FIRST WEEK OF THE BOMBARDMENT
On Tuesday, the 27th of December, the long-wished-for bombardment of
Paris at length began, commencing on the east side. As the following
particulars show, we at first knew nothing of it, and afterwards also
it was only for a few days that the firing gave an impression of being
particularly violent. We very soon grew accustomed to it, and it never
entirely diverted our attention even from trifles, nor caused any
lengthy interruption of our work or of the flow of thought. The French
forts had been prepared for it. The diary may now resume its narrative.
From early morning on Tuesday until far into the day there was a heavy
fall of snow and rather severe cold. In the morning Theiss, who serves
Abeken as well as myself, and who seems to consider that our old
Geheimrath is a Catholic, told me:--“He always reads his prayers in the
morning. I believe it is Latin. He speaks very loud, so that he can
sometimes be heard in the antechamber. Probably it’s a mass.” He then
added that Abeken supposed the heavy firing that was heard from 7 A.M.
was the commencement of the bombardment.
Wrote several letters to Berlin with instructions as to articles.
Bray is to be sharply attacked by our newspapers. After 12 o’clock
I telegraph to London on the instructions of the Chief that the
bombardment of the outer fortifications began this morning. Our
artillery has commenced with an attack upon Mont Avron, a redoubt near
Bondy, and it appears that the Saxons had the honour to fire the first
shot.
The Minister remained in bed the whole day, not because he was
particularly unwell, but, as he told me, to maintain an equable
warmth. He was also absent from dinner, at which we were joined by
Count Solms. The only point of note in the conversation was Abeken’s
mention of a very pretty poem in the _Kladderadatsch_, on the Duke of
Coburg--probably a panegyric.
The Bonapartists seem to have become very active, and to entertain
great plans. According to Bernstorff’s despatches Persigny and
Palikao intend to get us to grant neutrality to Orleans, and to
convoke there the Corps Législatif to decide whether the country is
to have a republic or a monarchy, and if the latter which dynasty
is to reign. It is intended, however, to wait for a while, until
greater discouragement shall have made the people more accommodating.
Bonnechose proposes to attempt a negotiation for peace between Germany
and France. This prelate was formerly a lawyer, and only entered holy
orders subsequently. He is considered to be intelligent, is connected
with the Jesuits, and although in politics he is really a Legitimist he
has a high opinion of Eugénie because of her piety. He was an ardent
supporter of the doctrine of infallibility, and expects to be elected
Pope, which position he has indeed some prospect of attaining. The
Archbishop told Professor Wagener, who had been sent to see him by
Manteuffel respecting the hospital arrangements, that he could induce
Trochu, with whom he is acquainted, to surrender Paris in case we did
not insist upon a cession of territory. The Archbishop suggested that
instead of a cession of territory we might demand the return of Nice
and Savoy to Victor Emmanuel, and then oblige the latter to restore
their territories to the Pope and to the Sovereigns of Tuscany and
Naples. In that way we should win renown as the protectors of order,
and the restorers of justice in Europe. A strange idea indeed!
The Chief has given directions to adopt the severest measures against
Noquet le Roi, where a surprise by franctireurs was assisted by
the inhabitants. He has also rejected the appeal of the mayor and
municipality of Chatillon to be relieved from a contribution of a
million francs imposed upon the town as a penalty for similar conduct.
In both cases he was guided by the principle that the population must
be made to suffer by the war in order to render them more disposed to
peace.
At 11 P.M. called to the Chief, who gave me several newspaper articles
from Berlin “for the collection” (of examples of French barbarity in
the conduct of the war which I have begun under his instructions), as
well as two other articles that are to be sent to the King.
_Wednesday, December 28th._--Snowfall and moderately cold. The Chief
again kept to his room to-day. He handed me a letter in French, dated
the 25th instant, which he had received from “Une Américaine.” I am to
make what use I like of it. It runs as follows:--
“Graf von Bismarck. Jouissez autant que possible, Herr Graf, du climat
frais de Versailles, car, un jour, vous aurez à supporter des châleurs
infernales pour tous les malheurs que vous avez causés à la France et
à l’Allemagne.” That is all!
His Excellency Herr Delbrück again lunches with us. He is convinced
that the Second Bavarian Chamber will ultimately approve the Versailles
treaties just as the North German Diet did, respecting whose decision
he had been really uneasy for some days.
_Thursday, December 29th._--The Minister still remains in bed, but
works there, and does not seem to be particularly unwell.
In the afternoon I translated for the King Granville’s despatch
to Loftus respecting Bismarck’s circular on the Luxemburg affair.
Afterwards studied documents. In the middle of October the Chief
received a memorial from Coburg with proposals as to a reorganisation
of Germany. These also included the restoration of the imperial
dignity, and finally the substitution for the Bundesrath of a
Federal Ministry, and the creation of a Reichsrath to consist of
representatives of the Governments and delegates from the Diets. The
Chief replied to this memorial that some of the ideas brought forward
were already for some time past in process of realisation. He could not
agree to the proposals as to a Federal Ministry and the Reichsrath, as
he considered them calculated to hamper the new organisation, and, if
necessary, he would openly declare against them. It is reported from
Brussels that the King of the Belgians is well disposed towards us,
but has no means of controlling the anti-German press of the country.
The Grand Duke of Hesse has stated that Alsace and Lorraine must
become Prussian provinces. Dalwigk (his Minister), who is as opposed
to us as ever, wishes to see the territory to be ceded by France
incorporated with Baden. The Grand Duchy would then cede the district
near Heidelberg and Mannheim to Bavaria, whose connection with the
Palatinate on the left bank of the Rhine would be thus re-established.
In Rome the Pope wishes to undertake “mediation” between ourselves and
France. The expression quoted was objected to by Arnim as inappropriate.
