THIERS AND THE FIRST NEGOTIATIONS FOR AN ARMISTICE AT VERSAILLES
On the morning of the 30th of October, while taking a walk along the
Avenue de Saint Cloud, I met Bennigsen, who was to start for home with
Blankenburg in a few days. On my asking what progress had been made
in Germany with the question of unity he said that the prospects were
very good. The only point which the Bavarians still insisted upon was a
certain degree of independence for their army. The feeling amongst the
majority of the people was all that could be desired.
On my return to the house a little after 10 o’clock Engel told me
that Thiers had arrived shortly before, but had left again almost
immediately. He had come from Tours, and had only called to get a safe
conduct through our lines, as he wished to go to Paris. Hatzfeldt had
breakfasted with Thiers at the Hôtel des Reservoirs, and afterwards
saw him into the carriage, in which, accompanied by Lieutenant von
Winterfeldt, he was conducted to the French outposts. He told us at
lunch that Thiers “still remained the same bright witty old gentleman,
but was weak as a baby.” Hatzfeldt had been the first to recognise
him on his calling at our place, and told him that the Chief was
just getting up. He then showed him into the salon, and informed the
Minister, who hastily finished his toilet and shortly afterwards came
down. They were, however, only together alone for a few minutes, the
Chief then instructing Hatzfeldt to make the necessary preparations for
Thiers’ visit to Paris. The Minister afterwards told Hatzfeldt that
Thiers said to him immediately after they had exchanged greetings, that
he had not come to speak to him. “That strikes me as quite natural,”
added Hatzfeldt, “as although Thiers would like to conclude peace
with us (just because it would be Thiers’ peace, since he is terribly
ambitious) he does not know what the people in Paris would say to it.”
In the meantime the Chief had ridden off with his cousin to the review
of 9,000 Landwehr Guards which was being held this morning by the King.
At lunch the Chief referred to the Landwehr, who had arrived that
morning, and said they were tall, broad-shouldered fellows, who must
have impressed the people of Versailles. “The front of one of their
companies is at least five feet broader than that of a French company,
particularly in the Pomeranian Landwehr.” The Minister then turned to
Hatzfeldt, and said: “I hope you have not mentioned anything about Metz
to Thiers.” “No, and he also said nothing about it, although there is
no doubt that he knows.” “He certainly does, but I did not speak about
it either.” Hatzfeldt then observed once more that Thiers was very
charming in his manner, but had lost nothing of his old vanity and
self-complacency. As evidence of this Hatzfeldt mentioned that Thiers
had told him that a few days before he met a peasant whom he asked
whether he desired to see peace concluded. “Certainly, very much.”
“Whether he knew who he (Thiers) was?” “No,” the peasant replied, and
appealed to a neighbour who had come on the scene, and who passed as
the oldest inhabitant. This ancient was of opinion that M. Thiers must
be a member of the Chamber. Hatzfeldt added, “It was obvious that
Thiers was angry at not being better known.”
The Chief went out for a moment, and brought back a case containing
a gold pen, which a jeweller of Pforzheim presented to him for the
purpose of signing the Treaty of Peace.
At dinner the Chief again spoke at some length of the possibility of
holding a Session of the German Reichstag at Versailles, while the
French Legislative Chamber should at the same time meet at Cassel.
Delbrück observed that the hall of the Diet at Cassel would not be
large enough for such an assembly. “Well then,” said the Chief, “the
Senate could meet somewhere else--in Marburg or Fritzlar, or some
similar town.”
_Monday, October 31st._--In the morning wrote some articles, one of
which advocated the idea of an international court for the trial of
those who had instigated this war against us. Also directed attention
to the case of M. Hermieux, the commandant of a French battalion, who
like Ducrot had broken his word by making his escape from hospital, and
whose description was now published in the newspapers.
Gauthier called again at 12 o’clock, and had another long interview
with the Chief.
Hatzfeldt announced at tea that on paying a visit early in the evening
at the Hôtel des Reservoirs he learned by accident that M. Thiers
had returned, and he had afterwards spoken to him. Thiers informed
him that on the day before he had been engaged from 10 o’clock at
night until 3 in the morning in negotiating with the members of the
Provisional Government; he rose again at 6 A.M. and from that time
until 2 in the afternoon received visitors of all descriptions, after
which he drove back here. He wishes to have a conference with the
Chancellor to-morrow. “He began to speak of disturbances having taken
place yesterday in Paris,” continued Hatzfeldt, “but on an exclamation
of surprise escaping me he immediately changed the subject.”
In the evening I was instructed to see that the decree addressed to
Vogel von Falkenstein and published in the _Staatsanzeiger_ of the 27th
instant, was reproduced by our other papers. It was to be accompanied
by a collection of newspaper reports respecting the ill-treatment
of German prisoners by the French. I then began a second article
against Beust’s intervention in our quarrel with the French, based
on the suggestions of the Chief, who said it was to be “very sharply
worded.” This however was not sent off, as the situation altered in the
meantime. I reproduce the article here as being characteristic of the
position of affairs at the moment. It ran as follows:--
“If in a struggle between two Powers, one of whom proves obviously
weaker and is at length on the point of being defeated, a third Power,
which has hitherto been neutral, urges an armistice, its motive must
certainly be regarded less as a benevolent desire for the welfare
of both parties than as anxiety for the weaker State and as evident
partisanship in favour of the same. It is, in fact, an armistice in
favour of the Power that is on the point of being defeated, and to the
disadvantage of that which has won the upper hand. If this third Power
furthermore endeavours to induce other neutral States to take similar
action, thus strengthening and giving more weight to its own proposal,
then it is clearly departing still further from a neutral attitude.
Its one-sided warnings are transformed into partisan pressure, its
proceedings become intrigues, and its whole action presents an
appearance of threatened violence.
“This is the case with Austria-Hungary if it be true, as the Vienna
official organs boast, that it has taken the initiative in an attempt
of the neutral Powers to negotiate an armistice between defeated France
and victorious Germany. The conduct of Count Beust becomes more clearly
offensive when it is known that it was suggested by M. Chaudordy,
Favre’s representative at Tours, and originated in a previous
understanding between the Vienna Cabinet and the Delegation of the
Provisional Government in that city. The true character of this action
on the part of Austro-Hungarian diplomacy as a hostile interference in
our settlement with France becomes more manifest from the manner in
which its representative in Berlin supports the English suggestions.
