunzio--very much in earnest, wholly sincere, but fanatical,

egotistical, intolerant of the rights or opinions of others, a

visionary, and perhaps a little mad. I imagine that he would rather have

his name linked with that of that other soldier-poet, who "flamed away

at Missolonghi" nearly a century ago, than with any other character in

history save Garibaldi. D'Annunzio, like Byron, was an exile from his

native land. Both had a habit of never paying their bills; both had

offended against the social codes of their times; both flamed against

what they believed to be injustice and tyranny; both had a passionate

love for liberty; both possessed a highly developed sense of the

dramatic and delighted in playing romantic rôles. I have heard it said

that d'Annunzio's raid on Fiume would make his name immortal, but I

doubt it. Barely a score of years have passed since the raid on

Johannesburg, which was a far more daring and hazardous exploit than

d'Annunzio's Fiume performance, yet to-day how many people remember

Doctor Jameson? It can be said for this middle-aged poet that he has

successfully defied the government of Italy, that he flouted the royal

duke who was sent to parley with him, that he seduced the Italian army

and navy into committing open mutiny--"a breach of that military

discipline," in the words of the Prime Minister, "which is the

foundation of the safety of the state"--and that he has done more to

shake foreign confidence in the stability of the Italian character and

the dependability of the Italian soldier than the Austro-Germans did

when they brought about the disaster at Caporetto.

I have heard it said that the Nitti government had advance knowledge of

the raid on Fiume and that the reason it took no vigorous measures

against the filibusters was because it secretly approved of their

action. This I do not believe. With President Wilson, the Jugoslavs,

d'Annunzio, and the Italian army and navy arrayed against him, I am

convinced that Mr. Nitti did everything that could be done without

precipitating either a war or a revolution. Much credit is also due to

the Jugoslavs for their forbearance and restraint under great

provocation. They must have been sorely tempted to give the Poet the

spanking he so richly deserves.

* * * * *

When the small army of newspaper correspondents who were despatched by

the great New York and London dailies to Khartoum to interview Colonel

Roosevelt upon his emergence from the jungle started up the White Nile

to meet the explorer, they were deterred, both by the shortage of boats

and the question of expense, from chartering individual steamers. But

the public at home was not permitted to know of these petty limitations

and annoyances. On the contrary, people all over the United States, at

their breakfast-tables, read the despatches from the far-off Sudan dated

from "On board the New York _Herald's_ dahabeah _Rameses_" or "The New

York _American's_ despatch-boat _Abbas Hilmi_," or "The Chicago

_Tribune's_ special steamer _General Gordon_," and never dreamed that

the young men in sun-helmets and white linen who were writing those

despatches were comfortably seated under the awnings of the same

decrepit stern-wheeler, which they had chartered jointly, but on which,

in order to lend importance and dignity to his despatches, each

correspondent had bestowed a particular name.

But the destroyer _Sirio_, which we found awaiting us at Fiume, we did

not have to share with any one. Thanks to the courtesy of the Italian

Ministry of Marine, she was all ours, while we were aboard her, from her

knife-like prow to the screws kicking the water under her stern.

"I am under orders to place myself entirely at your disposal," explained

her youthful and very stiffly starched skipper, Commander Poggi. "I am

to go where you desire and to stop as long as you please. Those are my

instructions."

Thus it came about that, shortly after noon on a scorching summer day,

we cast off our moorings and, leaving quarrel-torn Fiume abaft, turned

the nose of the _Sirio_ sou' by sou'-west, down the coast of Dalmatia.

The sun-kissed waters of the Bay of Quarnero looked for all the world

like a vast azure carpet strewn with a million sparkling diamonds; on

our starboard quarter stretched the green-clad slopes of Istria, with

the white villas of Abbazia peeping coyly out from amid the groves of

pine and laurel; to the eastward the bleak brown peaks of the Dinaric

Alps rose, savage, mysterious, forbidding, against the cloudless summer

sky. Perhaps no stretch of coast in all the world has had so varied and

romantic a history or so many masters as this Dalmatian seaboard. Since

the days of the tattooed barbarians who called themselves Illyrian, this

coast has been ruled in turn by Phœnicians, Celts, Macedonians, Greeks,

Romans, Goths, Byzantines, Croats, Serbs, Bulgars, Huns, Avars,

Saracens, Normans, Magyars, Genoese, Venetians, Tartars, Bosnians,

Turks, French, Russians, Montenegrins, British, Austrians, Italians--and

now by Americans, for from Cape Planca southward to Ragusa, a distance

of something over a hundred miles, the United States is the governing

power and an American admiral holds undisputed sway.

