The Representatives chose General C. F. Beyers as chairman; and as
secretaries, Mr. D. E. van Velden, Minute-keeper of the Government of
the South African Republic, and the Rev. J. D. Kestell, Acting Secretary
of the Executive Council of the Orange Free State.
The chairman asked the Rev. J. D. Kestell to open the proceedings with
prayer, and then Acting President S. W. Burger declared the meeting to
be legally constituted. Thereupon the meeting was adjourned.
In the afternoon the Delegates met at three o'clock. Before beginning
the discussion of the important subjects, the chairman said it would be
well if the Acting President of the South African Republic were first to
address some words of explanation to serve as a guide to the meeting.
Acting President Burger then addressed the meeting, and explained, as
already stated earlier in this book, that it was the correspondence
between Holland and England that had brought about, first a meeting
between both the Governments at Klerksdorp, and subsequently a meeting
with Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner at Pretoria. The presence of the
Delegates at Vereeniging at that moment had resulted from the fact,
that when it appeared that the British Government insisted on the
surrender of Independence the two Governments had declared that it was
beyond their power constitutionally to enter into discussions on that
point; of that the People alone could treat. Thereupon both Governments
had made arrangements with Lord Kitchener to proceed to the People and
hear what they desired. The People had elected representatives, and
these were now assembled at Vereeniging to inform the Governments what
the will of the People was. President Burger then proceeded to state
that the English Government would not entertain the idea of Independence
for the two Republics, and that the Delegates there present should bear
this in mind; they would have to give information as to the condition of
the country, and to decide whether, bearing that condition in mind, the
struggle could still be continued. Whether the destruction of the entire
nation would not be the result of continuing the war, and whether it
would be right to do this. He then referred to the question which had
arisen as to the qualification of the members to sit together in
conference and to decide upon questions, seeing that some Delegates had
received full powers to act, whilst others had only a limited
commission, which bound them to a certain course of action. He trusted,
however, that this would place no insurmountable obstacle in the way.
Finally he expressed the hope that they would bear with one another, and
warned the members against divided counsels.
Thereupon the chairman asked General L. Botha to address the meeting.
The General replied that he did not see his way to doing this, since the
question as to the powers of the Delegates was not yet clear to him. It
was then that Judge J. B. M. Hertzog explained that a Representative of
the People, from a legal point of view, could not be regarded as a mere
agent or mouthpiece of his constituents; but that he, in matters of a
public nature, held a general power with the right of acting according
to his convictions, whatever might be the special injunction that had
been laid upon him by the constituents. General J. C. Smuts,
State-Attorney of the South African Republic, was of the same opinion.
This satisfied the Commandant-General, and he commenced with a general
statement as to the condition of his commandos. General de Wet and also
General de la Rey addressed the meeting. They stated, however, that they
were purposely brief, because the making of formal reports should be
left to the Delegates themselves.
The Representatives then addressed the meeting, and the first and a part
of the second day were spent in the hearing of reports. The Delegates
spoke till late at night, for they desired not to lose any time. From
the reports of the members of the meeting it was evident that the
condition of the country was miserable. There were no less than fourteen
districts of the Transvaal that had become so exhausted that the
commandos would no longer be able to continue in them. Food had become
exceedingly scarce everywhere, and in some parts the burghers were
dependent solely on the Kaffirs for their supplies. Everywhere the
"horse sickness" was causing great uneasiness, and the number of those
who had to go on foot was daily increasing. Special reference was made
to the distress caused by the sad fate of the women, who were still
found in greater and smaller numbers in different parts of the two
States. They often suffered great want, and were constantly exposed to
dangers at times when their husbands could afford them no assistance.
In the Orange Free State matters were somewhat more favourable.
It was true that some portions of this country were exhausted; but in
general the Delegates from there thought that the war could still be
continued for six months or a year. Still, there were some who related
sad facts and who were not silent as to the sufferings of the women in
that Republic. On the second morning this resolution was adopted:--
"That the Governments be requested through Lord Kitchener, to thank His
Majesty the King of England and Her Majesty the Queen of Holland for
their interposition in connection with the bringing about of peace
negotiations, as appears from the correspondence between the said
Governments, and to express their regret that His Majesty's Government
had not adopted the suggestion of Her Majesty's Government, to give our
Delegates in Europe, who still possess our fullest confidence, the
opportunity of coming to the Republics, and also that Lord Kitchener has
refused to accede to a similar request made by our Governments."
After this resolution had been adopted by the meeting, almost all the
Delegates had given their reports on the condition of both States. The
chairman then caused the letter, together with its annexures, which had
been addressed by the Governments from Pretoria to the burghers in the
veld, to be read. After that it became the duty of the Delegates to
consider what was to be done.