The British Foreign Office adopts a tone of perfect impartiality, and
of benevolence towards Germany; the Italians do the same, while the
Russian representative has kept entirely aloof from all intervention.
All three Powers have done their utmost at Tours to promote an
unprejudiced and reasonable view of the situation on the part of the
French. On the other hand, the despatches read by Herr von Wimpffen
in Berlin (we do not know what Austria-Hungary has advised at Tours)
speak in a tone which is anything but friendly. They emphasise the
statement that Vienna still believes in general European interests. The
authorities there fear that history would condemn the neutral Powers
if the catastrophe which is threatening Paris were to occur without a
voice being raised on their part to avert it. It is evidently intended
as a severe and offensive censure when they say humanity demands that
the conditions of peace should be made less onerous for the vanquished,
but that Germany will not permit any voice to reach the ears of its
defeated foe except that which proclaims the commands of the victor.
The whole despatch is characterised throughout by a vein of irony which
distinguishes it in a manner little to its advantage from that of the
English Government.
“From all these circumstances it is as clear that the action of
Count Beust is guided by hostile intentions towards us as that Lord
Granville’s attitude is based on good will. We wonder if the Vienna
Chancellor well considered the possible consequences of this new
manœuvre. It is not probable after the fall of Metz that the attempt
made by Austria to hinder Germany in the complete attainment of that
peace which we have in view with the object of securing a safe Western
frontier will be successful. But we shall remember that attempts to
prejudice our interests and the good impression made in Germany by
the previous neutrality of Austria-Hungary will be destroyed, and a
friendly _rapprochement_ with the dual monarchy, a basis for which
was being laid, will be postponed--probably for a considerable time.
But let us consider another possibility. Take it that through the
intervention of Count Beust the demands which we make upon France are
curtailed, and that we are actually obliged to renounce a portion of
the old and new debts which we are on the point of collecting--does the
Chancellor of the Austro-Hungarian Empire believe that we shall not
remember at the first opportunity to make our ill-disposed neighbour
on the South-East compensate us for what he helped to deprive us of in
the West? Does he believe that we shall foolishly put off the day of
reckoning with a neighbour who takes every opportunity of displaying
his hostility, until his French _protégé_ has recovered sufficiently to
give him the support of a more valuable alliance in gratitude for the
assistance given against Germany?”
_Tuesday, November 1st._--At dinner Bohlen reported that the Coburger
is doing his utmost to create a feeling of discontent--he says nothing
happens, nothing is being done, no progress is being made. “What! He!”
exclaimed the Chief, with an indescribable expression of contempt on
his features. “He should be ashamed of himself. These Princes that
follow the army like a flight of vultures! These carrion crows, who
themselves do nothing whatever except inspect the battle-fields, &c.”
Some one then spoke of the last engagement, and said that a portion of
the 1200 prisoners that had been taken were franctireurs. “Prisoners!”
broke in the Chief, who still seemed to be extremely angry. “Why do
they continue to make prisoners? They should have shot down the whole
1200 one after the other.”
Mention was made of the decree of the Minister of War or of the
Commandant of the Town, ordering that particulars should be published
of all valuables found in houses deserted by their owners, and that if
not reclaimed within a certain time they were to be confiscated for
the benefit of the war chest. The Minister said that he considered
this decree to be perfectly justified, adding: “As a matter of fact
such houses should be burned to the ground, only that punishment
would also fall in part on the sensible people who have remained
behind; and so unfortunately it is out of the question.” The Chief then
observed, after a pause, and apparently without any connection with
what had been previously said: “After all, war is, properly speaking,
the natural condition of humanity.” He remained silent for a while,
and then remarked: “It just occurs to me that the Bavarian proposes
to surprise me to-day,” by which he meant that Count Bray was about
to visit him. This led the conversation to the Bavarian Ambassador in
Berlin, Pergler von Perglas, of whom the Chief does not appear to have
a high opinion. “He is as bad as he can be. I do not say that because
he is a Particularist, as I do not know how I should think myself if I
were a Bavarian. But he has always been in favour of the French.” (The
Minister maintained, if I heard him rightly, that this was owing to his
wife.) “I never tell him anything when he comes to me, or at least not
the truth.”
Shortly afterwards the Chief told us that Thiers had been with him for
about three hours to-day with the object of negotiating an armistice.
Probably however it would not be possible to come to an understanding
as to the conditions which he proposes or is prepared to grant. Once
during the conversation Thiers wished to speak of the supply of
provisions now in Paris; but the Minister interrupted him, saying,
“Excuse me, but we know that better than you who have only been in the
city for one day. Their store of provisions is sufficient to last until
the end of January.” “What a look of surprise he gave me! My remark was
only a feeler, and his astonishment showed that what I had said was not
true.”
At dessert the Minister spoke of the large quantity he had eaten. “But
then it is my only meal. It is true I take breakfast, but then it is
merely a cup of tea without milk and two eggs,--and after that nothing
till evening. Then I over-eat myself, like a boa-constrictor, and can’t
sleep. Even as a child, and ever since that time, I have always gone
to bed late, never before midnight. I usually fall asleep quickly, but
wake soon again and find that it is not more than half-past 1 o’clock.
All sorts of things then come into my head, particularly if I have been
unfairly treated,--and that must be all thought out. I afterwards write
letters, and even despatches, but of course without getting up--simply
in my head. Formerly, for some time after my appointment as Minister, I
used to get up and actually write them down. When I read them over next
morning however they were worth nothing,--mere platitudes, confused
trivial stuff such as might have appeared in the _Vossische Zeitung_,
or might have been composed by his Serene Highness of Weimar. I do not
want to, I should prefer to sleep. But the thinking and planning goes
on. At the first glimmer of dawn I fall off again, and then sleep till
10 o’clock or even later.”
_Wednesday, November 2nd._--On returning from a long walk at about
4.30 P.M. I heard that Thiers had remained with the Chief until a
few minutes before, and looked rather pleased on taking his leave.