Leaning over the rail as we fled southward I lost myself in dreams of

far-off days. In my mind I could see, sweeping past in imaginary review,

those other vessels which, all down the ages, had skirted these same

shores: the purple sails of Phœnicia, Greek galleys bearing colonists

from Cnidus, Roman triremes with the slaves sweating at the oars,

high-powered, low-waisted Norman caravels with the arms of their

marauding masters painted on their bellowing canvas, stately Venetian

carracks with carved and gilded sterns, swift-sailing Uskok pirate

craft, their decks crowded with swarthy men in skirts and turbans,

Genoese galleons, laden with the products of the hot lands, French and

English frigates with brass cannon peering from their rows of ports, the

grim, gray monsters of the Hapsburg navy. And then I suddenly awoke,

for, coming up from the southward at full speed, their slanting funnels

vomiting great clouds of smoke, were four long, low, lean, incredibly

swift craft, ostrich-plumes of snowy foam curling from their bows, which

sped past us like wolfhounds running with their noses to the ground. As

they passed I could see quite plainly, flaunting from each taffrail, a

flag of stripes and stars.

The sun was sinking behind Italy when, threading our way amid the maze

of islands and islets which border the Dalmatian shore, we saw beyond

our bows, silhouetted against the rose-coral of the evening sky, the

slender campaniles and the crenellated ramparts of Zara. It was so still

and calm and beautiful that I felt as though I were looking at a scene

upon a stage and that the curtain would descend at any moment and

destroy the illusion. The little group of white-clad naval officers who

greeted us upon the quay informed us that the governor-general, Admiral

Count Millo, had placed at our disposal the yacht _Zara_, formerly the

property of the Austrian Emperor, on which we were to live during our

stay in the Dalmatian capital. It was a peculiarly thoughtful thing to

do, for the summers are hot in Zara, the city's few hotels leave much to

be desired, and a stay at a palace, even that of a provincial governor,

is hedged about by a certain amount of formality and restrictions. But

the _Zara_, while we were aboard her, was as much ours as the

_Mayflower_ is Mr. Wilson's. We occupied the spacious after-cabins,

exquisitely paneled in white mahogany, which had been used by the

Austrian archduchesses and whose furnishings still bore the imperial

crown, and our breakfasts were served under the white awnings stretched

over the after-deck, where, lounging in the grateful shade, we could

look out across the harbor, dotted with the gaudy sails of fishing craft

and bordered by the walls and gardens of the quaint old city, to the

islands of Arbe and Pago, rising, like huge, uncut emeralds, from the

lazy southern sea. At noon we usually lunched with a score or more of

staff-officers in the large, cool dining-room of the officers' mess, and

at night we dined with the governor-general and his family at the

palace, formerly the residence of the Austrian viceroys. Dinner over, we

lounged in cane chairs on the terrace, served by white-clad,

silent-footed servants with coffee, cigarettes, and the maraschino for

which this coast is famous. Those were never-to-be-forgotten evenings,

for the gently heaving breast of the Adriatic glowed with a

phosphorescent luminousness, the air was heavy with the fragrance of

orange, almond, and oleander, the sky was like purple velvet, and the

stars seemed very near.

Though the population of Dalmatia is overwhelmingly Slav, quite

two-thirds of the 14,000 inhabitants of Zara, its capital, are Italian.

Yet, were it not for the occasional Morlachs in their picturesque

costumes seen in the markets or on the wharfs, one would not suspect the

presence of any Slav element in the town, for the dim and tortuous

streets and the spacious squares bear Italian names--Via del Duomo, Riva

Vecchia, Piazza della Colonna; crouching above the city gates is the

snarling Lion of St. Mark, and everywhere one hears the liquid accents

of the Latin. Zara, like Fiume, is an Italian colony set down on a

Slavonian shore, and, like its sister-city to the north, it bears the

indelible and unmistakable imprint of Italian civilization.

The long, narrow strip of territory sandwiched between the Adriatic and

the Dinaric Alps which comprised the Austrian province of Dalmatia,

though upward of 200 miles in length, has an area scarcely greater than

that of Connecticut and a population smaller than that of Cleveland.

