Some three months ago, we published an "Address to Christians throughout
the world," by "the clergy of the Confederate States of America;" and
yesterday we published a reply to that address, signed by nearly a
thousand ministers of the various Churches in Scotland. The Confederate
address begins with a solemn declaration that its scope is not political
but purely religious--that it is sent forth "in the name of our Holy
Christianity," and in the interests of "the cause of our most Blessed
Master." Immediately after making this declaration, however, the
Confederate divines commence a long series of arguments designed to prove
that the war cannot restore the Union; that the Southern States had a
right to secede; that having seceded, their separation from the North is
final; that the proclamation of PRESIDENT LINCOLN, seeking to free the
slaves is a most horrible and wicked measure, calling for "solemn protest
on the part of the people of GOD throughout the world;" that the war
against the Confederacy has made no progress; and there seems no
likelihood of the United States accomplishing any good by its continuance.
This may be esteemed good gospel teaching in the Confederate States, but
in this country it would be thought to have very little connection with
"the cause of our most Blessed Master." But the Southern clergymen reserve
for the close of their address the defence of the grand dogma of their
religion--the doctrine that negro slavery as carried out in the Southern
States of America "is not incompatible with our holy Christianity."
Stupendous as this proposition may appear to the British mind, it offers
no difficulty to these learned and pious men. Nay, they are not only
convinced that slavery is "not incompatible" with Christianity, but they
boldly affirm that it is a divinely established institution, designed to
promote the temporal happiness and eternal salvation of the negro race,
and that all efforts to bring about the abolition of slavery are
sacrilegious attempts to interfere with the "plans of Divine Providence."
"We testify in the sight of GOD," say the clergy of the Confederate
States, "that the relation of master and slave among us, however we may
deplore abuses in this, as in any other relations of mankind, is not
incompatible with our holy Christianity, and that the presence of the
Africans in our land is an occasion of gratitude on their behalf before
_God_; seeing that thereby Divine Providence has brought them where
missionaries of the cross may freely proclaim to them the word of
salvation, and the work is not interrupted by agitating fanaticism. * * *
We regard Abolitionism as an interference with the plans of Divine
Providence. It has not the signs of the Lord's blessing. It is a
fanaticism which puts forth no good fruit; instead of blessing, it has
brought forth cursing; instead of love, hatred, instead of life,
death--bitterness and sorrow, and pain; and infidelity and moral
degeneracy follow its labours." There is no shirking of the question here.
Slavery is proclaimed to be the GOD-appointed means for the regeneration
of the African race, and those who seek to bring about the emancipation of
the slaves are branded as apostles of infidelity. Upon these grounds, the
confederate clergy appeal to Christians throughout the world to aid them
in creating a sentiment against this war--"against persecution for
conscience' sake, against the ravaging of the church of GOD by fanatical
invasion."
In their reply to this appeal, the Scottish ministers do what the
Confederate ministers professed their intention of doing--they avoid every
thing in the shape of political discussion. Among those gentlemen there is
no doubt considerable difference of opinion respecting the two parties in
the civil war; but they say nothing of that, and address themselves
exclusively to the question of slavery. Happily, there is no difference of
opinion upon that point among men who take upon themselves the high office
of preaching God's word in this country. The Scottish Ministers, in
powerful and manly language, express the "deep grief, alarm, and
indignation" with which they have seen men who profess to be servants of
the Lord Jesus Christ defend slavery as a Christian institution, worthy of
being perpetuated and extended, not only without regret, but with entire
satisfaction and approval. "Against all this," say they, "in the name of
that holy faith and that thrice holy name which they venture to invoke on
the side of a system which treats immortal and redeemed men as goods and
chattels, denies them the rights of marriage and of home, consigns them to
ignorance of the first rudiments of education, and exposes them to the
outrages of lust and passion--we must earnestly and emphatically protest."
We believe that this is the answer of the whole British community to the
appeal of the Confederate clergy. However much the public sentiment may
have been misled respecting the rights and the wrongs of the two parties
in the war, it cannot but be sound at the core on the subject of slavery.
There are many thousands of people who have not the slightest sympathy
with slavery, and who yet sympathise with the slave-owners because they
have a vague impression that the Southerners are brave gentlemen and the
Northerners base mechanics. They have managed by some strange process to
separate the cause of slavery from the cause of the slaveowner, and while
they rejoice at every success which tends towards the establishment of a
confederacy which is to have slavery as the "head stone of the corner,"
they continue to pray as fervently as ever that the fetters of the slaves
may be broken. All such people--and they constitute the mass of the
Southern sympathisers in this country--must be ready to repudiate with the
sternest indignation this attempt to connect the holy religion of Christ
with the most horrible oppression which the cruelty and cupidity of man
ever created.