During dinner the Minister observed, referring to his visitor of
to-day: “He is a clever and amiable man, bright and witty, but
with scarcely a trace of the diplomatist--too sentimental for that
trade.” “He is unquestionably a finer nature than Favre. But he is
no good as a negotiator (_Unterhändler_)--not even as a horsedealer
(_Pferdehändler_).” “He is too easily bluffed, betrays his feelings,
and allows himself to be pumped. Thus I have ascertained all sorts of
things from him, amongst others that they have only full rations in
Paris for three or four weeks.”
With respect to our attitude towards the approaching French elections,
I called attention in the press to the following example, which may
decide us to exclude Alsace-Lorraine from the voting, and to which we
can refer those who allege such an exclusion to be unprecedented. An
American informs us that in the last war between the United States
and Mexico an armistice was agreed upon with the object of giving
the Mexicans time to choose a new Government, which should conclude
peace with the United States. The provinces, the cession of which was
demanded by the United States, were not permitted to take part in
this election. This is the sole precedent, but it entirely covers the
present case.
_Thursday, November 3rd._--A fine bright morning. Already at 7 A.M.
the iron lions on Mont Valérien began to fill the surrounding wooded
valleys with their roaring.
I make abstracts for the King of two articles that appeared in the
_Morning Post_ of the 28th and 29th of October, which are understood
to have come from Persigny or Prince Napoleon. The assertion in these
articles that in the negotiations with the delegate of the Empress our
demand extended only to Strassburg, and a narrow strip of land in the
Saar district, with about a quarter of a million inhabitants, is (the
Chief tells me) based on a misunderstanding.
I am instructed to telegraph that in consequence of yesterday’s
negotiations the Chancellor has offered M. Thiers a truce of
twenty-five days on the basis of the military _status quo_. Thiers
returned at 12 o’clock, and negotiated with the Chief until 2.30 P.M.
The demands of the French are exorbitant. At lunch we hear that in
addition to a twenty-eight days’ armistice for the elections and the
meeting of the National Assembly thus chosen to determine the position
of the Provisional Government, they demand nothing less than the right
to provision Paris and all other fortresses held by them and besieged
by us, and the participation of the Eastern provinces, of which we
require the cession in the elections. Ordinary logic finds it difficult
to conceive how the provisioning of fortresses can be deemed consistent
with the maintenance of the military _status quo_.
Amongst other subjects discussed at dinner were the elections in
Berlin. Delbrück was of opinion that they would be more favourable
than hitherto. Jacoby, at any rate, would not be re-elected. Count
Bismarck-Bohlen thought otherwise. He anticipated no change. The
Chancellor said: “The Berliners must always be in opposition and have
their own ideas. They have their virtues--many and highly estimable
ones--they fight well, but they would not consider themselves to be as
clever as they ought to be unless they knew everything better than the
Government.” That failing, however, was not confined to Berliners, the
Chief added. All great cities were much the same in that respect, and
many were even worse than Berlin. They were in general more unpractical
than the rural districts, where people were in closer contact with
nature, and thus not only got into a more natural and practical way
of thinking. “Where great numbers of men are crowded together they
easily lose their individuality and dissolve into one mass. All sorts
of opinions are in the air, they arise from hearsay and repetition,
and are little or not at all founded on facts, but are propagated by
the newspapers, popular meetings and conversations over beer, and then
remain firmly, immutably rooted. It is a sort of false second nature,
a faith or superstition held collectively by the masses. They reason
themselves into believing in something that does not exist, consider
themselves in duty bound to hold to that belief, and wax enthusiastic
over narrow-minded and grotesque ideas. That is the case in all
great cities, in London for instance, where the cockneys are quite a
different race to other Englishmen--in Copenhagen, in New York, and
above all in Paris. The Parisians, with their political superstitions,
are quite a distinct people in France,--they are caught and bound up in
a circle of ideas which are a sacred tradition to them, although when
closely examined they turn out to be mere empty phrases.”
So far as Thiers was concerned, the Minister only told us that shortly
after the commencement of their conference to-day he suddenly asked him
whether he had obtained the authority necessary for the continuance of
the negotiations. “He looked at me in astonishment, on which I said
that news had been received at our outposts of a revolution having
broken out in Paris since his departure, and that a new Government
had been proclaimed. He was visibly perturbed, from which it may
be inferred that he considers a victory of the Red Republicans as
possible, and the position of Favre and Trochu as insecure.”
Thiers was again with the Chief from 9 o’clock till after 10.
_Friday, November 4th._--Beautiful bright morning. At the desire of
the Minister I send the _Daily News_ an account of his conversation
with Napoleon at Donchery. He had principally conversed with the
Emperor within the weaver’s house, upstairs--for about three-quarters
of an hour--and spent but a short time with him in the open air,
as the Minister himself stated in his official report to the King.
Furthermore, in speaking to Napoleon, he had not pointed the forefinger
of the left hand into the palm of his right, which was not at all
a habit of his. He had not once made use of the German language in
speaking to the Emperor--he had never done so, and also not on that
occasion. “I did, however,” the Minister continued, “speak German to
the people of the house, as the man understood a little and the woman
spoke it very well.”
From 11 o’clock onwards Thiers conferred once more with the Chancellor.
He yesterday sent his companion, a M. Cochery, back to Paris, to
ascertain if the Government of the 4th of September still existed. The
answer appears to have been in the affirmative.
Bamberger dined with us. The Chief said, amongst other things: “I see
that some newspapers hold me responsible that Paris has not yet been
bombarded. I do not want anything serious to be done, I object to a
bombardment. Nonsense! They will ultimately make me responsible for
our losses during the siege, which are certainly already considerable,
as we have probably lost more men in these small engagements than a
general attack would have cost us. I wanted the city to be stormed at
once, and have all along desired that to be done--or it would have been
still better to have left Paris on one side and continued our march.”
Thiers was once more with the Chief from 9 P.M. until after 11 o’clock.
While they were conferring a telegram arrived announcing that Beust has
abandoned his former attitude in so far as he declares that if Russia
raises objections to the Prussian demands upon France, Austria will do
the same, but otherwise not. This telegram was at once sent in to the
Chief.
_Saturday, November 5th._--About 1 o’clock there was a short conference
between the Chancellor, Delbrück, and other German Ministers. We
afterwards ascertained that the Chief reported the result of his
negotiations with Thiers, and also announced the impending arrival of
the German Sovereigns not yet represented at Versailles.