Scarcely more than a tenth of its whole surface is under the plow, the

rest, where it is not altogether sterile, consisting of mountain

pasture. With the exception of scattered groves on the landward slopes,

the country is virtually treeless, the forests for which Dalmatia was

once famous having been cut down by the Venetian ship-builders or

wantonly burned by the Uskok pirates, while every attempt at replanting

has been frustrated by the shallowness of the soil, the frequent

droughts, and the multitudes of goats which browse on the young trees.

The dreary expanse of the Bukovica, lying between Zara and the Bosnian

frontier, is, without exception, the most inhospitable region that I

have ever seen. For mile after mile, far as the eye can see, the earth

is overlaid by a thick stratum of jagged limestone, so rough that no

horse could traverse it, so sharp and flinty that a quarter of an hour's

walking across it would cut to pieces the stoutest pair of boots. Under

the rays of the summer sun these rocks become as hot as the top of a

stove; so hot, indeed, that eggs can be cooked upon them, while metal

objects exposed for only a few minutes to the sun will burn the hand.

Scattered here and there over this terrible plateau are tiny farmsteads,

their houses and the walls shutting in the little patches under

cultivation being built from the stones obtained in clearing the soil, a

task requiring incredible patience. No wonder that the folk who dwell

in them are characterized by expressions as stony and hopeless as the

soil from which they wring a wretched existence.

No seaboard of the Mediterranean, save only the coast of Greece, is so

deeply indented as the Dalmatian littoral, with Its unending succession

of rock-bound bays, as frequent as the perforations on a postage-stamp,

and its thick fringe of islands. In calm weather the channels between

these islands and the mainland resemble a chain of landlocked lakes,

like those in the Adirondacks or in southern Ontario, being connected by

narrow straits called _canales_, brilliantly clear to a depth of several

fathoms. As a rule, the surrounding hills are rugged, bleached yellow or

pale russet, and destitute of verdure, but their monotony is relieved by

the half-ruined castles and monasteries which, perched on the rocky

heights, perpetually reminded me of Howard Pyle's paintings, and by the

medieval charm of Zara, Sebenico, Spalato, Ragusa, Arbe, and Curzola,

whose architecture, though predominantly Venetian, bears characteristic

traces of the many races which have ruled them.

Just as Italy insisted on pushing her new borders up to the Brenner so

that she might have a strategic frontier on the north, so she lays claim

to the larger of the Dalmatian islands--Lissa, Lésina, Curzola, and

certain others--in order to protect her Adriatic shores. A glance at the

map will make her reasons amply plain. There stretches Italy's eastern

coastline, 600 miles of it, from Venice to Otranto, with half a dozen

busy cities and a score of fishing towns, as bare and unprotected as a

bald man's hatless head. Not only is there not a single naval base on

Italy's Adriatic coast south of Venice, but there is no harbor or inlet

that can be transformed into one. Yet across the Adriatic, barely four

hours steam by destroyer away, is a wilderness of islands and deep

harbors where an enemy's fleet could lie safely hidden, from which it

could emerge to attack Italian commerce or to bombard Italy's

unprotected coast towns, and where it could take refuge when the pursuit

became too hot. All down the ages the dwellers along Italy's eastern

seaboard have been terrorized by naval raids from across the Adriatic.

And Italy has determined that they shall be terrorized no more. How

history repeats itself! Just as Rome, twenty-two centuries ago, could

not permit the neighboring islands of Sicily to fall into the hands of

Carthage, so Italy cannot permit these coastwise islands, which form her

only protection against attacks from the east, to pass under the control

of the Jugoslavs.

"But," I said to the Italians with whom I discussed the matter, "why do

you need any such protection now that the world is to have a League of

Nations? Isn't that a sufficient guarantee that the Jugoslavs will never

attack you?"

"The League of Nations is in theory a splendid thing," was their answer.

"We subscribe to it in principle most heartily. But because there is a

policeman on duty in your street, do you leave wide open your front

door?"