The following particulars relating to the King of Bavaria are contained
in a report from Munich: “His kingdom is not of this world. It has been
further observed that Major Sauer has no longer any influence upon him,
while that of Privy Councillor Eisenhart has increased, as indeed also
that of Count Holnstein. He is not coming to Versailles, in the first
place because he would be obliged to ride, which he can no longer do
with comfort, and in the next place because he does not like to play
second fiddle. All that Bray thinks of is to keep his own position in
Vienna warm, if only for the sake of his livelihood.” Lutz is “the
_tête forte_ in the Ministry, and is very ambitious.” The Princes Karl
and Ludwig are strongly anti-Prussian. The Nuncio’s secretary exercises
a great influence with his chief.--Read a letter from King Lewis to
our Crown Prince. It was written at the commencement of the war. The
handwriting is coarse and ugly and the lines are not straight. It
expresses a hope that the independence of Bavaria will be respected.
Otherwise the tone of the epistle is soundly patriotic.
In the evening I handed Bucher, as material for an article, all the
newspaper reports I have collected on the barbarous conduct of the war
by the French, contrary to the law of nations.
At 10 o’clock I was called to the Chief, who was lying before the
fire on the sofa, wrapt in a blanket. He said: “Well, we’ve got him!”
“Whom, your Excellency?” “Mont Avron.” He then showed me a letter
from Count Waldersee, reporting that this redoubt was occupied by the
troops of the 12th Army Corps this afternoon. “It is to be hoped that
they have laid no mine and that the poor Saxons will not be blown up.”
I telegraphed the news of this first success in the bombardment to
London, but in cipher, “as otherwise the general staff might be angry.”
Subsequently the Chancellor sent for me once more to show me an
outburst of the Vienna _Tageblatt_ which has been reproduced by the
_Kölnische Zeitung_. It declares that Bismarck has been thoroughly
deceived as to the power of resistance of Paris, and in his overhaste,
which has already cost the lives of hundreds of thousands (why not at
once say millions?), has put forward excessive demands in connection
with the peace. We reply, through the _Spenersche Zeitung_, that up to
the present no one knows what the Chancellor’s conditions are, as he
has not yet had any opportunity of stating them officially, but they
do not in any case go so far as German public opinion, which almost
unanimously demands the cession of all Lorraine. No one can say either
what his views were respecting the power of resistance of Paris, as he
has never had to give official expression to them.
_Friday, December 30th._--The bitter cold of the last few days still
continues. In consequence of his indisposition the Chief still keeps
to his room, and is indeed mostly in bed. In the morning, on his
instructions, I telegraphed particulars of the occupation of Mont
Avron, and of the disgraceful conduct of the French authorities, who,
according to the official acknowledgment of the delegation at Tours,
have offered a premium to imprisoned officers to return to France, in
breach of their word of honour. On the suggestion of the Chief I write
paragraphs on this subject for the German press as well as for the
local _Moniteur_ to the following effect:--
“We have frequently had occasion to direct attention to the profound
demoralisation manifested by French statesmen and officers in the
matter of military honour. A communication, which reaches us from a
trustworthy source, proves that we had not up to the present realised
how deep and widespread that evil is. We have now before us an official
order issued by the French Ministry of War, the 5th Bureau of the 6th
Department, which bears the title ‘Solde et revues.’ It is dated from
Tours on the 13th of November, and is signed by Lieutenant-Colonel
Alfred Jerald, and by Colonel Tissier of the general staff of the
17th Army Corps. This order, which is based upon another dated the
10th of November, assures all French officers imprisoned in Germany,
without distinction, a money payment in case they escape from custody.
We repeat, all the French officers without distinction; that is to
say also those who have given their word of honour not to escape. The
premium offered for such dishonourable conduct amounts to 750 francs.
A measure of this description needs no comment. Honour (which is the
dearest treasure of every German officer and--duty and justice demand
that we should add--formerly also of all French officers) is regarded
by the men who came to power on the 4th of September as a commodity
to be bought and sold, and indeed very cheaply. In this way officers
of the French army will come to believe that France is no longer
administered by a Government, but is on the contrary exploited by a
trading firm, and one with lax principles of honesty and decency, under
the title of ‘Gambetta and Co.’ ‘Who’ll buy gods?’ ‘Who’ll sell his
word of honour?’”
Afterwards I write another short article on an error frequently
committed by the _Kölnische Zeitung_ and recently repeated in
connection with the Chancellor’s despatch to Vienna. The great Rhenish
newspaper writes: “Ever since 1866 we have been amongst those who
have persistently warned both Vienna and Berlin to dismiss their
idle jealousies and to come to the best understanding possible in
the circumstances. We have often regretted the _personal irritation_
between Bismarck and Beust which appears to stand in the way of such
a _rapprochement_, &c.” The reply is to the following effect: “It has
been observed that the _Kölnische Zeitung_ has already frequently
sought to explain political acts and omissions of the Chancellor of
the Confederation by personal motives, personal likes and dislikes,
personal disposition and ill humour; and we have here a further
instance of this unjustifiable course. We cannot imagine why such
suspicions are time after time brought forward. We only know that
absolutely no feeling of personal irritation exists between the
Chancellor of the North German Confederation and the Chancellor of the
Austria-Hungarian Monarchy, and indeed that, previous to 1866, when
they often came into personal contact, they were on excellent terms, as
Count Bismarck himself declared in the North German Reichstag. Since
then nothing has happened between them as private persons calculated
to create bitterness, if for no other reason than because they have
had no personal intercourse. If they have taken up a position more or
less antagonistic to each other the reasons are obvious. Up to the
present they were the representatives of different political systems,
and acted upon different political principles which it was difficult
although not quite impossible to reconcile. This, and this alone,
is the sole explanation of what the _Kölnische Zeitung_ ascribes to
personal motives, from which the thoughts and acts of no statesman of
the present day is farther removed than those of the Chancellor of
the Confederation. It may also be remarked incidentally that not only
has Count Bismarck not been ‘thoroughly’ deceived as to the power of
resistance of Paris, but he has not been deceived at all. His opinion
has never been asked on the subject; but we know on the best authority
that months ago he regarded the capture of the city as difficult, and
was decidedly opposed to the investment even before the fall of Metz.”