But it is not enough that the Confederate defence of slavery should be
rejected. It was proper that the Scottish ministers of religion should
deal only with the religious aspect of the question, but it is the duty of
every man who feels that he has any influence in the world--and there is
no man who has not some--to study the political lessons which the address
affords. There can be no doubt that the appeal expresses the genuine
sentiment of the Southern States, softened down by whatever softening
influence there may be in their peculiar kind of Christianity, and shaped
to offend as little as possible the prejudices of British readers. And
what does it show us? Does it show us that emancipation is more likely to
follow from the success of the Southern society which assumes to be at the
helm of all schemes of religion and philanthropy, not only has no desire
to put an end to slavery, but regards it in such a light that it will be
its duty _to extend it as much as possible_. The Southern clergy say that
the relation of master and slave is "not incompatible with our holy
Christianity;" why, therefore, should they seek to get rid of it? From a
thousand pulpits this language will be sent forth week after week, and it
is clear that the religion of the Confederate States will be employed only
to convince the slaveowner that he is doing perfectly right in
perpetuating a system which enables him to buy men and women as chattels,
and to obtain command of human bodies and minds at the prices current of
the market. Then, the Southern clergy think it a cause for gratitude to
God on behalf of the negroes "that He has brought them where missionaries
of the Cross might freely proclaim to them the word of salvation." Will it
not, therefore, be the duty of the Southern clergy to extend those
blessings to new millions of Africans, and thus carry out the "plans of
Divine Providence?" Is the whole tendency of this argument not to elevate
the horrible trade of the slave-catcher to the same high level with the
noble office of the missionary? Proclaiming as they do that the capture of
Africans and their removal into slavery in the Southern States is God's
own missionary plan, the Confederate clergy and people will consider it as
much their duty to equip slave-ships with cargoes of manacles and send
them forth accompanied by the prayers of the churches, as it is now our
duty to send forth missionary-ships laden with Bibles and preachers of the
gospel. Then the heathen world will know what missionary Christianity
really is. Thousand of Africans, caught on the west coast, will be torn
from their families and taken chained on board ship; should they survive
the horrors of the passage, they will be set to hard work under laws which
permit of almost any degree of corporeal punishment and which deprive them
of all the rights of men; and they will be told to thank GOD who has
brought them into the blessed light of the Gospel! Let not the man who
cannot reconcile his sympathies in the American struggle with his
convictions on the question of slavery pooh-pooh this as an extravagant
fancy picture of something that never can occur. It is exactly the
missionary scheme which the Confederate clergy call "the plan of Divine
Providence;" and supposing a powerful Southern Confederacy to be
established, what is to prevent its being accomplished? Not the religious
and philanthropic feelings of the Confederates; for the religious and
philanthropic feelings of the confederates are all for a revival of the
slave trade. Not treaties concluded with foreign nations; for a people
holding such sentiments could never make a treaty shutting themselves out
from the most promising field of missionary labour; or if forced by
circumstances to conclude it, their religious convictions would urge them
to break it at any moment. In fact, were a powerful nationality once
established, with interests and religious convictions all pointing in the
way of reviving the slave trade, it would be utterly impossible to prevent
a resumption of that abominable traffic.
We have dealt with the professed convictions of the Southern ministers as
sincere convictions. We should be sorry to accuse any body of men
professing to be teachers of the Christian religion of intentional
insincerity, and although we can hardly conceive the possibility of men
who base their religion upon the same Bible upon which we rest ours,
attempting sincerely to justify slavery upon religious grounds, we would
rather attribute the extraordinary moral obliquity which the attempt
exhibits to the demoralising influence of the slave system than to actual
hypocrisy. The spectacle of a crowd of learned and no doubt pious men
standing forth as the avowed apologists of a system which deprives their
fellow-men of all the rights of humanity is, perhaps, the most distressing
evidence of its blighting and blinding influence which has yet been
exhibited to the world. It ought to have its effect. As we have said, it
is the duty of every man to study the lessons which this address of the
Confederate clergy has for him. If his sympathy and influence be given to
the Confederates, let him understand the nature of the cause he is aiding.
Let him learn from the statement of the Confederates themselves that their
cause is the cause of slavery, and that they look forward to the
perpetuation and extension of slavery as the prize of success.
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