To be quite candid, I do not think that it is against Jugoslavia, or,

perhaps it would be more accurate to say, against an unaided Jugoslavia,

that Italy is taking precautions. I have already said, I believe, that

thinking Italians look with grave forebodings to the day when a great

Slav confederation shall rise across the Adriatic, but that day, as they

know full well, is still far distant. Italy's desperate insistence on

retaining possession of the more important Dalmatian islands is dictated

by a far more immediate danger than that. She is convinced that her next

war will be fought, not with the weak young state of Jugoslavia, but

with Jugoslavia _allied with France_. Every Italian with whom I

discussed the question--and I might add, without boasting, many highly

placed and well-informed Italians have honored me with their

confidence--firmly believes that France is jealous of Italy's rapidly

increasing power in the Mediterranean, and that she is secretly

intriguing with the Jugoslavs and the Greeks to prevent Italy obtaining

commercial supremacy in the Balkans. I do not say that this is my

opinion, mind you, but I do say that it is the opinion held by most

Italians. I found that the resentment against the French for what the

Italians term France's "betrayal" of Italy at the Peace Conference was

almost universal; everywhere in Italy I found a deep-seated distrust of

France's commercial ambitions and political designs. Though the Italians

admit that the Jugoslavs will not be able to build a navy for many years

to come, they fear, or profess to fear, that the day is not

immeasurably far distant when a French battle fleet, co-operating with

the armies of Jugoslavia, will threaten Italy's Adriatic seaboard. And

they are determined that, should such a day ever come, French ships

shall not be afforded the protection, as were the Austrian, of the

Dalmatian islands. Italy, with her great modern battle fleet and her

5,000,000 fighting men, regards the threats of Jugoslavia with something

akin to contempt, but France, turned imperialistic and arrogant by her

victory over the Hun, Italy distrusts and fears, believing that, while

protesting her friendship, she is secretly fomenting opposition to

legitimate Italian aspirations in the Balkan peninsula and in the Middle

Sea. (Again let me remind you that I am giving you not my own, but

Italy's point of view.) You will sneer at this, perhaps, as a phantasm

of the imagination, but I assure you, with all the earnestness and

emphasis at my command, that this distrust of one great Latin nation for

another, whether it is justified or not, forms a deadly menace to the

future peace of the world.

Because I did not wish to confine my observations to the coast towns,

which are, after all, essentially Italian, I motored across Dalmatia at

its widest part, from Zara, through Benkovac, Kistonje, and Knin, to the

little hamlet of Kievo, on the Jugoslav frontier. Though the Slav

population of the Dalmatian hinterland is, according to the assertions

of Belgrade, bitterly hostile to Italian rule, I did not detect a single

symptom of animosity toward the Italian officers who were my companions

on the part of the peasants whom we passed. They displayed, on the

contrary, the utmost courtesy and good feeling, the women, looking like

huge and gaudily dressed dolls in their snowy blouses and embroidered

aprons, courtesying, while the tall, fine-looking men gravely touched

the little round caps which are the national head-gear of Dalmatia.

Kievo is the last town in Dalmatia, being only a few score yards from

the Bosnian frontier. Its little garrison was in command of a young

Italian captain, a tall, slender fellow with the blond beard of a Viking

and the dreamy eyes of a poet. He had been stationed at this lonely

outpost for seven months, he told me, and he welcomed us as a man

wrecked on a desert island would welcome a rescue party. In order to

escape from the heat and filth and insects of the village, he had built

in a near-by grove a sort of arbor, with a roof of interlaced branches

to keep off the sun. Its furnishings consisted of a home-made table, an

army cot, two or three decrepit chairs, and a phonograph. I did not need

to inquire where he had obtained the phonograph, for on its cover was

stenciled the familiar red triangle of the Y.M.C.A.--the "_Yimka_," as

the Italians call it--which operates more than 300 _casas_ for the use

of the Italian army. While our host was preparing a dubious-looking

drink from sweet, bright-colored syrups and lukewarm water, I amused

myself by glancing over the little stack of records on the table. They

were, of course, nearly all Italian, but I came upon three that I knew

well: "_Loch Lomond_," "_Old Folks at Home_" and "_So Long, Letty_." It

was like meeting a party of old friends in a strange land. I tried the

later record, and though it was not very clear, for the captain's supply

of needles had run out and he had been reduced to using ordinary pins,

it was startling to hear Charlotte Greenwood's familiar voice caroling

"_So long, so long, Letty_," there on the borders of Bosnia, with a

picket of curious Jugoslavs, rifles across their knees, seated on the

rocky hillside, barely a stone's throw away. Still, come to think about

it, the war produced many contrasts quite as strange, as, for example,

when the New York Irish, the old 69th, crossed the Rhine with the

regimental band playing "_The Sidewalks of New York_."