In reading documents in the evening I find that the Chief has had a
letter sent to General Bismarck-Bohlen stating that he does not agree
with the general in thinking that his main task should be to alleviate
the misery caused by the war, and to render the Alsacians well disposed
towards the future masters of the country. For the moment his first
business must be to promote the objects of the war and to secure the
safety of the troops. He should therefore expel such French officials
as will not take service under us, including the magistrates who will
not discharge the duties of their office; and he should also withhold
the payment of pensions directing the pensioners to apply to the
Government at Tours. Under such conditions the people would be more
disposed to call for peace.
_Saturday, December 31st._--All our people are ailing. I also begin
to feel exhausted. It will be well to shorten the night work which my
diary entails, or to interrupt it altogether for a few days.
_Tuesday, January 3rd._--I observe that the opinion already expressed
by the Chief on several occasions, that the dispersion of the German
forces towards the north and south-west is dangerous, and that more
in concentration is desirable, is also held elsewhere. A military
authority has written on this subject in the Vienna _Presse_; and
the _National Zeitung_ of the 31st of December publishes an article
which is even more in harmony with the Chief’s views. It says, _inter
alia_:--“The withdrawal of our troops from Dijon and the non-occupation
of Tours, to the gates of which a division of the 10th Army Corps
had advanced, give perhaps an indication of the views entertained
generally on the German side, and which will govern the continuation
of the campaign. It may possibly be expected that France will forgo
further resistance after the fall of Paris, and will agree to the
German conditions of peace. That, however, is not certain, and it is
necessary to be prepared for an opposite contingency. In any case the
fall of Paris will not be immediately followed by the establishment
of a Government generally recognised and supported by a National
Assembly, with which we could enter into negotiations for peace. Then
if hostilities are to be continued they cannot aim at conquering the
whole of such an extensive country as France. Our army, as hitherto,
might indeed be everywhere victorious and disperse the hostile forces.
That, however, would not be sufficient. It would be necessary to
organise a new civil administration in all the conquered districts
and to subject the population to its rule. Even in the country lying
between the Channel and the Loire our forces would not be sufficient
to completely secure the safety of communications and to maintain the
authority of a foreign administration in each town and village, to
prevent treacherous attacks and to collect the taxes as well as the
contributions and supplies that are indispensable for the purposes
of the war. To extend the area of occupation indefinitely would not
only be to overtax our military power, however highly we may rate it,
but to unduly drain our home services for the necessary supply of
civil administrators. Therefore, if peace is not attainable within a
very short time our military authorities must set clear and distinct
limits to the task which they propose to themselves. They must select a
fixed portion of French territory, which they can occupy so completely
that we shall have full command over it, and can retain it as long as
may be desired. This portion should include the capital and the best
provinces, with the finest and most warlike population, and it would
have, of course, to bear the whole burden and cost of the war until
a peace party had grown up throughout the country strong enough to
force its views upon the Government of the day. The occupied territory
should be so limited as to make its defence as easy as possible from
a military point of view. Of course further offensive operations for
temporary purposes might be undertaken beyond those lines, but there
should from the beginning be no intention of going permanently beyond
them. In the meantime the work of annexation should be proceeded with
in those districts which Germany requires for the security of her
frontier without awaiting the conclusion of peace.”
_Friday, January 6th._--Up to yesterday the cold was very severe. The
Chief has been unwell nearly the whole week. Yesterday for the first
time he went out for a short drive, and again this afternoon. The
Bureau has been reinforced by two officials, namely Oberregierungsrath
Wagener and Baron von Holstein, a secretary of embassy. Amongst
the articles which I have written within the last few days was one
concerning the withdrawal of a number of railway waggons from home
traffic, and consequently from the use of German industry, solely for
the purpose of collecting provisions here in anticipation of the time
when famine shall at length compel Paris to surrender. I described this
as humane, but unpractical and impolitic, as the Parisians, when they
hear that we have made preparations for that event, will continue their
resistance to the last crust of bread and the last joint of horseflesh.
We shall, therefore, ourselves be contributing through such acts of
humanity to a prolongation of the siege. It is not for us to provide
against the threatened danger of famine by establishing storehouses
or collecting the means of transport for reprovisioning the city, but
rather for the Parisians themselves by means of a timely capitulation.
I yesterday translated for the use of the King two English documents
respecting the sinking of English coal ships near Rouen by our troops,
who considered the measure necessary.
After dinner I read despatches and drafts. A demand has been addressed
to the German railways to supply a number of waggons (“2,800 axles”)
for the purpose of transporting provisions to Paris. The Chief
entered an energetic protest against this measure, which would be
prejudicial to us from a political standpoint, as the knowledge of
those provisions would enable the holders of power in Paris to exhaust
all their supplies before finally yielding, without any fear of famine
at the last moment. A telegram was sent to Itzenplitz on the 3rd of
January suggesting that he should not deliver a single waggon for this
purpose, and asking him to reply by wire whether he would decline such
requisitions. If not, the Chief “would request his Majesty to relieve
him from all responsibility.” Itzenplitz telegraphed back that he
agreed with the views of the Chancellor of the Confederation, and
would act accordingly. A letter from the King of Sweden, addressed to
a Commandant Verrier in Erfurt, is to be returned through the Dead
Letter Office. His Swedish Majesty, whom we know not to be particularly
well disposed towards us, says in this epistle, which, by the way, is
written in bad French with many orthographical errors, that he regrets
to have to watch the struggle with “folded arms,” and to be obliged
to “eat his bread in peace.” “_Nous nous armons tardivement, hélas!
mais avec vigueur, et j’espère que le jour de vengeance arrivera!_”
Vengeance? What have the Swedes to avenge upon us? It would seem as
if Prince Charles of Rumania were no longer able to manage the local
extremists, and were thinking of abdicating and leaving the country.