In the letter sent by the Governments at Pretoria to the burghers it was
stated that the British Government still adhered to the same proposals
that they had made to General L. Botha at Middelburg on the 7th of March
1901. The British Government demanded that a general surrender should
first take place, and if that were done they would grant the Boers
certain privileges, and as soon as possible Self-Government.
The question now before the meeting was, whether the Representatives
would accept this proposal of England, or--reject it and continue the
war?
It was immediately evident that the meeting was, to express myself so,
divided into two camps: the one forced to the conviction, that it was no
longer possible to resist the inevitable; the other holding that the end
had not yet come, and that, if England would negotiate upon no other
basis than that which insisted upon the surrender of Independence, the
war ought to be continued.
The Free State Delegates, with the exception of two or three, were with
one accord of the latter opinion, whilst the majority of the whole
assembly were convinced of the opposite. Among the Transvaalers there
were some who had come to the meeting with the motto, "Independence, or
else fight on!" But these, with the exception of six, came to the
conclusion during the discussion that it was their duty for the sake of
others to modify their views.
The reasons for ending the struggle, which were given by those Delegates
who now declared that it could no longer be proceeded with, were more
particularly the following:--
The country was, as already briefly indicated above, so devastated and
exhausted by the burning and destruction of farms and villages, the
removal of all cattle and sheep, the ruthless slaying of sheep, and
destruction of grain of all sorts, that we were standing upon the
threshold of a famine. It was further pointed out that horses were
becoming more and more scarce, and what would the burghers signify
without horses?
But it was the condition of the women, above all, that went to their
hearts. The condition of the women was most pitiable. They were almost
naked and suffered from hunger. They were exposed to dangers just at the
times when the men had to retire before overwhelming odds, and thus had
no protection just when they stood most in need of it. It was also shown
that the commandos were becoming weaker and weaker, and that if in the
future matters took the same course as in the past, nothing remained for
us but certain destruction. Acting President Burger and
Commandant-General Botha spoke in this strain. The former warned the
leaders that they should not continue the war merely for the sake of
their own honour, and that they had no right to sacrifice a nation to
their own ambition. The latter said that he was not thinking of himself,
when he declared that they could not continue the struggle. He himself
could still go on, for his family was provided for. He had horses too;
he wanted nothing. Besides, it was his earnest desire to continue the
war. But he dared not think of himself only. Constantly the question
arose in his mind, what would become of the People? and without
intermission, a voice spoke within him that it was his duty now, whilst
it was yet possible, to do the best he could for his People. He also
referred to the fact that it had been repeatedly declared that we should
continue to the "bitter end." He would ask _where_ that bitter end was?
Would it be reached when the last man lay in his grave or had been
banished, or had it been reached when the nation had striven until it
could do so no longer? General de la Rey, too, spoke in the same spirit.
He could still continue, he declared. His commandos were still able to
continue the struggle, but this many others could not do--and if all
could not do it, then a portion could not. From all that he had heard at
the meeting he had come to the mournful conclusion that the war should
be discontinued. He also referred to what had been said as to enduring
to the end. "Fight to the bitter end?" he asked, addressing the
meeting,--"do you say that? _But has the bitter end not come?_ Each one
of you must decide that question for himself."
With regard to the expectations we had of the Cape Colony, these
evaporated when General Smuts said that there was no possibility in the
Cape Colony of a general revolt. He declared that everything possible
had been done there. The Colonists could not have done more than they
had done, but a general rising was, for various reasons, impossible. If,
therefore, a reason for continuing the struggle in the Republics
themselves did not exist any longer, it would be idle to go and seek it
in the Cape Colony.
The Delegates on the other side did not deny that the condition of
things was appalling, and that there was great distress everywhere; that
especially the sufferings of the women were so great that one could not
think of it without danger of becoming weak and despondent, and that
there were large portions of the country that had become entirely
exhausted. But it was argued that this was also the case, or at least
had been said to be the case, a year ago, when General Smuts, the
State-Attorney, had in his telegram to our Deputation in Europe
described the condition of the country as being most dreadful. Then also
it had been said by many that through want of ammunition, and of other
things absolutely necessary for the continuance of the war, we could
fight no longer; and yet the struggle had been continued after that for
twelve months.
With respect to what had been said concerning the districts which would
have to be abandoned, it was urged that in the Free State there were
portions which had been entirely destroyed and consequently abandoned;
but these had nevertheless later on been again inhabited and supplied
with cattle. And then it was asked, whether the war had not been begun
in faith, and whether it could not be carried through in the same faith?
