CHAPTER IV

COMMERCY--BAR LE DUC--CLERMONT EN ARGONNE

On Tuesday, August 23rd, we were to continue our journey westwards.

Sheridan and his companions were to accompany us or to follow without

delay. Regierungspräsident von Kühlwetter remained behind as Prefect;

Count Henckel went to Saargemund, and Count Renard, a huge figure

with a beard of corresponding amplitude, went to Nancy in a similar

capacity. Bamberger, the member of Parliament, visited us again. I

also noticed Herr Stieber on one occasion in the neighbourhood of the

house at the corner of the Rue Raugraf, and as I was walking about

the town to take a last look at the place before leaving, I saw the

fine-drawn, wrinkled, clean shaven face of Moltke, whom I had last seen

as he entered the Foreign Office in company with the Minister of War

five or six days before the declaration of hostilities. It seemed to

me that his features wore to-day an expression of perfect content and

satisfaction.

On my return to the office I was much interested by a report of the

views recently expressed by Thiers as to the immediate future of

France. He regarded it as certain that in case of victory we should

retain Alsace. The defeat of Napoleon would be followed by the loss

of his throne. He would be succeeded for a few months by a Republic,

and then probably by one of the Orleans family, or perhaps by Leopold

of Belgium, who, according to the source from which our informant

obtained his news (one of Rothschild’s confidants), was known on the

best authority to be extremely ambitious.

We left Pont à Mousson at 10 o’clock. In the villages along the road

the houses stood side by side as in a town. Most of them possessed

handsome municipal buildings and schools, and some had seemingly

ancient Gothic churches. On the other side of Gironville the road

passes a steep hill, with a wide prospect of the plain beneath. Here

we left the carriages in order to ease the load for the horses. The

Chancellor who drove at the head of our party with Abeken also got

out and walked for a quarter of an hour, his big boots reminding one

of pictures of the thirty years’ war. Moltke walked beside him; the

greatest strategist of our days striding along towards Paris on a

country road near the French frontier in company with the greatest

statesman of our time!

After we had returned to the carriages we saw a number of soldiers to

the right putting up a telegraph line. Shortly after 2 o’clock we came

to Commercy, a bright little town with about 6,000 inhabitants. The

white blinds in the better class houses were for the most part drawn

down, as if the occupants did not wish to see the hated Prussians. The

people in blouses were more curious and less hostile.

The Chief, together with Abeken and Keudell, took up their quarters

in the château of Count Macore de Gaucourt in the Rue des Fontaines,

where a Prince von Schwarzburg had lodged, and which was now occupied

by the lady of the house. Her husband was in the French army and was

accordingly with his regiment in the field. He was a very distinguished

gentleman, being descended from the old Dukes of Lorraine. There was

a pretty flower garden near the house, and behind it was a large

wooded park. I put up not far from the Minister’s quarters at No. 1

Rue Heurtebise, where I had a friendly and obliging landlord and an

excellent fourpost bed. I called afterwards on the Chancellor, whom

I found in the garden, and asked if there was anything for me to do.

After thinking for a moment, he said there was, and an hour later I

provided work both for the Field Post and the new telegraph line.

Amongst other things I wrote the following paragraph: “It is now quite

clear that the Princes of the Orleans family consider that their time

has come, as they expect to see the star of the Napoleons sink lower

and lower. In order to emphasise the fact that they are Frenchmen, they

have placed their swords in the present crisis at the service of their

country. The Orleans lost their throne in great part through their own

sluggishness and their indifference to the development of neighbouring

States. They would now appear determined to regain it by energy, and

to maintain their position by flattering French chauvinism, and love

of glory and universal dominion. Our work is not yet done. A decisive

victory is probable, but is not yet certain. The fall of Napoleon seems

near at hand, but it is not yet accomplished. Even should it occur,

could we, in view of the considerations already mentioned, rest content

with it and accept it as the sole result of our exertions, could we

feel confident of having attained our principal object, namely, to

secure peace with France for many years to come? No one can answer that

question in the affirmative. A peace with the Orleans on the French

throne would be still more a mockery than one with Napoleon, who must

already have had enough of ‘la gloire.’ Sooner or later we should be

again challenged by France, who probably would be then better prepared

and would have secured more powerful allies.”