“We have no political interests in Rumania.” The Chief has made
representations to the King suggesting a limitation of the seat of war
for political reasons, namely on the ground that only thus shall we be
able to maintain our position in the occupied portions of France and
take full advantage of our occupation; and he has further proposed that
we should give notice to withdraw from the Geneva Convention, which is
unpractical. Bonnechose has, at the instance of the Pope, addressed
a letter to King William in favour of peace, but of an “honourable”
peace, that is to say, one that would not involve a cession of
territory. That we could have had twelve weeks ago from Monsieur Favre,
if the Chief had not preferred a _useful_ peace. For this reason
the Minister recommended that the letter should be left unanswered.
According to an intimation from Persigny, Prince Napoleon wishes to
come to Versailles in order to act as intermediary. He is a highly
intelligent and amiable gentleman, but enjoys little consideration in
France, and therefore the Chancellor declined to negotiate with him. In
the London Conference on the Black Sea question we are to give every
possible support to Russia’s demands. The Dowager Queen at Dresden
has suggested to Eichmann (the Prussian Minister) that it would be an
indication of confidence in Saxony if we were to allow them to garrison
Königstein with Saxon troops alone.
_Saturday, January 7th._--Haber suggested that possibly some political
documents of importance for us might be found in Odillon Barrot’s
house at Bougival. I asked the Minister’s permission to go over there
with Bucher. He replied: “That is all very well, but is it a private
library? I must preserve the things for M. Odillon Barrot. But you
can see if there is anything political amongst them.” It proved on
examination to be a well-chosen library, containing historical and
political works, as well as polite literature. It included also a
number of English books, but contained nothing of the character
suspected by Haber.
This evening the Minister dines with us again.
We hear at tea that the bombardment of the forts on the north side of
Paris has also begun, and shows good results. Fires have broken out in
Vaugirard and Grenelles--whence probably the smoke arose which we saw
yesterday from the hills between Ville d’Avray and Sèvres.
Keudell thinks I ought to tell the Chief. I go up to him at a quarter
to 11. He thanks me, and then asks, “What time is it?” I answer “Nearly
11, Excellency.” “Well, then, tell Keudell to prepare the communication
for the King.” I ascertain down stairs that this is a complaint that by
11 o’clock at night the military authorities have not communicated to
the Minister matters of which civilians were informed at 2 P.M.
_Sunday, January 8th._--At dinner the Chief gave some further
reminiscences of his youth. He spent the time from his sixth to his
twelfth year at the Plahmann Institute in Berlin, an educational
establishment worked on the principles of Pestalozzi and Jahn. It
was a period he could not think of with pleasure. The _régime_ was
artificially Spartan. While there he never fully satisfied his hunger,
except when he was invited out. “The meat was like india-rubber, not
exactly hard, but too much for one’s teeth. And carrots--I liked them
raw,--but cooked, and with hard potatoes, square junks!”
This led up to the pleasures of the table, the Chief giving his views
chiefly of certain varieties of fish. He had a pleasant recollection
of fresh-river lampreys, of which he could eat eight or ten; he then
praised schnäpel, a kind of whiting, and the Elbe salmon, the latter
being “a happy mean between the Baltic salmon and that of the Rhine,
which is too rich for me.” With regard to bankers’ dinners, “nothing is
considered good unless it is dear,--no carp because it is comparatively
cheap in Berlin, but _zander_ (a kind of perch-pike) because it is
difficult to carry. As a matter of fact I do not care for these, and
just as little for lampreys, of which the flesh is too soft for me.
But I could eat marena every day of the week. I almost prefer them to
trout, of which I only like those of a medium size, weighing about
half-a-pound. The large ones that are usually served at dinners in
Frankfurt, and which mostly come from the Wolfsbrünnen near Heidelberg,
are not worth much. They are expensive, and so one must have them.
That’s also the way at Court with oysters. They don’t eat any in
England when the Queen is present, as they are too cheap there.”
The conversation then turned on the Arc de Triomphe in Paris, which was
compared with the Brandenburg Gate. The Chief said of the latter: “It
is really beautiful in its way--particularly without the two pillared
porticos. I have advised the King to let it stand free, and have the
guard houses removed. It would be much more effective, as it would no
longer be squeezed in and partly concealed as it is now.”
Wagener having mentioned his former journalistic work, the Minister
said: “I know my first newspaper article was about shooting. At that
time I was still a wild junker. Some one had written a spiteful article
on sport, which set my blood boiling, so that I sat down and wrote a
reply, which I handed to Altvater, the editor, but without success. He
answered very politely, but said it would not do, he could not accept
it. I was beside myself with indignation that any one should be at
liberty to attack sportsmen without being obliged to listen to their
reply; but so it was at that time.”
The defence put forward by the Luxemburg Government in reply to our
complaints respecting breaches of neutrality is insufficient. It
perhaps shows the good will of that Government, but certainly the facts
prove that they are not able to maintain their own neutrality. They
have been again warned, further evidence being given in support of
our charges. If this does not prove effective, we shall be obliged to
occupy the Grand Duchy, and hand over his passports to the Grand Ducal
Minister in Berlin. A communication to the same effect has been made to
the Powers that signed the Treaty of 1867. According to a memorandum in
which the Chief proposed to the King that, the statesmen who concluded
the treaties providing for the accession of Baden and Würtemberg to the
North German Confederation should receive decorations, an exception was
to be made in the case of Dalwigk, because he had constantly intrigued
and worked against Prussia and the cause of German unity, and only
finally gave way on the compulsion of necessity; and his decoration
would, therefore, have a bad effect upon public opinion, which had
frequently urged the exercise of Prussian influence to secure his
dismissal.
_Monday, January 9th._--It is reported from London that Prince Napoleon
has a plan under consideration for concluding on his own authority a
peace satisfactory to us, and then after the capitulation of Paris
convoking the two Chambers to ratify the treaty, and to decide upon the
future form of government, and eventually upon the future dynasty. This
plan would be supported by Vinoy and Ducrot. The Orleanists are also
active, and hope to win over Thiers to their side. Bernstorff reports
that it has been ascertained from a servant of Dr. Reitlinger, Favre’s
secretary, that he has endeavoured to hatch a democratic conspiracy
in South Germany. Gladstone has received Reitlinger, and promised to
support him in every possible way.