On our sitting down to dinner Delbrück was at first the only Minister
present. Later on we were joined by the Chancellor, who had dined with
the King. While Engel was pouring him out a glass of spirits the Chief
recalled a pretty dictum. Recently a general (if I am not mistaken it
was at Ferrières, and I fancy I heard the name of the great thinker,
Moltke), speaking of the various beverages of mankind, laid down the
following principle:--“Red wine for children, champagne for men, and
brandy for generals.”
The Chancellor, who had been dining with the King, joined us in the
evening and complained to Delbrück of the way in which he had been
beset at the King’s quarters by the Princes, who prevented him from
discussing something of importance with Kutusow. “I really could
not talk to him properly. The Serene Highnesses fluttered about me
like crows round a screech-owl, and tore me away from him. Each of
them seemed to delight in being able to buttonhole me longer than
the others. At length I asked Prince Charles if he could not get his
brother-in-law to wait until I had finished what I had to say to
Kutusow, as it was an important matter of State. But although I have
often spoken to him previously in the same sense he did not seem to
understand me, and the end of it was that he took offence.”... “At
last they heard that the leg or the back of the old coronation chair
had been discovered in one of the other rooms, and they all trooped
off to inspect the wonder, while I took this opportunity to bolt.” At
that moment a despatch was delivered stating that Favre and the other
members of the Government in Paris had once more got on the high horse,
and proclaimed that they would not hear of a cession of territory,
and that their sole task was the defence of the fatherland. The Chief
observed: “Well, then, we need not negotiate any further with Thiers.”
Later on the Minister said that Thiers probably still intended to write
another historical work. “Time after time he spins out our negotiation
by introducing irrelevant matters. He relates what has occurred or been
advised here and there, inquires as to the attitude of this or that
person, and what would have happened in such and such circumstances.
He reminded me of a conversation I had with the Duc de Bauffremont in
the year 1867, in the course of which I said that in 1866 the Emperor
had not understood how to take advantage of the situation, that he
could have done a good stroke of business although not on German soil,
&c. Roughly that is quite correct. I remember it very well. It was in
the gardens of the Tuileries, and a military band was playing. In the
summer of 1866 Napoleon lacked courage to do what he ought to have
done from his point of view. When we attacked Austria he should have
occupied ----, the object of the Benedetti proposal, and held it as a
pledge. We could not have prevented him at that time, and most probably
England would not have stirred--in any case he could have waited. If
the _coup_ succeeded he might have placed himself back to back with
us, encouraging us to further aggression. But (turning to Delbrück,
first leaning a little forward and then sitting straight upright, a
habit of his on such occasions), he is and remains a muddle-headed
fellow.”
Thiers, after having had a conversation with Favre and Ducrot on the
bridge of Sèvres, returned and had another conference with the Chief
which lasted from 8.30 to 9.30. Favre and Ducrot had declared that our
conditions for an armistice could not be accepted, but that they would
ascertain the opinions of their colleagues, and bring Thiers a definite
answer to-morrow.
_Sunday, November 6th._--The Chief read to us at dinner a portion of
his wife’s letter which was to the following effect:--“I fear you will
not be able to find a Bible in France, and so I shall shortly send
you the Psalms in order that you may read the prophecies against the
French--‘I tell thee, the godless shall be destroyed!’” The Minister
had also received a “despairing letter” from Count Herbert, whose
wound was now healed, because he had been transferred to a depôt. “He
says that all he has had out of the whole war has been a fortnight’s
ride with his regiment and then three months on his back. I wished to
see whether anything could be done, and to-day I met the Minister of
War. He dissuaded me, however, with tears in his eyes--he had once
interfered in a similar way and lost his son in consequence.”
_Monday, November 7th._--Early in the morning the Chief instructs me
to telegraph to London: “In the negotiations with M. Thiers, which
lasted for five days, he was offered an armistice of any duration up
to twenty-eight days on the basis of the military _status quo_, for
the purpose of holding elections, which should also be allowed to take
place in the portions of France occupied by the German troops; or, as
an alternative, our assistance and sanction for holding the elections
without a truce. After a renewed conference with the Paris Government
at the outposts, M. Thiers was not authorised to accept either of
these offers. He demanded first of all permission to provision Paris,
without offering any military equivalent. As this proposal could not
be accepted by the Germans on military grounds, M. Thiers yesterday
received instructions from Paris to break off the negotiations.”
The following particulars have been ascertained from other sources: The
instruction referred to, was received by Thiers in the form of a curt
letter from Favre desiring him to return to Tours, whither he has gone,
to-day. The Chancellor tells me that Thiers was very depressed at the
foolish obstinacy of the Paris Government, of which both he himself and
several of the Ministers disapprove. Favre and Picard, particularly
the latter, are desirous of peace, but are too weak to withstand the
opposition of the others. Gambetta and Trochu will not hear of the
elections, which would in all probability put an end to their rule.
I write articles to the following effect: We were prepared to do
everything possible, but all our concessions were rejected owing to the
ambition of MM. Favre and Trochu, who do not want to be forced by the
true representatives of the French people to give up the power which
fell into their hands through an insurrection. It is that ambition
alone which prolongs the war. We, on the other hand, have shown that we
desire peace, by carrying our complaisance to the utmost point.
The postponement of the bombardment was again discussed at dinner. The
Chancellor said he could not understand the absurd rumour circulated
in the newspapers, to the effect that he was opposed to the bombardment
while the military authorities were pressing for it. “Exactly the
contrary is the case. No one is more urgent in favour of it than I am,
and it is the military authorities who hesitate. A great deal of my
correspondence is taken up in dispelling the scruples and excessive
circumspection of the military people. It appears that the artillery
are constantly requiring more time for preparation and particularly a
larger supply of ammunition. At Strassburg, they also asked for much
more than was necessary, as notwithstanding the foolish waste of powder
and shell, two-thirds of the supply collected was never used.” Alten
objected that even if the forts in question were captured they would
be then subjected to the fire from the enceinte, and we should have to
begin over again. “That may be,” said the Minister, “but they ought to
have known that sooner, as there was no fortress we knew so much about
from the commencement as Paris.”