Three reserve army corps are to be formed in Germany. One, and the

strongest, near Berlin; one on the Rhine; and a third at Glogau in

Silesia, in consequence of the equivocal attitude of Austria. That

would be a purely defensive measure. The troops on the Rhine are to

be commanded by the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg, those near Berlin by

General von Canstein, and those at Glogau by General von Löwenfeld.

Towards evening the military band played before the residence of the

King, the street urchins holding their notes for the musicians in the

friendliest possible manner. The King had also stopped at Commercy

during the war against the First Napoleon.

Counts Waldersee and Lehndorff, and Lieutenant-General von Alvensleben

(from Magdeburg) were amongst the Chief’s guests at dinner. Alvensleben

told us the story of a so-called “Marl-Major” who was accustomed to

attribute all sorts of occurrences to geognostic causes. He reasoned

somewhat in this style: “It follows from the character and conduct of

the Maid of Orleans that she could only have been born on a fertile

marly soil, that she was fated to gain a victory in a limestone

country, and to die in a sandstone district.”

Speaking of the barbarous way in which the French conducted the war,

Alvensleben said that they had also fired upon a flag of truce at

Toul. On the other hand, an officer who for a joke rode along the

glacis had a friendly chat with the gentlemen on the walls. The

question whether it would be possible to take Paris by storm in spite

of its fortifications was answered in the affirmative by the military

guests. General Alvensleben said: “A great city of that kind cannot

be successfully defended if it is attacked by a sufficiently numerous

force.” Count Waldersee wished to “see Babel utterly destroyed,” and

brought forward arguments in favour of that measure with which I was

immensely pleased. The Minister, however, replied: “Yes, that would be

a very good thing, but it is impossible for many reasons. One of these

is that numbers of Germans in Cologne and Frankfurt have considerable

sums invested there.”

The conversation then turned upon our conquests in France and those

still to be made. Alvensleben was in favour of keeping the country up

to the Marne. Bismarck had another idea, which, however, he seemed to

think it impossible to realise. “My ideal would be,” he said, “a kind

of German colony, a neutral State of eight or ten million inhabitants,

free from the conscription and whose taxes should flow to Germany so

far as they were not required for domestic purposes. France would thus

lose a district from which she draws her best soldiers, and would be

rendered harmless. In the rest of France no Bourbon, no Orleans, and

probably no Bonaparte, neither Lulu (the Prince Imperial) nor the fat

Jerome, nor the old one. I did not wish for war in connection with the

Luxemburg affair, as I knew that it would lead to six others. But we

must now put an end to all this. However, we must not sell the bear’s

skin before we have killed it. I confess I am superstitious in that

respect.” “Never mind,” said Count Waldersee, “our bear is already

badly hit.”

The Chief then again referred to the royal table and to the frugal

manner in which food was doled out to the guests, his remarks being

probably intended for Count Lehndorff, who was expected to repeat them.

“We had cutlets there recently, and I could not take two, as there was

only one apiece for us. Rabbit followed, and I debated with myself

whether I should take a second portion, although I could easily have

managed four. At length hunger overcame my politeness, and I seized a

second piece, though I am sure I was robbing somebody else.”

The Chancellor then went on to speak of his sons. “I hope,” he said, “I

shall be able to keep at least one of my youngsters--I mean Herbert,

who is on his way to Germany. He got to feel himself quite at home in

camp. Formerly he was apt to be haughty, but as he lay wounded at Pont

à Mousson he was almost more friendly with the common troopers who

visited him than with the officers.”