In the afternoon I drafted a telegram as to the further successful
progress of the bombardment. On submitting it to the Chief, he struck
out a passage in which it was mentioned that our shells had fallen in
the Luxemburg Gardens, as being “impolitic.” He also instructed me to
telegraph to the Foreign Office in Berlin to omit this passage from the
report of the general staff.
The following pretty story is making the round of the newspapers. It
is taken from the private letter of a German officer, and was first
published in the _Leipziger Tageblatt_. “One day the aide-de-camp,
Count Lehndorff, visited Captain von Strantz at one of the outposts at
Ville d’Avray, near Paris. In reply to the Count’s question as to how
he was getting on, the Captain said: ‘Oh, very well; I have just been
dining for the sixty-seventh time off roast mutton.’ The Count laughed,
and after a while drove off again. Next day a policeman called upon the
captain with the following message: ‘It having come to the knowledge
of his Excellency Count Bismarck, Chancellor of the Confederation,
that Captain von Strantz would doubtless be dining to-day off his
sixty-eighth joint of roast mutton, his Excellency sends him herewith
four ducks as a change of menu.’” This anecdote has the advantage over
most of those appearing in the press, that it is in the main correct.
But the policeman did not call on the next day. Count Lehndorff dined
with us a few days before Christmas.
The Chief was shaved as usual on coming to dinner to-day. He first
mentioned that Count Bill had received the Iron Cross, and seemed to
think that it should more properly have been given to his elder son, as
he was wounded in the cavalry charge at Mars la Tour. “The wound was
an accident,” he went on, “and others who were not wounded may have
been equally brave. But it is, after all, a distinction, a kind of
compensation for the wounded.” “I remember when I was a young man that
one Herr von Reuss went about Berlin also wearing the Cross. I thought
to myself what wonders he must have done; but I afterwards ascertained
that he had an uncle who was a Minister, and he had been attached to
the general staff as a kind of private aide-de-camp.”
The Chancellor suddenly remarked; “It must be three weeks since I saw
Serenissimus.[20] It is not so long since I saw Serenior.[21] I cut the
Sereni.” The Chancellor then continued, obviously with reference to
the Sereni, that is the Princes at the Hôtel des Reservoirs, or one of
them, but without any connecting sentence: “I remember at Göttingen I
once called a student a silly youngster. (Dummer Junge, the recognised
form of offence when it is intended to provoke a duel.) On his sending
me his challenge I said I had not wished to offend him by the remark
that he was a silly youngster, but merely to express my conviction.”
While we were discussing pheasant and sauerkraut some one remarked
that the Minister had not been out shooting for a long time, although
the woods between Versailles and Paris were full of game. “Yes,” he
replied, “something has always happened to prevent me. The last time
was at Ferrières, the King was away and he had forbidden shooting, that
is to say, in the park, just as he has now given orders that Ferrières
must be spared, merely because it belongs to a rich Jew. We did not go
into the park, and there was plenty of game, but not much of it was
shot as the cartridges were bad.” Holstein, who, by the way, turns
out to be exceedingly amiable, hard-working and helpful, remarked:
“This is the account given of the affair, Excellency. You were aware
of his Majesty’s orders, and of course desired to obey them. But it
unfortunately happened as you were taking a walk on one occasion you
were suddenly set upon by three or four pheasants and were obliged to
shoot them down in self-defence.”
The French Rothschild recalled the German one, of whom the Chief
related a very amusing story. He said: “When the members of the
Reichstag were here recently, I was seated next to Rothschild at the
Crown Prince’s. The Prince sat next to me, and on his other side was
Simson. Rothschild smokes a grew deal, and smelt of that and other
things, and so I thought I would play a little practical joke before
we sat down. But it did not succeed. It is only after dinner that
stewards of the household begin to be sensible and listen to a body.
I had my revenge however, by letting my neighbour have the benefit of
my remarks. I said to him, ‘You should have a house in Berlin, and
invite people to see you, and so on.’ ‘What do you mean?’ he asked, in
a loud and almost angry voice. ‘Am I to give dinners in a restaurant?’
‘Well, you might do that too,’ I replied, ‘but to other people, not
to me. In my opinion you owe it to the credit of your house. But the
best thing would be to have a place of your own in Berlin. You know
there is nothing to be expected any longer from the Paris and London
Rothschilds, and so you ought to do something in Berlin. People are
constantly surprised that you have not yet got into the Almanach de
Gotha. Of course, what has not been done up to now may yet happen, but
I am afraid you are not going the right way to work.’”
Finally polite literature came to be discussed, and Spielhagen’s
“Problematische Naturen” was mentioned. The Chancellor had read it,
and did not think badly of it, but he said: “I shall certainly not
read it a second time. One has absolutely no time here. Otherwise
a much-occupied Minister might well take up such a book and forget
his despatches over it for a couple of hours.” Freytag’s “Soll und
Haben” was also mentioned, and his description of the Polish riots,
as well as the story of the bread-and-butter miss and the ball, were
praised, while his heroes were considered insipid. One said they had
no passion, and another no souls. Abeken, who took an active part in
the conversation, observed that he could not read any of these things
twice, and that most of the well-known modern authors had only produced
one good book apiece. “Well,” said the Chief, “I could also make you a
present of three-fourths of Goethe--the remainder, certainly--I should
like to live for a long spell on a desert island with seven or eight
volumes out of the forty.” Fritz Reuter was then referred to, and
the Minister remarked, “‘Uit de Franzosentid,’ very pretty but not a
novel.” “Stromtid” was also mentioned. “H’m,” said the Chief, “_Dat is
as dat ledder is_ (that’s just how it is, a favourite expression of one
of the characters in the book)--that, it is true, is a novel, and it
contains many good and others indifferent, but all through the peasants
are described exactly as they are.”