Somebody remarked that in the two balloons that had been seized five
persons had been taken prisoners. The Chief considered that they ought
to be treated as spies without any lengthy deliberation. Alten said
they would be brought up before a court-martial, whereupon the Minister
exclaimed, “Well, nothing will happen to them there!” He then observed
how stout and strong Count Bill was. At his age he himself was slight
and thin. “At Göttingen I was as thin as a knitting-needle.” Mention
having been made of the circumstance that the sentry posted outside
the villa occupied by the Crown Prince had been shot at and wounded
the night before, and that the town would be obliged to pay him five
thousand francs as compensation, the Chief said that in going out in
the evening he would not take his sword but rather a revolver--“as
although in certain circumstances I should be quite willing to let
myself be murdered, I should not like to die unavenged.”
After dinner I was instructed by the Chancellor to again telegraph an
account of the negotiations with Thiers, only in a somewhat different
form. On my venturing to observe that the contents of the despatch had
been telegraphed in the morning he replied, “Not quite accurately;
you see here ‘Count Bismarck proposed, &c.’ You must notice such fine
shades if you want to work in the first Foreign Office of the world.”
_Tuesday, November 8th._--In the morning I sent off a telegram stating
that the prisoners taken in the balloons have been transported to
a Prussian fortress in order to be tried there by court-martial.
Furthermore that the confiscated letters compromised diplomats and
other personages who have been permitted to remain in communication
with the outer world out of consideration for their position and sense
of honour. Such communication would no longer be tolerated.
At about 12.30 P.M., while we were at lunch, the Chief received a
visit from Archbishop Ledochowski of Posen, and it was understood that
his business was to submit an offer of the Pope to intervene with the
French Government. They probably hope in this way to purchase the
intervention of the German Government on behalf of the Holy Father.
The Archbishop remained till nearly 3 o’clock, and on his leaving
the Chief went to see the King. He subsequently took dinner at the
Crown Prince’s, where the Grand Duke of Baden, who had arrived in the
meantime, also dined.
Delbrück, General Chauvin, and Colonel Meidam, the officer in command
of the Field Telegraph, were the Chief’s guests at dinner. Mention
was made of the improper use of the telegraph wire by distinguished
personages for their private purposes.
After a while the Chancellor remarked: “I hear that the Augustenburger
also telegraphs. That really should not be. Nor has the Coburger any
right to do so. The telegraph is for military and diplomatic purposes,
and not for minor potentates to use for inquiries respecting their
kitchens, stables and theatres. None of them has any rights here. Their
rights ceased on passing the German frontier.”
On some one referring to the destruction of the telegraph wires and
other similar misconduct on the part of franctireurs and peasants near
Epernay, the Minister said: “They should have immediately sent three or
four battalions there, and transported six thousand peasants to Germany
until the conclusion of the war.”
Amongst other subjects discussed at tea was the rumour that the
postponement of the bombardment was in part due to the influence of
ladies, the Queen and the Crown Princess being mentioned in this
connection. The Chief was in the drawing-room engaged in conference
with the Bavarian General von Bothmer on the military question in
connection with the closer unification of Germany now in progress. The
Minister joined us afterwards, remaining for about an hour. On sitting
down he breathed a deep sigh and said: “I was thinking just now, what I
have indeed often thought before--If I could only for five minutes have
the power to say: ‘That must be done thus and in no other way!’--If one
were only not compelled to bother about the ‘why’ and the ‘wherefore,’
and to argue and plead for the simplest things!--Things made much more
rapid progress under men like Frederick the Great, who were generals
themselves and also knew something about administration, acting as
their own Ministers. It was the same with Napoleon. But here, this
eternal talking and begging!”
After a while the Chief said, with a laugh: “I have been busy to-day
educating princes.”
“How so, Excellency?” asked Hatzfeldt.
“Well, I have explained to various gentlemen at the Hôtel des
Reservoirs what is and what is not proper. I have given the Meininger
to understand through Stein that he is not to be allowed to use the
Field Telegraph for giving instructions about his kitchen garden and
theatre. And the Coburger is still worse. Never mind, the Reichstag
will set that right and put a stop to all that kind of thing. But only
I shall not be there.”
Hatzfeldt asked: “Has your Excellency seen that the Italians have
broken into the Quirinal?”
“Yes, and I am curious to know what the Pope will now do. Leave the
country? But where can he go? He has already requested us to ask the
Italians whether he would be allowed to leave and with fitting dignity.
We did so, and they replied that the utmost respect would be paid
to his position, and that their attitude would be governed by that
determination in case he desired to depart.”
“They would not like to see him go,” added Hatzfeldt; “it is in their
interests that he should remain in Rome.”
The Chief: “Yes, certainly. But perhaps he may be obliged to leave. But
where could he go? Not to France, because Garibaldi is there. He would
not like to go to Austria. To Spain? I suggested to him Bavaria.” The
Minister then reflected for a moment, after which he continued: “There
remains nothing for him but Belgium or North Germany. As a matter of
fact he has already asked whether we could grant him asylum. I have no
objection to it--Cologne or Fulda. It would be passing strange, but
after all not so very inexplicable, and it would be very useful to us
to be recognised by Catholics as what we really are, that is to say,
the sole power now existing that is capable of protecting the head
of their Church. Stofflet and Charette, together with their Zouaves,
could then go about their business. We should have the Poles on our
side. The opposition of the Ultramontanes would cease in Belgium and
Bavaria. Malinkrott would come over to the Government side. But the
King will not consent. He is terribly afraid. He thinks all Prussia
would be perverted, and he himself would be obliged to become a
Catholic. I told him, however, that if the Pope begged for asylum
he could not refuse it. He would have to grant it as ruler over ten
million Catholic subjects who would desire to see the head of their
Church protected. Besides, imaginative people, particularly women,
may possibly feel drawn towards Catholicism by the pomp and ritual of
St. Peter’s, with the Pope seated upon his throne and bestowing his
benediction. The danger would not be so great, however, in Germany,
where the people would see the Pope amongst them as a poor old man
seeking assistance--a good old gentleman, one of the Bishops, who ate
and drank like the rest, took his pinch of snuff, and even perhaps
smoked a cigar. And after all even if a few people in Germany became
Catholic again (I should certainly not do so) it would not matter much
so long as they remained believing Christians. The particular sect is
of no consequence, only the faith. People ought to be more tolerant in
their way of thinking.” The Chief then dilated on the comic aspect of
this migration of the Pope and his Cardinals to Fulda, and concluded:
“Of course the King could not see the humorous side of the affair. But
(smiling) if only the Pope remains true to me I shall know how to bring
his Majesty round.”