At tea we were told that in 1814 the King had his quarters in the

same street where he now lives, next door to the house he occupies at

present. The Chief seems to have spoken to him to-day about decorating

Bavarian soldiers with the Iron Cross. The Minister said: “My further

plan of campaign for his Majesty is that part of his escort should be

sent on ahead. The country must be scoured by a company to the right

and left of the road, and the Royal party must remain together. Pickets

must be posted at stated intervals. The King approved when I told him

that this had been done also in 1814. The Sovereigns did not drive on

that occasion, but went on horseback, and Russian soldiers, twenty

paces apart, lined the whole route.” Somebody suggested the possibility

that peasants or franctireurs might fire at the King. “Certainly,”

added the Chief, “and what makes it so important a point is that the

personage in question, if he is ill or wounded or otherwise out of

sorts, has only to say ‘Go back!’ and we must all of us go back.”

We left Commercy next day at noon, passing several military detachments

and a number of encampments on our way. The measures of precaution

mentioned by the Chief had been adopted. We were preceded by a squadron

of uhlans and escorted by the _Stabswache_, which formed a bright

picture of many colours, being recruited from the various cavalry

regiments, such as green, red, and blue hussars, Saxon and Prussian

dragoons, &c. The carriages of the Chancellor’s party followed close

behind those of the King’s. For a long time we did not come across

any villages. Then we passed through St. Aubin, and soon after came

to a milestone by the roadside with the words “Paris 241 kilometres,”

so that we were only a distance of some thirty-two German miles from

Babel. We afterwards passed a long line of transport carts belonging

to the regiments of King John of Saxony, the Grand Duke of Hesse, &c.,

which showed that we were now in the district occupied by the Crown

Prince’s army.

Shortly afterwards we entered the small town of Ligny, which was

thronged with Bavarian and other soldiers. We waited for about

three-quarters of an hour in the market-place, which was crowded

with all sorts of conveyances, while the Chief paid a visit to the

Crown Prince. On our starting once more we met further masses of blue

Bavarian infantry, some light horse collected round their camp fires,

then a second squadron with a herd of cattle guarded by soldiers, and

finally a third larger encampment within a circle of baggage waggons.

Bar le Duc, the largest town in which we have stayed up to the

present, may have a population of some 15,000. The streets and squares

presented a lively picture as we drove through, and we caught glimpses

of curious female faces watching us through the blinds. On the arrival

of the King the Bavarian band played “Heil dir im Siegerkranz.” He took

up his quarters in the house occupied by the local branch of the Bank

of France, in the Rue de la Banque. The Chancellor and his party lodged

on the other side of the street, in the house of a M. Pernay, who had

gone off leaving an old woman in charge.

Dr. Lauer, the King’s physician, dined with the Minister that evening.

The Chief was very communicative as usual, and appeared to be in

particularly good humour. He renewed his complaints as to the “short

commons” at the royal table, evidently intending the doctor to repeat

them to Count Puckler or Perponcher. During his visit at Ligny he had

to take breakfast, which he said was excellent, with the Crown Prince

and the Princes and chief officers of his suite. He had a seat near the

fire, however, which was not quite to his taste, and otherwise it was

in many ways less comfortable than in his own quarters. “There were too

many Princes there for an ordinary mortal to be able to find a place.

Amongst them was Frederick the Gentle (Friedrich der Sachte--Frederick

VIII. of Schleswig-Holstein). He wore a Bavarian uniform, so that

I hardly knew him at first. He looked somewhat embarrassed when he

recognised me.” We also gathered from what the Chief said that Count

Hatzfeldt was to act as a kind of Prefect while we remained here, a

position for which probably his thorough knowledge of French and of

the habits of the country had recommended him. We also heard that the

headquarters might remain here for several days,--“as at Capua,” added

the Count, laughing.

Before tea some articles were despatched to Germany, including one

on the part played by the Saxons at Gravelotte, which the Chancellor

praised repeatedly.

By way of change I will here again quote from my diary:--

_Thursday, August 25th._--Took a walk early this morning in the upper,

and evidently the older, part of the town. The shops are almost all

open. The people answer politely when we ask to be shown the way. Not

far from our quarters there is an old stone bridge over the river

which was unquestionably built before Lorraine and the Duchy of Bar

belonged to France. Towards 9 o’clock the Bavarians began their

march through the town, passing in front of the King’s quarters.