In the evening I translated for the King a long article from _The
Times_ on the situation in Paris. Afterwards at tea Keudell spoke very
well and sensibly of certain qualities of the Chancellor, who reminded
him of Achilles, his great gifts, the youthfulness of his character,
his quickness of temper, his tendency to _Weltschmerz_, his inclination
to withdraw from great affairs and his invariably victorious action.
Our times could boast a Troy, and also an Agamemnon, shepherd of the
nations.
_Tuesday, January 10th._--Earth and sky are full of snow. A shot is
only to be heard now and again from our batteries, or from the forts.
Count Bill is here, and General von Manteuffel calls at 1 o’clock. They
are passing through on their way to the army that is to operate against
Bourbaki in the south-east under Manteuffel. During the afternoon I
telegraph twice to London reporting the retreat of Chanzy at Le Mans,
with the loss of a thousand men who were made prisoners, and Werder’s
victorious resistance at Villersexel to a superior French force
advancing to the relief of Belfort.
The first subject mentioned at dinner is the bombardment. The Chief
holds that most of the Paris forts are of little importance, except
perhaps Mont Valérien--“Not much more than the redoubts at Düppel.”
That is to say the moats are not very deep, and formerly the walls were
also weak. The conversation then turns on the International League
of Peace and its connection with social democracy as shown by the
fact that Karl Marx, who is now living in London, has been appointed
President of the German branch. Bucher describes Marx as an intelligent
man with a good scientific education and the real leader of the
international labour movement. With reference to the League of Peace
the Chief says that its efforts are all of an equivocal character, and
that its aims are something very different to peace. It is a cloak for
communism. “But,” he concludes, “certain august personages have even
now no idea of that. Foreign countries and peace!” In this connection
he referred to the influence and attitude of Queen Augusta.
Count Bill, according to the Chief, “looks from a distance like an old
staff officer, he is so stout.” He was very lucky in being selected to
accompany Manteuffel. Of course, it would only be a temporary billet,
but he would see a great deal of the war. “For his age he has a good
opportunity to learn something. That was impossible for one of us
at eighteen. I should have been born in 1795 to have taken part in
the campaign of 1813.” “Nevertheless since the battle of--(I could
not catch the name, but he referred apparently to an engagement in
the Huguenot War) there was not one of my ancestors who did not draw
the sword against France. My father and three of his brothers were
engaged against Napoleon I. Then my grandfather fought at Rossbach;
my great-grandfather against Louis XIV., and his father against the
same King in the little war on the Rhine in 1672 or 1673. Then several
of us fought on the imperial side in the Thirty Years’ War, others,
it is true, joining the Swedes. And finally still another was amongst
the Germans who fought as mercenaries on the Huguenot side. One--there
is a picture of him at Schönhausen with his children--was an original
character. I still have a letter from him to his brother-in-law in
which he says, ‘The cask of Rhine wine costs me eighty reichsthalers.
If my worthy brother-in-law considers that too dear I will, so
God spares me, drink it myself.’ And another time: ‘If my worthy
brother-in-law maintains so-and-so, I hope, so God preserves me, to
come into closer contact with his person than will be pleasant to him.’
And again in another place: ‘I have spent 12,000 reichsthalers on the
regiment, but I hope, if God spares me, to make as much out of it in
time.’ The economies referred to consisted probably in drawing pay
for men who were on furlough or who only existed on paper. Certainly
the commander of a regiment was better off at that time than now.”
Some one observed that was also the rule at a later period, so long
as regiments were recruited, paid, and clad by the colonels and hired
by the Princes, and possibly the same thing still happened in other
countries. The Chief: “Yes, in Russia for instance, in the great
cavalry regiments in the Southern provinces which often have as many
as sixteen squadrons. There the colonel had, and doubtless yet has
other sources of income. A German once told me, for instance, that
on a new colonel taking over the command of a regiment--I believe it
was in Kursk or Woronesch--the peasants of this wealthy district came
to him with waggons full of straw and hay, and begged the ‘little
father’ to be gracious enough to accept them. ‘I did not know what
they wanted,’ said the colonel, ‘and so I told them to be off and leave
me in peace. But the ‘little father’ ought to be fair, they urged,
his predecessor had been satisfied with that much, and they could not
give more, as they were poor people. At length I got tired of it,
particularly as they became very pressing and went down on their knees
entreating me to accept it, and I had them bundled out of doors. But
then others came with loads of wheat and oats. Then I understood what
was meant, and took everything as my predecessor had done, and when
the first lot returned with more hay I told them that what they had
brought before was enough and they could take back the rest. And thus
I secured an annual sum of 20,000 roubles, as I charged the Government
for the hay and oats required by the regiment.’ He related that quite
frankly and unabashed in a drawing-room in St. Petersburg, and I was
the only one who was surprised at it.” “But what could he have done to
the peasants?” asked Delbrück. “He himself could have done nothing,”
replied the Chief, “but he might have ruined them in another way. He
only required _not_ to forbid the soldiers to take what they liked from
them.”
Manteuffel was again spoken of, and somebody mentioned that he had
broken his leg at Metz, and had to be carried on the battle-field.
Manteuffel was greatly surprised that we had not known this, and the
Minister remarked that he must certainly have thought us very badly
informed as to the incidents of the war. Later on the Chief said: “I
remember how I sat with him and ---- (I did not catch the name) on
the stones outside the Church at Blekstein. The King came up, and I
proposed that we should greet him like the three witches in _Macbeth_:
‘Hail, Thane of Lauenburg! Hail, Thane of Kiel! Hail, Thane of
Schleswig!’ It was when I was negotiating the Treaty of Gastein with
Blome. I then played quinze for the last time in my life. Although I
had not played then for a long time, I gambled recklessly, so that the
others were astounded. But I knew what I was at. Blome had heard that
quinze gave the best opportunity of testing a man’s character, and he
was anxious to try the experiment on me. I thought to myself, I’ll
teach him. I lost a few hundred thalers, for which I might well have
claimed reimbursement from the State as having been expended on his
Majesty’s service. But I got round Blome in that way, and made him do
what I wanted. He took me to be reckless, and yielded.”