Some other subjects then came up. Hatzfeldt mentioned that his Highness
of Coburg had fallen from his horse. “Happily, however, without being
hurt,” hastily added Abeken, with a pleased expression. This led the
Chief to speak of similar accidents that had happened to himself.
“I believe I shall be more than within the mark in saying that I must
have fallen from horseback fifty times. It is nothing to be thrown from
your horse, but when the horse lies on top of you, then it’s a bad
case. The last time was at Varzin, when I broke three ribs. I thought
it was all up with me. It was not, however, so dangerous as it seemed,
but it was terribly painful.... But as a young man I had a remarkable
accident, which shows how our thinking powers are dependent upon the
brain. I was riding home one evening with my brother, and we were both
galloping as hard as our horses could go. Suddenly my brother, who
was in front, heard a fearful bang. It was my head that had struck
against the road. My horse had shied at a lantern in a cart coming in
the opposite direction, and reared so that he fell backwards, and I
tumbled on my head. At first I lost consciousness, and on returning to
my senses my power of thinking remained on some points quite clear,
but had quite deserted me on others. I examined my horse and found
that the saddle was broken, so I called the groom and rode home on his
horse. When the dogs there barked at me by way of greeting, I thought
they did not belong to us, got cross with them and drove them away.
Then I said the groom had fallen from his horse and they should send
a stretcher to bring in; and I got very angry when, taking their cue
from my brother, they showed no disposition to move. Were they going
to leave the unfortunate man lying in the road? I did not know that I
was myself and was at home, or rather I was both myself and the groom.
I asked for something to eat and afterwards went to bed. After having
slept through the night I woke up next morning all right again. It was
a strange case. I had examined the saddle, taken another horse, and so
forth. I had done everything that was practically required. In that
respect the fall had produced no confusion in my ideas. A singular
example which shows that the brain harbours various intellectual
powers--only one of these had remained stupefied by my fall for a
somewhat longer time.
“I well remember another incident of the kind. I was riding rapidly
through some young timber in a large wood a considerable distance from
home. As I was crossing over a hollow road the horse stumbled and
fell, and I lost consciousness. I must have lain there senseless for
about three hours, as it was already twilight by the time I stirred.
The horse was standing near me. As I said, the place was at a great
distance from our estate, and I was entirely unacquainted with the
district. I had not yet quite recovered my senses, but on this occasion
also I did what was necessary. I took off the martingale, which was
broken, and followed the road across a rather long bridge which, as I
then ascertained, was the nearest way to a farm in the neighbourhood.
The farmer’s wife ran away on seeing a big man standing before her
with his face all covered with blood. Her husband, however, came to me
and wiped away the blood. I told him who I was, and as I was hardly
fit for such a long ride home I asked him to drive me there, which he
accordingly did. I must have been shot fifteen feet out of the saddle
and fallen against the root of a tree. On the doctor examining my
injuries, he said it was against all the rules of his art that I had
not broken my neck.
“I have also been a couple of other times in danger of my life,”
continued the Chief. “For instance, before the Semmering railway was
finished (I believe it was in 1852) I went with a party through one of
the tunnels. It was quite dark inside. I went ahead with a lantern.
Now right across the floor of the tunnel was a rift or gully, which
must have been about fifteen feet deep and half as wide again as this
table. A plank was laid across it, with a raised skirting board on both
sides to prevent the wheelbarrows from slipping off. This plank must
have been rotten, as when I reached the middle it broke in two and I
fell down; but having probably involuntarily stretched out my arms, I
remained hanging on the skirting. The lantern having gone out, those
behind thought I had fallen into the gully, and were not a little
surprised when the reply to their question, ‘Are you still alive?’
instead of coming from the depths below came from just under their
feet. I answered, ‘Yes, here I am.’ I had in the meantime recovered
hold also with my feet, and I asked whether I should go on or come
back. The guide thought I had better go on to the other side, and so
I worked my way over. The workman who acted as our guide then struck
a light, got another plank, and brought the party across. That plank
was a good example of the slovenly way in which such things were
managed in Austria at that time; because I cannot believe that it
was intentional. I was not hated in Vienna then as I am now--on the
contrary.”
_Thursday, November 10th._--In the morning I am instructed by the Chief
to telegraph that great distress has been occasioned in France, and
that still more is to be anticipated, in consequence of the application
by the Provisional Government of Savings Bank funds for the relief of
the poor, and of the property of corporations, to military purposes.
I had permission to study the documents connected with the abortive
negotiations for an armistice.
Thiers had stated in a memorandum the principles which he, and the
French Government which he represented, regarded as a basis for the
proposed armistice. It was to the following effect: The object of the
understanding was to put an end as soon as possible to the bloodshed,
and to permit the convocation of a National Assembly which would
represent the will of France in dealing with the European Powers,
and be in a position sooner or later to conclude peace with Prussia
and her allies. The armistice must last for twenty-eight days, of
which twelve would be required for canvassing the constituencies, one
for the polling, five for the elected deputies to meet in some given
place, and ten for examining the returns and appointing the bureau
of the Assembly. Tours might for the present remain the seat of such
an Assembly. The elections must be allowed to take place free and
unhindered in all parts of France, including those occupied by the
Prussians. Military operations on both sides to cease, although both
parties would be at liberty to enlist recruits and proceed with works
of defence. The armies to be at liberty to obtain for themselves
supplies of provisions, but requisitions on the other hand to be
suspended as “constituting a military operation which should cease
together with other hostilities.” Moreover fortified places were to be
provisioned for the duration of the truce in proportion to the strength
of the population and garrison. For this purpose Paris to be allowed to
receive the following live stock and other provisions over four railway
lines to be determined: 34,000 bullocks, 80,000 sheep, 8,000 pigs,
5,000 calves, 100,000 metric centals of corned meat, 8,000,000 metric
centals of hay or straw as fodder for the cattle in question, 200,000
metric centals of flour, 30,000 metric centals of dried vegetables,
100,000 tons of coal, and 500,000 cubic metres of fire-wood. In these
calculations the population of Paris and its suburbs, including the
garrison of 400,000 men, was estimated at 2,700,000 to 2,800,000
inhabitants.