More French spectators had collected on both sides of the street

than was quite comfortable for us. For hours together light horse

with green uniforms and red facings, dark blue cuirassiers, lancers,

artillery and infantry, regiment after regiment marched before the

Commander-in-Chief of the German forces. As they passed the King the

troops cheered lustily, the cavalry swinging their sabres, and the foot

soldiers lifting up their right hands. The colours were lowered before

the Sovereign, the cavalry trumpets blew an ear-splitting fanfare,

while the infantry bands played stirring airs, one of them giving the

beautiful Hohenfriedberg march. First came General von Hartmann’s Army

Corps, followed by that of Von der Tann, who afterwards took breakfast

with us. Who could have thought, immediately after the war of 1866, or

even three months ago, of the possibility of such a scene?

Wrote several articles for post and others for the wire. Our people

are pressing forward rapidly. The vanguards of the German columns

are already between Châlons and Epernay. The formation of three

reserve armies in Germany, which has been already mentioned, began

a few days ago. The neutral Powers raise some objections to our

intended annexation of French territory for the purpose of securing

an advantageous western frontier, especially England, who up to the

present has shown a disposition to tie our hands. The reports from St.

Petersburg appear to be more favourable, the Tsar being well disposed

to us, although he by no means unreservedly accepts the proposed

measures, while we are assured of the active sympathy of the Grand

Duchess Hélène. We hold fast to our intention to enforce the cession

of territory, that intention being based upon the necessity of at

length securing South Germany from French attack and thus rendering it

independent of French policy. When our intentions are made public they

will certainly be energetically endorsed by the national sentiment,

which it will be difficult to oppose.

It is reported that a variety of revolting acts have been committed by

the bands of franctireurs that are now being formed. Their uniform is

such that they can hardly be recognised as soldiers, and the badges by

which they are distinguished can be easily laid aside. One of these

young fellows lies in a ditch near a wood, apparently sunning himself,

while a troop of cavalry rides by. When they have passed he takes a

rifle which has been concealed in a bush, fires at them and runs into

the wood. Knowing the way he again appears a little further on as a

harmless peasant. I am inclined to think that these are not defenders

of their country but rather assassins who should be strung up without

ceremony whenever they are caught.

Count Seckendorf, of the Crown Prince’s staff, was the Chief’s guest at

dinner. The Augustenburger (Frederick VIII. of Schleswig-Holstein), who

has joined the Bavarians, was spoken of, and not to his advantage....

(The opinions expressed were practically identical with those given in

a letter which I received a few months later from a patriotic friend,

Herr Noeldeke, who lived in Kiel at that time as a professor. He wrote:

“We all know that he was not born for heroic deeds. He cannot help

that. If he waits persistently for his inheritance to be restored to

him by some miraculous means, that is a family trait. But he might

at least have made an effort to appear heroic. Instead of loafing

around with the army he might have led a company or a battalion of the

soldiers whom at one time he was nearly calling his own,--or for my

part he might have led Bavarians. In all probability the result would

not have been very remarkable, but at any rate he would have shown his

good will.”)

Reference was made to the rumour that the Bavarian battalions did not

appear particularly anxious to advance at the battle of Wörth (or was

it Weissenburg?), and that Major von Freiberg called upon them to show

themselves equal to “those gallant Prussians.” Seckendorf, if I am not

mistaken, confirmed this report. On the other hand, he denied that

the Crown Prince had ordered treacherous French peasants to be shot.

He had, on the contrary, acted with great leniency and forbearance,

especially towards unmannerly French officers.

Count Bohlen, who is always ready with amusing anecdotes and flashes of

fun, said: “On the 18th von Breintz’s battery was subjected to such a

heavy fire that in a short time nearly all his horses and most of his

men lay dead or wounded. As he was mustering the survivors, the captain

remarked, ‘A very fine fight, is it not?’”

The Chief said: “Last night I asked the sentry at the door how he was

off for food, and I found that the man had had nothing to eat for

twenty-four hours. I went to the kitchen and brought him a good chunk

of bread, at which he seemed highly pleased.”