We touched at Sebenico, which is forty knots down the coast from Zara,

in order to accept an invitation to lunch with Lieutenant-General

Montanari, who commands all the Italian troops in Dalmatia. Now before

we started down the Adriatic we had been warned that, because of

President Wilson's attitude on the Fiume question, the feeling against

Americans ran very high, and that from the Italians we must be prepared

for coldness, if not for actual insults. Well, this luncheon at Sebenico

was an example of the insults we received and the coldness with which we

were treated. Because our destroyer was late, half a hundred busy

officers delayed their midday meal for two hours in order not to sit

down without us. The table was decorated with American flags, and other

American flags had been hand-painted on the menus. And, as a final

affront, a destroyer had been sent across the Adriatic Sea to obtain

lobsters because the general had heard that my wife was particularly

fond of them. After that experience don't talk to me about Southern

hospitality. Though the Italians bitterly resent President Wilson's

interference in an affair which they consider peculiarly their own,

their resentment does not extend to the President's countrymen. Their

attitude is aptly illustrated by an incident which took place at the

mess of a famous regiment of Bersaglieri, when the picture of President

Wilson, which had hung on the wall of the mess-hall, opposite that of

the King, was taken down--and an American flag hung in its place.

The most interesting building in Sebenico is the cathedral, which was

begun when America had yet to be discovered. The chief glory of the

cathedral is its exterior, with its superb carved doors, its countless

leering, grinning gargoyles--said to represent the evil spirits expelled

from the church--and a broad frieze, running entirely around the

edifice, composed of sculptured likenesses of the architects, artists,

sculptors, masons, and master-builders who participated in its

construction. Put collars, neckties, and derby hats on some of them and

you would have striking likenesses of certain labor leaders of to-day.

The next time a building of note is erected in this country the

countenances of the bricklayers, hod-carriers, and walking delegates

might be immortalized in some such fashion. I offer the suggestion to

the labor-unions for what it is worth.

Throughout all the years of Austrian domination the citizens of Sebenico

remained loyal to their Italian traditions, as is proved by the

medallions ornamenting the façade of the cathedral, each of which bears

the image of a saint. One of these sculptured saints, it was pointed out

to me, has the unmistakable features of Victor Emanuel I, another those

of Garibaldi. Thus did the Italian workmen of their day cunningly

express their defiance of Austria's tyranny by ornamenting one of her

most splendid cathedrals with the heads of Italian heroes. Imagine

carving the heads of Elihu Root and Charles E. Hughes on the façade of

Tammany Hall!

Next to the cathedral, the most interesting building in Sebenico is the

insect-powder factory. It is a large factory and does a thriving

business, the need for its product being Balkan-wide. If, for upward of

five months, you had fought nightly engagements with the _cimex

lectularius_, you would understand how vital is an ample supply of

powder. Believe me or not, as you please, but in many parts of Dalmatia

and Albania we were compelled to defend our beds against nocturnal

raiding-parties by raising veritable ramparts of insect-powder, very

much as in Flanders we threw up earthworks against the assaults of the

Hun, while in Monastir the only known way of obtaining sleep is to set

the legs of one's bed in basins filled with kerosene.

Four hours steaming south from Sebenico brought us to Spalato, the

largest city of Dalmatia and one of the most picturesquely situated

towns in the Levant. It owes its name to the great palace (_palatium_)

of Diocletian, within the precincts of which a great part of the old

town is built and around which have sprung up its more modern suburbs.

Cosily ensconced between the stately marble columns which formed the

palace's façade are fruit, tobacco, barber, shoe, and tailor shops,

whose proprietors drive a roaring trade with the sailors from the

international armada assembled in the harbor. A great hall, which had

probably originally been one of the vestibules of the palace, was

occupied by the Knights of Columbus, the place being in charge of a

khaki-clad priest, Father Mullane, of Johnstown, Pa., who twice daily

dispensed true American hospitality, in the form of hot doughnuts and

mugs of steaming coffee, to the blue-jackets from the American ships. As

there was no coal to be had in the town, he made the doughnuts with the

aid of a plumber's blowpipe. In the course of our conversation Father

Mullane mentioned that he was living with the Serbian bishop--at least I

think he was a bishop-of Spalato.

"I suppose he speaks English or French," I remarked.

"He does not," was the answer.

"Then you must have picked up some Serb or Italian," I hazarded.

"Niver a wurrd of thim vulgar tongues do I know," said he.

"Then how do you and the bishop get along?"