These demands on the part of the French could not be accepted. Had
we agreed to them we should have surrendered the greater and more
important portion of the advantages we had gained in the last seven
weeks, at the cost of great sacrifices and severe exertions. In
other words, we should in the main have returned to the position in
which we were on the 19th of September, the day on which our troops
completed the investment of Paris. We are asked to allow Paris to
provision itself, when even now it suffers from scarcity and will
shortly be obliged to starve or surrender. We are to suspend our
military operations just at the moment when the fall of Metz and the
release of the army of Prince Frederick Charles enable us to extend and
render them more effective. We are quietly to permit recruiting and
organisation, by means of which the French Republic is to create a new
field force, while we require no recruits. At the same time that we
are to allow Paris and the other French fortresses to supply themselves
with provisions, we are to provide for our own troops without the
requisitions which are necessary in an enemy’s country. We are to
make all these concessions without any military equivalent--such, for
instance, as the evacuation of one or two of the Paris forts in return
for the liberty to provision the city--and without being offered any
clear prospect of peace. The first object of the armistice according
to the Thiers memorandum, namely, the restoration of an orderly
state of affairs by the lawful election of a Constituent Assembly,
is unquestionably more in the interest of the French themselves than
in ours; and, considering the constant excitement maintained by the
inflammatory proclamations of the Provisional Government, it may
possibly not be secured even under a new administration. More orderly
conditions could be brought about even now without a truce if the
present Government were seriously disposed to work in that direction.
It was absolutely impossible on the German side to have anything
to do with such proposals. A different arrangement altogether was
needful, and therefore the Chancellor of the Confederation offered M.
Thiers a truce of twenty-five to twenty-eight days on the basis of
the maintenance of the military _status quo_, which would enable the
French to carry on the elections in peace, and to convoke the Assembly
thus constituted. This also was a concession on our part in which the
advantages were all on the French side. If, as Thiers asserted, Paris
was supplied with provisions and other necessaries for several months,
it is not easy to see why the Provisional Government broke off the
negotiations which, at the outside, would have prevented the Parisians
from making useless sorties. France, on the other hand, would have
had the great advantage of having a line of demarcation drawn which
would have arrested the advance of the German forces, restricting the
unopposed occupation of further districts by our army that had been
set free by the fall of Metz. In the meantime Thiers refused this
very acceptable offer, and maintained that the provisioning of Paris
was an indispensable condition for an understanding, while he was not
empowered to give any prospect of a military equivalent for the same,
such as the evacuation of one of the Paris forts.
On coming in to dinner, the Chief mentioned that the Minister of War is
seriously ill. He feels very weak, and will scarcely be able to rise
from his bed for a fortnight. The Count afterwards made some jokes
about the water supplied to us for washing. “The inhabitants of the
local reservoir,” he said, “seem to have their seasons. First came
the scolopendria, which are particularly distasteful to me, ‘moving
their thousand limbs together’ (Schiller’s Diver). Then followed the
wood lice, which I cannot bear to touch, although they are perfectly
harmless. I’d sooner grasp a snake. Now the leeches have arrived. I
found quite a small specimen to-day, doubled up into a button. I tried
to induce him to deploy, but he declined--remained a button. I then
poured some well water over him, and he stretched out straight, long
and thin like a needle, and made off with himself.” The conversation
then turned on a variety of simple but nevertheless estimable
delicacies, such as fresh and salt herrings, new potatoes, spring
butter, &c. The Minister observed to Delbrück, who also approved of
those good things: “The sturgeon is a fish which is also to be found
here, but it is not appreciated as it ought to be. In Russia they
recognise its good qualities. It is often caught in the Elbe in the
Magdeburg district, but is only eaten by fishermen and poor people.” He
then explained its good points, and thus came to speak of caviare, and
treated of the several varieties with the knowledge of a connoisseur.
“The fresh caviare which we now get in Berlin is very good,” he said,
“since it can be brought by rail from St. Petersburg in forty hours. I
have had it several times, and one of my principal complaints against
that fat Borck is that he intercepted forty pounds of this caviare
which I once sent to the King. I suspected something of the kind, as
the King made no mention of it, and did not send me any present in
return. Later on Perponcher or some one told me that on dropping in to
Borck’s room he saw there a barrel of caviare with a spoon standing in
it. That made me wild with him (_Das hat mir sehr verdrossen_).”
The Chief remarked at dinner: “To-day, again, I noticed when it snowed
how many points of resemblance there are between the Gauls and the
Slavs. The same broad streets, with the houses standing close together,
the same low roofs, as in Russia. The only thing wanting here is the
green onion-shaped steeple. But, on the other hand, the versts and
kilometres, the arsheens and metres are the same. And then the tendency
to centralisation, the uniformity of views of the whole population and
the communistic trait in the popular character.”
He then spoke of the wonderful “topsy turvy” world we live in nowadays.
“When one thinks that perhaps the Pope will shortly be residing in
a small town of Protestant Germany, that the Reichstag may meet in
Versailles, and the Corps Législatif in Cassel, that Garibaldi has
become a French general in spite of Mentana, and that Papal Zouaves are
fighting side by side with him!” He followed up this train of ideas for
some little time.
The Minister then remarked suddenly: “Metternich has also written to me
to-day. He wants me to allow Hoyos to enter Paris, in order that he may
bring away the Austrians. I replied that since the 25th of October they
have had permission to come out, but that we could allow no more people
to enter, not even diplomats. We also receive none in Versailles, but I
would make an exception in his favour. He will then perhaps again raise
the Austrians’ claims respecting the property of the old Bund in the
German fortresses.”
On the subject of doctors, and the way in which nature sometimes
comes to its own assistance, the Chief related that he was once with
a shooting party for two days at the Duke of ----. “I was thoroughly
out of sorts. Even the two days’ shooting and fresh air did me no
good. On the third day I visited the Cuirassiers at Brandenburg, who
had received a new cup. I was to be the first one to drink out of it,
thus dedicating it, and then it was to go the round of the table. It
held nearly a bottle. I made my speech, however, drank and set it
down empty, to the great surprise of the officers, who had but a poor
opinion of mere quill-drivers. That was the result of my Göttingen
training. And strangely, or perhaps naturally enough, it set me all
right again. On another occasion, when I was shooting at Letzlingen
in the time of Frederick William IV. the guests were asked to drink
from an old puzzle goblet. It was a stag’s horn, which contained about
three-quarters of a bottle of wine, and was so made that one could
not bring it close to the lips, yet one was not allowed to spill a
drop. I took it and drank it off at a draught, although it was very
cold champagne, and not a single drop fell on my white waistcoat.