Hatzfeldt’s appointment as Prefect led to the mention of other Prefects

and Commissaries _in spe_. Doubt having been expressed as to the

capacity of some of them, the Minister remarked: “Our officials in

France may commit a few blunders, but they will be soon forgotten if

the administration in general is conducted energetically.”

The conversation having turned on the telegraph lines which were being

so rapidly erected in our rear, somebody told the following story.

The workmen who found that their poles were stolen and their wires

cut, asked the peasants to keep guard over them during the night. The

latter, however, refused to do this, although they were offered payment

for it. At length they were promised that the name of each watchman

should be painted upon every pole. This speculation on French vanity

succeeded. After that the fellows in the long nightcaps kept faithful

watch, and no further damage was done.

_Friday, August 26th._--We are to move forward to Saint Ménehould,

where our troops have captured 800 mobile guards. Early in the day I

wrote an article about the franctireurs, dealing in detail with the

false view which they take of what is permissible in war.

We moved forward on the 26th, not to Saint Ménehould, however,

which was still unsafe, being infested by franctireurs and mobile

guards, but to Clermont en Argonne, where we arrived at 7 o’clock

in the evening. On our way we passed through several rather large

villages with handsome old churches. For the last couple of hours

military policemen were stationed along the road at intervals of about

200 paces. The houses, which were built of grey sandstone and not

whitewashed, stood close together. The whole population shuffled about

in clumsy wooden shoes, and the features of the men and women, of whom

we saw great numbers standing before the doors, were, so far as I could

observe in a passing glance, almost invariably ugly. Probably the

people thought it necessary to remove the prettier girls to a place of

safety out of the way of the German birds of prey.

We met some Bavarian troops with a line of transport waggons. The

troops loudly cheered the King, and afterwards the Chancellor. Later

on we overtook three regiments of infantry, some hussars, uhlans, and

a Saxon commissariat detachment. Near a village, which was called

Triaucourt if I am not mistaken, we met a cartful of franctireurs who

had been captured by our people. Most of these young fellows hung

their heads, and one of them was weeping. The Chief stopped and spoke

to them. What he said did not appear to please them particularly. An

officer of higher rank who came over to the carriage of the Councillors

and was treated to a friendly glass of cognac told us that these

fellows or comrades of theirs had on the previous day treacherously

shot a captain or major of the uhlans, named Von Fries or Friesen. On

being taken prisoners they had not behaved themselves like soldiers,

but had run away from their escort. The cavalry and rifles, however,

arranged a kind of battue in the vineyards, so that some of them were

again seized, while others were shot or cut down. It was evident that

the war was becoming barbarous and inhuman, owing to these guerilla

bands. Our soldiers were prejudiced against them from the beginning,

even apart from the possibility of their lying treacherously in ambush,

as they looked upon them as busybodies who were interfering in what was

not their business, and as bunglers who did not understand their work.

We took up our residence at Clermont in the town schoolhouse in the

main street, the King’s quarters being over the way. On our arrival,

the Grande Rue was full of carts and carriages, and one saw here and

there a few Saxon rifles. While Abeken and I were visiting the church

we could hear in the stillness the steady tramp of the troops and their

hurrahs as they marched past the King’s quarters.

On our return we were told that the Minister had left word that we

were to dine with him in the Hôtel des Voyageurs. We found a place at

the Chief’s table in a back room of the hotel, which was full of noise

and tobacco smoke. Amongst the guests was an officer with a long black

beard, who wore the Geneva cross on his arm. This was Prince Pless. He

said that the captured French officers at Pont à Mousson had behaved in

an insolent manner, and had spent the whole night drinking and playing

cards. A general had insisted that he was entitled to have a separate

carriage, and been very obstreperous when his demand was naturally

rejected. We then went on to speak of the franctireurs and their odious

modes of warfare. The Minister confirmed what I had already heard from

Abeken, namely, that he had spoken very sharply to the prisoners we had

met in the afternoon. “I told them, ‘_Vous serez tous pendus,--vous

n’êtes pas des soldats, vous êtes des assassins!_’ On my saying this

one of them began to howl.” We have already seen that the Chancellor is

anything but unfeeling, and further proof of this will be given later

on.