"Shure," said Father Mullane, in the rich brogue which is, I imagine,

something of an affectation, "an' what is the use of bein' educated for

the church if we were not able to converse with ease an' fluency in

iligant an' refined Latin?"

When we were leaving Spalato, Father Mullane presented us with a _Bon

Voyage_ package which contained cigarettes, a box of milk chocolate, and

a five-pound tin of gum-drops. The cigarettes we smoked, the chocolate

we ate, but the gum-drops we used for tips right across the Balkans. In

lands whose people have not known the taste of sugar for five years we

found that a handful of gum-drops would accomplish more than money. A

few men with Father Mullane's resource, tact, and sense of humor would

do more than all the diplomats under the roof of the Hotel Crillon to

settle international differences and make the nations understand each

other.

I had been warned by archæological friends, before I went to Dalmatia,

that the ruins of Salona, which once was the capital of Roman Dalmatia

and the site of the summer palace of Diocletian, would probably

disappoint me. They date from the period of Roman decadence, so my

learned friends explained, and, though following Roman traditions,

frequently show traces of negligence, a fact which is accounted for by

the haste with which the ailing and hypochondriac Emperor sought to

build himself a retreat from the world. Still, the little excursion--for

Salona is only five miles from Spalato--provided much that was worth the

seeing: a partially excavated amphitheater, a long row of stone

sarcophagi lying in a trench, one or two fine gates, and some

beautifully preserved mosaics. I must confess, however, that I was more

interested in the modern aspects of this region than in its glorious

past, for, standing upon the massive walls of the Roman city, I looked

down upon a panorama of power such as Diocletian had never pictured in

his wildest dreams, for, moored in a long and impressive row, their

stern-lines made fast to the _Molo_, was a line of war-ships flying the

flags of England, France, Italy, and the United States. On the right of

the line, as befitted the fact that its commander was the senior naval

officer and in charge of all this portion of the coast, was Admiral

Andrews's flag-ship, the _Olympia_, but little changed, at least to the

casual glance, since that day, more than twoscore years ago, when she

blazed her way into Manila Bay and won for us a colonial empire. On her

bridge, outlined in brass tacks, I was shown Admiral Dewey's footprints,

just as he stood at the beginning of the battle when he gave the order

"You may fire when you are ready, Gridley."

Of the 18,000 inhabitants of Spalato, less than a tenth are Italian, the

general character of the town and the sympathies of its inhabitants

being strongly pro-Slav. In fact, its streets were filled with Jugoslav

soldiers, many of them still wearing the uniforms of the Austrian

regiments in which they had served but with Serbian _képis_, while

others looked strangely familiar in khaki uniforms furnished them by the

United States. It being warm weather, most of the men wore their coats

unbuttoned, thereby displaying a considerable expanse of hairy chest or

violently colored underwear and producing a somewhat negligée effect.

Because of the presence in the town of the Jugoslav soldiery, the crews

of the Italian war-ships were not permitted to go ashore with the

sailors of the other nations, as Admiral Andrews feared that their

presence might provoke unpleasant incidents. Hence their "shore leave"

had, for nearly six months, been confined to the narrow concrete _Molo_,

where they were permitted to stroll in the evenings and where the

Italian girls of the town came to see them. For a Jugoslav girl to have

been seen in company with an Italian sailor would have meant her social

ostracism, if nothing worse.

Though Italy will unquestionably insist on the cession of certain of the

Dalmatian islands, in order, as I have already pointed out, to assure

herself a defensible eastern frontier, and though she will ask for Zara

and possibly for Sebenico on the ground of their preponderantly Italian

character, I believe that she is prepared to abandon her original claims

to Dalmatia, which is, when all is said and done, almost purely

Slavonian, Jugoslavia thus obtaining nearly 550 miles of coast. Now I

will be quite frank and say that when I went to Dalmatia I was strongly

opposed to the extension of Italian rule over that region. And I still

believe that it would be a political mistake. But, after seeing the

country from end to end and talking with the Italian officials who have

been temporarily charged with its administration, I have become

convinced that they have the best interests of the people genuinely at

heart and that the Dalmatians might do worse, so far as justice and

progress are concerned, than to intrust their future to the guidance of

such men.