Everybody was immensely surprised; but I said, ‘Give me another.’ The
King, however, who evidently did not appreciate my success, called out
‘No, no more.’ Such tricks were formerly an indispensable part of the
diplomat’s trade. They drank the weaker vessels under the table, wormed
all they wanted to know out of them, made them agree to things which
were contrary to their instructions, or for which, at least, they had
no authority. Then they were compelled to put their signatures at once,
and afterwards when they got sober they could not imagine how they had
done it.”
Bismarck-Bohlen, who seemed to be particularly communicative to-day,
told the following anecdote about the Chief. At Commercy a woman
came to him to complain that her husband, who had tried to strike a
hussar with a spade, had been arrested. “The Minister listened to
her very amiably, and when she had done he replied in the kindliest
manner possible, ‘Well, my good woman, you can be quite sure that your
husband’ (drawing a line round his neck with his finger) ‘will be
presently hanged.’”
_Saturday, November 12th._--While we were at lunch the Chief was out.
He shortly afterwards passed through the dining-room into the saloon,
accompanied by a bearded officer in a Prussian uniform, the Grand Duke
of Baden.
In about ten minutes the Chief returned to table. He was very angry and
indignant, and said: “This is really too bad! No peace from these Grand
Dukes even at one’s meals. They will eventually force their way into
one’s bedroom. That must be put a stop to. It is not so in Berlin.
There the people who want something from me announce their visits in
writing, and I fix a suitable time for them to call. Why should it not
be the same here?”
After a while the Chief said to one of the attendants who was waiting
upon us, “Remember in future in such cases to say that I am not at
home. Whoever brings any visitor to me unannounced will be put under
arrest and sent off to Berlin;” and after eating a few mouthfuls more,
he went on: “As if it were anything of importance! But merely curiosity
and a desire to kill time. He shall see, however, I will shortly pay
him a surprise visit on some official matter, so that he cannot send me
away....”
The conversation then turned on Roon’s asthma, which according to
Lauer is now improving. His rage at the appearance of the Grand Duke
during the dinner hour still visibly affected the Chief, who asked
Lauer, “What should one drink with marena when in a bad temper?” and on
Lauer recommending something the name of which I could not catch, the
Minister continued: “It upsets my digestion when anything exasperates
me at meals; and here I have had good reason to be angry. They think
that one is only made for their use.” Then addressing the servant again
the Chief said: “Mind you send away the red lackeys, and say that I am
not at home. Remember that! And you, Karl (to Bohlen), must take care
that this is done.”
The name of Arnim Boitzenburg, the former Minister, then came up. The
Chancellor said he had been his chief at Aix-la-Chapelle, and he went
on to describe him as “amiable, clever, but unstable and incapable of
persistent or energetic action. He was like an india-rubber ball that
bounces again and again, but each time with diminishing force until at
length it ceases to move. He first had an opinion, then weakened it by
arguing against it himself, and went on criticising his own criticism,
until at last there was nothing left and nothing done.”
Delbrück praised the son-in-law (Harry Arnim) as being well-informed
and intelligent, though unsympathetic and unambitious. This was
confirmed by the Chief, who said: “Yes, he is a rocket in which they
forgot to put in the powder. He has, however, a good head, but his
reports are not the same on any two successive days--often on the same
day two thoroughly contradictory views. No reliance can be placed upon
him.”
Arnim’s lack of ambition led some one to speak of orders and titles,
and the Chief said his first decoration was a medal for saving life,
which he received for having rescued a servant from drowning. “I was
made an ‘Excellency’ at the palace in Königsberg in 1861. I however,
already had the title in Frankfurt, only there I was not a Prussian
but a Federal Excellency. The German Princes had decided that each
Minister to the Diet should have that title. For the matter of that I
did not trouble myself much about it--nor afterwards either--I was a
distinguished man without it.”
_Sunday, November 13th._--The Chancellor, in a general’s uniform and
helmet, and wearing several orders, went to-day to dine with the King.
As he was leaving, Bohlen said to him: “But you ought to have the
ribbon of the Iron Cross in your button-hole.”
“It is there already,” replied the Minister. “In other circumstances I
should not wear it. I am ashamed before my own sons and many others who
have earned it but not got it, while all the loafers at headquarters
swagger about with it.”
In the evening the Chancellor desired me to send a _démenti_ of a false
report published by the Augsburg _Allgemeine Zeitung_, to the effect
that Count Arnim paid a visit to headquarters before his departure for
Rome. The Chief at the same time remarked: “I have told you more than
once that you must not write so violently. Here you are again, speaking
of ‘hallucination’ (in correction of an article by Archibald Forbes in
the _Daily News_). Why not be civil? I, too, have to be civil. Always
this carping, malignant style! You must learn to write differently if
you want to work in such a distinguished Foreign Office, or we must
make other arrangements. And such a bullying style! Just like Brass,
who might have had a brilliant position if he were not so brutal.”
“Hallucination” was the word used by the Minister himself; but in
future I shall be careful to sift my phrases so as to eliminate all
rough words and only let soft ones find their way into the press.
Hatzfeldt told me at tea that the Chief had also “carried on awfully”
with him, adding that if he remained in such a temper for long he
(Hatzfeldt) would think of leaving. The Count will, however, in all
probability, take plenty of time to reconsider this matter.
_Tuesday, November 15th._--The Chief is still unwell. Theiss reports
that the Court have their things ready packed to-day, and this is
confirmed at lunch. The position of affairs between here and Orleans
is not as good as it might be. The Minister also on sitting down to
table mentions the possibility of our having to retire, and evacuate
Versailles for a time. There might be an attack from Dreux combined
with a sortie on a large scale from Paris. He had repeatedly spoken of
that possibility to members of the general staff. Even a layman could
see that a successful attempt of that kind in which not only the Court
and general staff but also the heavy siege guns would be in danger
of falling into the hands of the enemy, must be the sole chance of
relieving Paris, and that the French, therefore, may well hazard the
attempt.