In our quarters the Chief’s chamber was on the first floor, Abeken, I

believe, having a back room on the same landing. The remainder of us

were lodged on the second floor in a dormitory or kind of hall which

at first only contained two chairs and two bedsteads with mattresses

but without quilts. The night was bitterly cold, and I only with my

waterproof to cover me. Still it was quite endurable, especially when

one fell asleep thinking of the poor soldiers who have to lie outside

in the muddy fields.

In the morning we were busy rearranging our apartment to suit our

needs. Without depriving it of its original character we turned it

into an office and dining-room. Theiss’s cleverness conjured up a

magnificent table out of a sawing bench and a baker’s trough, a

barrel, a small box and a door which we took off its hinges. This work

of art served as breakfast and dining table for the Chancellor of

the Confederation and ourselves, and in the intervals between those

meals was used as a desk by the Councillors and Secretaries, who

neatly committed to paper and reproduced in the form of despatches,

instructions, telegrams, and newspaper articles the pregnant ideas

which the Count thought out in our midst. The scarcity of chairs

was to a certain extent overcome by requisitioning a bench from the

kitchen, while some of the party contented themselves with boxes as

seats. Wine bottles that had been emptied by the Minister served

as candlesticks--experience proved that champagne bottles were the

fittest for this purpose and as a matter of fact good wax candles

burned as brightly in these as in a silver chandelier. It was more

difficult to secure the necessary supply of water for washing, and

sometimes it was hard even to get enough for drinking purposes, the

soldiers having during the last two days almost drained the wells for

themselves and their horses. Only one of our party lamented his lot

and grumbled at these and other slight discomforts. The rest of us,

including the far-travelled Abeken, accepted them all with good humour,

as welcome and characteristic features of our expedition.

The office of the Minister of War, or rather of the general staff, was

on the ground floor, where Fouriere and a number of soldiers sat at the

desks and rostrums in the two schoolrooms. The walls were covered with

maps, &c., and with mottoes, one of which was particularly applicable

to the present bad times: “_Faites-vous une étude de la patience, et

sachez céder par raison._”

The Chief came in while we were taking our coffee. He was in a bad

temper, and asked why the proclamation threatening to punish with death

a number of offences by the population against the laws of war had not

been posted up. On his instructions I inquired of Stieber, who told me

that Abeken had handed over the proclamation to the general staff, and

that he (Stieber), as director of the military police, could only put

up such notices when they came from his Majesty.

On going to the Chancellor’s room to inform him of the result of my

inquiries, I found that he was little better off than myself in the

way of sleeping accommodation. He had passed the night on a mattress

on the floor with his revolver by his side, and he was working at a

little table which was hardly large enough to rest his two elbows on.

The apartment was almost bare of furniture and there was not a sofa

or armchair, &c. He, who for years past had so largely influenced the

history of the world, and in whose mind all the great movements of our

time were concentrated and being shaped anew, had hardly a place on

which to lay his head; while stupid Court parasites rested from their

busy idleness in luxurious beds, and even Monsieur Stieber managed to

provide for himself a more comfortable resting-place than our Master.

On this occasion I saw a letter that had fallen into our hands. It came

from Paris, and was addressed to a French officer of high rank. From

this communication it appeared that little hope was entertained of

further successful resistance, and just as little of the maintenance of

the dynasty. The writer did not know what to expect or desire for the

immediate future. The choice seemed to lie between a Republic without

republicans, and a Monarchy without monarchists. The republicans were

a feeble set and the monarchists were too selfish. There was great

enthusiasm about the army, but nobody was in a hurry to join it and

assist in repelling the enemy.

The Chief again said that attention should be called to the services

of the Saxons at Gravelotte. “The small black fellows should in

particular be praised. Their own newspapers have expressed themselves

very modestly, and yet the Saxons were exceptionally gallant. Try to

get some details of the excellent work they did on the 18th.”