It had been our original intention to steam straight south from Spalato

to the Bocche di Cattaro and Montenegro, but, being foot-loose and free

and having plenty of coal in the _Sirio's_ bunkers, we decided to make a

detour in order to visit the Curzolane Islands. In case you cannot

recall its precise situation, I might remind you that the Curzolane

Archipelago, consisting of several good-sized islands--Brazza, Lésina,

Lissa, Mélida, and Curzola--and a great number of smaller ones, lies off

the Dalmatian coast, almost opposite Ragusa. From Spalato we laid our

course due south, past Solta, famed for its honey produced from rosemary

and the cistus-rose; skirted the wooded shores of Brazza, the largest

island of the group, rounded Capo Pellegrino and entered the lovely

harbor of Lésina. We did not anchor but, slowing to half-speed, made

the circuit of the little port, running close enough to the shore to

obtain pictures of the famous Loggia built by Sanmicheli, the Fondazo,

the ancient Venetian arsenal, and the crumbling Spanish fort, perched

high on a crag above the town. Then south by west again, past Lissa, the

western-most island of the group, where an Italian fleet under Persano

was defeated and destroyed by an Austrian squadron under Tegetthof in

1866. A marble lion in the local cemetery commemorated the victory and

marked the resting-places of the Austrian dead, but when the Italians

took possession of the island after the Armistice they changed the

inscription on the monument so that it now commemorates their final

victory over Austria. It was not, I think, a very sportsmanlike

proceeding.

Leaving Lissa to starboard, we steamed through the Canale di

Sabbioncello, with exquisite panoramas unrolling on either hand, and

dropped anchor off the quay of Curzola, where the governor of the

islands, Admiral Piazza, awaited us with his staff. In spite of the

bleakness of the surrounding mountains, Curzola is one of the most

exquisitely beautiful little towns that I have ever seen. The next time

you are in the Adriatic you should not fail to go there. Time and the

hand of man--for the people are a color-loving race--have given many

tints, soft and bright, to its roofs, towers, and ramparts. It is a town

of dim, narrow, winding streets, of steep flights of worn stone steps,

of moss-covered archways, and of some of the most splendid specimens of

the domestic architecture of the Middle Ages that exist outside of the

Street of the Crusaders in Rhodes. The sole modern touches are the

costumes of the islanders, and they are sufficiently picturesque not to

spoil the picture. How the place has escaped the motion-picture people I

fail to understand. (As a matter of fact, it hasn't, for I took with me

an operator and a camera--the first the islanders had ever seen.)

Besides the Cathedral of San Marco, with its splendid doors, its

exquisitely carved choir-stalls black with age and use, its choir

balustrade and pulpit of translucent alabaster, and its dim old

altar-piece by Tintoretto, the town boasts the Loggia or council

chambers, the palace of the Venetian governors, the noble mansion of the

Arnieri, and, brooding over all, a towering campanile, five centuries

old. The Lion of St. Mark, which appears on several of the public

buildings, holds beneath its paw a closed instead of an open

book--symbolizing, so I was told, the islanders' dissatisfaction with

certain laws of the Venetians.

But the phase of my visit which I enjoyed the most was when Admiral

Piazza took us across the bay, on a Detroit-built submarine-chaser, to a

Franciscan monastery dating from the fifteenth century. We were met by

the abbot at the water-stairs, and, after being shown the beautiful

Venetian Gothic cloisters, with alabaster columns whose carving was

almost lacelike in its delicate tracery, we were led along a wooded path

beside the sea, over a carpet of pine-needles, to a cloistered

rose-garden, in which stood, amid a bower of blossoms, a blue and white

statue of the Virgin. The fragrance of the flowers in the little

enclosure was like the incense in a church, above our heads the great

pines formed a canopy of green, and the music was furnished by the birds

and the murmuring sea. Here we seemed a world away from the waiting

armies and the great gray battleships, from the quarrels of Latin and

Slav. It was the first real peace that I had known after five years of

war, and I should have liked to remain there longer. But Montenegro,

Albania, Macedonia, all the unhappy, war-torn lands of the Near East lay

before me, and I turned reluctantly away. But my thoughts keep harking

back to the little town beside the turquoise bay, to the restfulness of

its old, old buildings, to the perfume of its flowers, and the

whispering voice of its turquoise sea. So some day, when the world is

really at peace and there are no more wars to write about, I think that

I shall go back to where

"Far, far from here,

The Adriatic breaks in a warm bay

Among the green Illyrian hills."

The new frontiers of freedom from the Alps to the Ægean · 第 2 / 7 章