The conversation then turned upon Berlin, some one having remarked
that it was from year to year assuming more the appearance of a great
capital, also in its sentiments and way of thinking, a circumstance
which to some extent reacted on its Parliamentary representatives.
“They have greatly altered during the last five years,” said Delbrück.
“That is true,” said the Chief; “but in 1862, when I first had to
deal with those gentlemen, they recognised what a hearty contempt I
entertained for them, and they have never become friends with me again.”
The Jews then came to be discussed, and the Minister wished to know
how it was that the name Meier was so common amongst them. That
name was after all of German origin, and in Westphalia it meant a
landed proprietor, yet formerly the Jews owned no land. I submitted
that the word was of Hebrew origin and occurred in the Old Testament
and also in the Talmud, being properly Meïr and akin to “Or,”
_i.e._, light, brilliance, whence the signification of Enlightened,
Brilliant, Radiant. The Chief then inquired the meaning of Kohn, a
name very common amongst them also. I said it signified Priest, and
was originally Kohen From Kohen it became Kohn, Kuhn, Cahen, and Kahn.
Kohn and Kahn were also occasionally transformed into Hahn, a remark
which caused some amusement as it probably reminded the company of the
“Presshahn,” who is at the head of the Berlin Literary Bureau. “I am
of opinion,” continued the Minister, “that to prevent mischief, the
Jews will have to be rendered innocuous by cross breeding. The results
are not bad.” He then mentioned some noble houses, Lynars, Stirums,
Gusserows: “All very clever, decent people.” He then reflected for
a while and, omitting one link from the chain of thought, probably
the marriage of distinguished Christian ladies to rich or talented
Israelites, he proceeded: “It is better the other way on. One ought to
put a Jewish mare to a Christian stallion of German breed. The money
must be brought into circulation again, and the race is not at all bad.
I do not know what I shall one day advise my sons to do.”
I spent the whole time after dinner at work, principally reading
despatches. The Rumanian (Prince Charles) has sent the Chancellor a
letter, written in his own hand, requesting advice in his difficulties.
He seems to be in the greatest perplexity, and the Powers will not
help him. England and Austria are at least indifferent; the Porte
is inclined to look upon the unification of the Principalities as to
its interests; France is now of no account; the Tsar Alexander is, it
is true, well disposed to Prince Charles but will not interfere; and
intervention on the part of Germany, who has no practical interests in
Rumania, is not to be expected. Therefore, if the Prince cannot help
himself out of his difficulties, he had better retire before he is
obliged to. Such was the counsel addressed to him by the Chief through
Keudell. Beust has been informed of this. It would appear that Beust’s
despatch in reply to the announcement of the approaching union of
South Germany with the North, shows a new departure in his political
views, and it is possible that even under him satisfactory relations
may be developed and maintained between the two newly-organised Powers,
Germany and Austria-Hungary. He reported that a new comic paper, _Der
Bismarck_, was being founded in Vienna, and that he would do everything
in his power to prevent this abuse of the name. The Chief has recently
addressed a communication to the King in which he requests: (1) That
the telegrams of the General Staff before being despatched to Berlin
should be submitted to him and his approval obtained, as they might
have political bearings--as, for example, in the case of the shells
that fell in the Luxemburg Gardens. (2) That he should receive full
information of the course of military operations, instead of being
indebted for detailed particulars to the newspapers and private
persons. Subalterns and members of the Ambulance Corps were kept better
informed than he.
At 10.30 P.M. the Chief comes down to tea, at which Count Bill also
joins us. Abeken returns from Court and brings the news that the
fortress of Péronne, with a garrison of 3,000 men, has capitulated.
The Chief, who was just looking through the _Illustrirte Zeitung_,
sighed and exclaimed: “Another 3,000! If one could only drown them in
the Seine--or at least their Commander, who has broken his word of
honour!”
This led the conversation to the subject of the numerous prisoners
in Germany, and Holstein said it would be a good idea to hire them
out to work on the Strousberg railway. “Or,” said the Chief, “if the
Tsar could be induced to settle them in military colonies beyond the
Caucasus. It is said to be a very fine country. This mass of prisoners
will really form a difficulty for us after the peace. The French
will thus have an army at once, and one fresh from a long rest. But
there will really be no alternative. We shall have to give them back
to Napoleon, and he will require 200,000 men as a Pretorian Guard to
maintain himself.” “Does he then really expect to restore the Empire?”
asked Holstein. “Oh, very much,” replied the Chief, “extremely, quite
enormously much. He thinks of it day and night, and the people in
England also.”
Holstein then related how certain people belonging to the English
Embassy had behaved very unbecomingly outside the place where the
French prisoners are confined in Spandau, and had fared badly in
consequence. Cockerell was knocked down and beaten black and blue, so
that he afterwards looked “quite as if he had been painted.” Loftus
did not at first want to intervene, but was ultimately induced by the
other diplomats to enter a complaint. “Did they give this Cockerell a
sound hiding?” asked Count Bill. “Oh, certainly,” replied Holstein,
“and Miss ---- (name escaped me), who tried to interfere on his behalf,
also received a few blows.” “Well, I am glad Cockerell got a proper
dressing,” said the Chief, “it will do him good. I am sorry for the
lady. But it is a pity that Loftus” (the British Ambassador) “himself
did not get thrashed on the occasion, as we should then be rid of him.”
_Wednesday, January 11th._--Bernstorff reports that Clement Duvernois,
a former Minister of Napoleon, wishes to come here in order to
negotiate for peace in the name of the Empress. She will agree in
principle to the cession of territory and the new frontier demanded
by us, and also to the payment of a war indemnity and the occupation
of a certain portion of France by our troops until it is paid, and
will promise not to enter into negotiations respecting peace with any
other Power than Germany. Duvernois is of opinion that although the
Empress is not popular, yet she would act energetically, and as a
legal ruler would have more authority and offer us a better security
than any person elected by and dependent upon the representatives of
the country. Duvernois assisted in provisioning Paris and accordingly
knows that it must surrender shortly, and therefore as time presses, he
is anxious to hurry on negotiations. Will he be received if he comes?