They were very busy in the office in the meantime. Councillors and

Secretaries were writing and deciphering at full pressure, sealing

despatches at the lights stuck into the champagne-bottle-candlesticks,

and all around portfolios and documents, waterproofs and shoe-brushes,

torn papers and empty envelopes, were strewn about in picturesque

confusion. Orderlies, couriers and attendants came and went. Every

one was talking at the same time, and was too occupied to pay the

least attention to his neighbours. Abeken was particularly active in

rushing about between the improvised table and the messengers, and

his voice was louder than ever. I believe that this morning his ready

hand turned out a fresh document every half hour; at least, one heard

him constantly pushing back his chair and calling a messenger. In

addition to all this noise came the incessant tramp, tramp, tramp of

the soldiers, the rolling of the drums and the rattle of the carts over

the pavement. In this confusion it was no light task to collect one’s

thoughts and to carry out properly the instructions received, but with

plenty of good will it could be done.

After dinner, at which the Chancellor and some of the Councillors were

not present, as they dined with the King, I took a walk with Willisch

to the chapel of St. Anne on the top of the hill. There we found a

number of our countrymen, soldiers belonging to the Freiberg Rifle

Battalion, at supper under a tree. They have been engaged in the battle

of the 18th. I tried to obtain some particulars of the fight, but could

not get much more out of them than that they had given it with a will

to the Frenchmen.

By the side of the chapel a pathway led between a row of trees to a

delightful prospect, whence we could see at our feet the little town,

and beyond it to the north and east an extensive plain, with stubble

fields, villages, steeples, groups of trees and stretches of wood,

and to the south and west a forest that spread out to the horizon,

changing from dark green to the misty blue of the far distance. This

plain is intersected by three roads, one of which goes direct to

Varennes. On this road not far from the town a Bavarian regiment was

stationed, whose camp fires added a picturesque note to the scene.

In the distance to the right was a wooded hill with the village of

Faucoix, while the small town of Montfaucon was visible further off.

The second road, more towards the east, leads to Verdun. Still further

to the right, not far from a camp of Saxon troops, was the road to Bar

le Duc, on which we noticed a detachment of soldiers. We caught the

glint of their bayonets in the evening sunshine and heard the sound of

their drums softened by the distance.

Here we remained a good while gazing at this pleasing picture, which in

the west was glowing with the light of the setting sun, and watching

the shadows of the mountain spread slowly over the fields until all

was dark. On our way back we again looked in at the church of St.

Didier, in which some Hessians were now quartered. They lay on straw

in the choir and before the altar, and lit their pipes at the lamps

which burned before the sanctuary--without, however, intending any

disrespect, as they were decent, harmless fellows.

On Sunday, August 28th, we were greeted with a dull grey sky and a soft

steady rain that reminded one of the weather experienced by Goethe

not far from here in September, 1792, during the days preceding and

following the artillery engagement at Valmy. At the Chief’s request I

took General Sheridan a copy of the _Pall Mall Gazette_, and afterwards

tried to hunt up some Saxons who could give me particulars of the

battle of the 18th. At length I found an officer of the Landwehr, a

landed proprietor named Fuchs-Nordhof, from Moeckern, near Leipzig.

He was not able to add much to what I knew. The Saxons had fought

principally at Sainte Marie aux Chênes and Saint Privat, and protected

the retreat of the guards, who had fallen into some disorder. The

Freiberg Rifles took the position held by the French at the point of

the bayonet without firing a shot. The Leipzig Regiment (the 107th)

in particular had lost a great many men and nearly all its officers.

That was all he could tell me, except that he confirmed the news as to

Krausshaar’s death.

When the Minister got up we were again provided with plenty of work.

Our cause was making excellent progress. I was in a position to

telegraph that the Saxon cavalry had routed the 12th Chasseurs at

Voussières and Beaumont. I was informed (and was at liberty to state)

that we held to our determination to compel France to a cession of

territory, and that we should conclude peace on no other conditions.

The arguments in support of this decision were given in the following

article which was sanctioned by the Chief:--

“Since the victories of Mars la Tour and Gravelotte the German forces

have been constantly pressing forward. The time would, therefore,

appear to have come for considering the conditions on which Germany can

conclude peace with France. In this matter we must be guided neither

by a passion for glory or conquest, nor by that generosity which is

frequently recommended to us by the foreign press. Our sole object must

be to guarantee the security of South Germany from fresh attacks on the

part of France such as have been renewed more than a dozen times from

the reign of Louis XIV. to our own days, and which will be repeated

as often as France feels strong enough. The enormous sacrifices, in

blood and treasure which the German people have made in this war,

together with all our present victories, would be in vain if the power

of the French were not weakened for attack and the defensive strength

of Germany were not increased. Our people have a right to demand that

this shall be done. Were we to content ourselves with a change of

dynasty and an indemnity the position of affairs would not be improved,

and there would be nothing to prevent this war leading to a number of

others, especially as the present defeat would spur on the French to

revenge. France with her comparatively great wealth would soon forget

the indemnity, and any new dynasty would, in order to fortify its own

position, endeavour to secure a victory over us and thus compensate

for the present misfortunes of the country. Generosity is a highly

respectable virtue, but as a rule in politics it secures no gratitude.

In 1866 we did not take a single inch of ground from the Austrians, but

have we received any thanks in Vienna for this self-restraint? Do they

not feel a bitter longing for revenge simply because they have been

defeated? Besides the French already bore us a grudge for our victory

at Sadowa, though it was not won over them but over another foreign

Power. Whether we now generously forego a cession of territory or not,

how will they feel towards us after the victories of Wörth and Metz,

and how will they seek revenge for their own defeat?

“The consequences of the other course adopted in 1814 and 1815, when

France was treated with great consideration, prove it to have been bad

policy. If at that time the French had been weakened to the extent

which the interests of general peace required, the present war would

not have been necessary.

“The danger does not lie in Bonapartism, although the latter must

rely chiefly upon Chauvinist sentiment. It consists in the incurable

arrogance of that portion of the French people which gives the tone to

the whole country. This trait in the French national character, which

will guide the policy of every dynasty, whatever name it may bear, and

even of a Republic, will constantly lead to encroachments upon peaceful

neighbours. Our victories, to bear fruit, must lead to an actual

improvement of our frontier defences against this restless neighbour.

Whoever wishes to see the diminution of military burdens in Europe, or

desires such a peace as would permit thereof, must look not to moral

but to material guarantees as a solid and permanent barrier against

the French lust of conquest; in other words, it should in future be

made as difficult as possible for France to invade South Germany

with a comparatively small force, and even in peace to compel the

South Germans, through the apprehension of such attack, to be always

reckoning with the French Government. Our present task is to secure

South Germany by providing it with a defensible frontier. To fulfil

that task is to liberate Germany, that is to complete the work of the

War of Liberation in 1813 and 1814.

“The least, therefore, that we can demand and that the German people,

and particularly our comrades across the Main, can accept is, the

cession of the French gateways into Germany, namely Strassburg and

Metz. It would be just as short-sighted to expect any permanent

peace from the mere demolition of these fortresses as to trust in

the possibility of winning over the French by considerate treatment.

Besides, it must not be forgotten that this territory which we now

demand was originally German and in great part still remains German,

and that its inhabitants will perhaps in time learn to feel that they

belong to one race with ourselves.

“We may regard a change of dynasty with indifference. An indemnity

will only temporarily weaken France financially. What we require is

increased security for our frontiers. This is only attainable, however,

by changing the two fortresses that threaten us into bulwarks for our

protection. Strassburg and Metz must cease to be points of support for

French attacks and be transformed into German defences.

“Whoever sincerely desires a general European peace and disarmament,

and wants to see the ploughshare replace the sword, must first wish to

see the eastern neighbours of France secure peace for themselves, as

France is the sole disturber of public tranquillity and will so remain

as long as she has the power.”

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