Perhaps, if only in order to make the members of the Government in
Paris and Bordeaux more yielding.
During dinner the bombardment was discussed, as is now usually the
case. Paris was said to be on fire, and some one had clearly seen thick
columns of smoke rising over the city. “That is not enough,” said the
Chief. “We must first smell it here. When Hamburg was burning the smell
could be distinguished five German miles off.” The opposition offered
by the “Patriots” in the Bavarian Chamber to the Versailles Treaty was
then referred to. The Chief said: “I wish I could go there and speak
to them. They have obviously got into a false position and can neither
advance nor retire. I have already been doing my best to bring them
into the right way. But one is so badly wanted here in order to prevent
absurdities and to preach sense.”
_Thursday, January 12th._--At dinner the conversation again turned on
the bombardment. On somebody observing that the French complain of
our aiming at their hospitals, the Chief said: “That is certainly not
done intentionally. They have hospitals near the Pantheon and the Val
de Grâce, and it is possible that a few shells may have fallen there
accidentally. H’m, Pantheon, Pandemonium?” Abeken had heard that the
Bavarians intended to storm one of the south-eastern forts that had
returned our fire in a weak way. The Chief commended the Bavarians,
adding: “If I were only in Munich now, I would bring that home to their
members of Parliament in such a way that I should immediately win them
over to our side.”
The Chancellor then told us that the King preferred the title “Emperor
of Germany” to that of “German Emperor.” “I gave him to understand
that I did not care a brass farthing. He was of a different opinion.
Rather the country than the people. I then explained to him that the
first would be a new title and would at least have no historical basis.
There had never been an Emperor of Germany, and though it was true
there had also been no German Emperor, there had been a German King.”
Bucher confirmed that statement and remarked that Charlemagne assumed
the title of “Imperator Romanorum.” Subsequently the Emperor was called
“Imperator Romanus, semper augustus, and German King.”
At 11 P.M. the King sent the Chief a pencil note in his own
handwriting on a half sheet of letter paper, informing him that we had
just won a great victory at Le Mans. The Minister, who was visibly
pleased and touched at this attention, said as he handed me the slip of
paper in order that I should telegraph the news: “He thinks the General
Staff will not let me know, and so he writes himself.”
_Friday, January 13th._--Arnim sends a florid account from Rome of
the visit paid by Victor Emmanuel to the Eternal City. He mentions
a report received from the Nuncio at Bordeaux respecting an attempt
by the Government Delegation in that city to secure the intervention
of the Pope for the purpose of negotiating a peace. The Cardinal in
communicating this to the Minister added that the French are now
disposed to make greater concessions than at Ferrières, and asked if in
principle the Pope’s mediation would be agreeable to us. Arnim replied
that the French Government knew our conditions and could conclude
peace at any time on that basis. Arnim states that the efforts made by
the Curia on behalf of peace are sincere, but are based on interested
motives. The Cardinal asked if it was not intended to grant France
any compensation for the proposed cession of territory, whereupon
Arnim replied that we had no right to dispose of the territory of
other States. The Cardinal obviously had Italy in view, and meant that
France should indemnify herself by annexing Piedmont and reinstating
the Pope in Rome. The despatch concludes as follows: “My presence here
complicates our position, as it awakens hopes that cannot be realised,
and maintains intimate relations that clog our footsteps without making
the ground upon which we stand any firmer.” Thile reports that Queen
Augusta told him the sinking of the English coal ships near Rouen
had made more bad blood in England than was believed here. The Crown
Princess knew from the letters of her mother that sympathy for our
cause was daily decreasing there. Thile replied that he was surprised
to hear it, as Bernstorff made no mention of it.
We are joined at dinner by Regierungspräsident von Ernsthausen, a
portly gentleman, still young, and by the Chief, who is to dine with
the Crown Prince, and only remains until the Varzin ham comes to
table, of which he partakes “for the sake of home memories.” Turning
to Ernsthausen, he says: “I am invited to the Crown Prince’s, but
before going there I have another important interview for which I must
strengthen myself.” “Wednesday will be the 18th, and the Festival of
the Orders, so we can publish the proclamation to the German people on
that day.” (The Proclamation of Emperor and Empire, upon which Bucher
is now at work.) (To Ernsthausen): “The King is still in doubt about
‘German Emperor’ or ‘Emperor of Germany.’ He inclines to the latter.
But it does not appear to me that there is much difference between the
two titles. It is like the Homousios or Homoiousios in the Councils of
the Church.” Abeken corrected: “Homöusios.” The Chief: “We pronounce
it _oi_. In Saxony they have the Iotacism. I remember in our school
there was a pupil from Chemnitz who read that way” (and he then quoted
a Greek sentence), “but the teacher said to him ‘Stop! That won’t do!
We don’t hail here from Saxony.’”
After dinner I read the latest despatches and some older drafts.
Those of special interest were instructions from the Chief to the
Minister of Commerce that the amount expended for the provisioning of
Paris could not be included in the Budget; and a memorandum in which
Moltke defended the supply of provisions for the Parisians. The 2,800
waggons with provisions were, he says, not intended solely for the
Parisians, but also for our own troops--for the former seven million
rations of two pounds each for three days--and it would be well if
there were still more waggons in France. The Chief returned from the
Crown Prince’s at 9.30 P.M., and shortly afterwards he instructed
me to telegraph that we had made 8,000 prisoners at Le Mans, and
captured twelve guns, and that Gambetta, who wished to be present at
the battle, nearly fell into our hands, but just made his escape in
time. Afterwards I cut out Unruh’s speech dealing with the scarcity of
locomotives on the German railways, for submission to the King.