General de Wet spoke in this strain. He pointed with earnestness to the
fact that times of depression had been surmounted in the past, and that
they should be surmounted again. If there were those who could not
provide for themselves, then it was the duty of the meeting to do so for
them, and to continue the war.
Referring to the charge made by some, that those who wished to continue
the war did not take facts into consideration, he said that he had
nothing to do with facts, it was a war of faith; he had to concern
himself with _a fact only when he had to clear it out of the way_.
And yet, it was these facts that were constantly being pointed at. They
were declared to be insurmountable. Many advised those who wished to
continue the war, to consult not only their hearts but their common
sense, and if they did this they would see what God's purpose with us in
this war was. One Delegate said that the war had been commenced with
prayer and with the Mauser, and, he asked, what had been God's answer to
this prayer? "Can you not see," he continued, "that the hand of God is
stretched out against us?"
The Middleburg proposals then were before the meeting. The question now
was, what the meeting was going to do in regard to those proposals? It
was soon evident that the Delegates were not prepared to accept them,
and were of opinion that before deciding another endeavour should be
made to see whether the British Government was not inclined to conclude
peace upon some other basis, a basis which would not exclude the
Independence of the two States. It had, however, become plain to all
that, as matters then stood, the People could not expect to have the
same measure of Independence which they had enjoyed before the war, and
the Delegates felt that they would have to concede and surrender much.
The State-Secretary, Mr. F. W. Reitz, had suggested what might be
surrendered. We could, he said, agree to the surrender of a portion of
our territory--the goldfields and Zwasieland, for instance. We could
relinquish our foreign policy. We could even agree to an English
protectorate. There were those who were opposed to this idea, yet it
seemed that Mr. Reitz's view was in accordance with the sentiments of
the meeting, and several members expressed themselves to the same
effect.
* * * * *
I have now briefly summed up, and arranged in order, what was discussed
by the Representatives of the People at Vereeniging. I have now in this
chapter only to add that on the third day of the meeting, on Saturday,
17th May, two resolutions were adopted. The first empowered both
Governments to conclude peace on this basis:--
The retention of a limited Independence, with the power to offer, over
and above what had already been offered, by both Governments in their
negotiations of 15th April 1902--
1. The relinquishment of foreign relations and embassies.
2. The acceptance of the protectorate of Great Britain.
3. The surrender of a portion of the territory of the South African
Republic.
4. The conclusion of a defensive treaty with Great Britain with regard
to South Africa.
The second proposal authorised the Governments to appoint a commission
to negotiate with Lord Kitchener on any subject that might lead to a
satisfactory peace, and to submit, through the Governments, the result
of their labours to the meeting for ratification.
Shortly after these two resolutions had been agreed to the meeting was
closed with prayer, and adjourned until the report of the commission was
handed in.
Immediately after the close of the meeting the Governments met in the
tents of President Steyn, who had been too weak to be present except at
two of the sessions, and they nominated the Generals L. Botha, C. R. de
Wet, J. H. de la Rey, J. C. Smuts, and Judge J. B. M. Hertzog as the
commission to negotiate at Pretoria. The following day a service was
held in the large tent, and those present were addressed on the striking
words of Paul: "I am not speaking falsely, and my conscience,
enlightened by the Holy Spirit, bears me out when I say that I am
greatly pained, and that my heart is never free from sorrow. I could
wish that I were accursed, and severed from the Christ, for the sake of
my brothers--my own countrymen" (Rom. ix. 1-3).--_The Twentieth Century
New Testament._
In alluding to this divine service, I may also note that every morning a
prayer-meeting, and every evening a short service, was held during the
whole time that the Representatives of the People were at Vereeniging;
and thus the People remained faithful to the last to that spirit which
since and before the days of Sarel Celliers had inspired the Africander
nation. The God of their fathers was not forgotten. Their posterity also
said of that Lord, "God is our refuge and our strength." In the
afternoon the Governments received a reply from Lord Kitchener and Lord
Milner that the request of the Delegates for a conference was acceded
to, and that the commission could come to Pretoria.
The commission left about sunset, and arrived at Pretoria at about nine
o'clock.
CHAPTER IV
SWIMMING AGAINST THE STREAM
On Monday morning, the 19th of May 1902, the commission met early, and
wrote a letter, intended to be read to Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner,
in which the desire of the Representatives of the People was explained.
As the committee was empowered to negotiate with the British Government
as to any subject that might lead to peace, they also now discussed the
question, what, in case the desire of the Delegates were not acceded to,
the terms should be on which peace could be concluded. The following
points were thereupon taken down:--
1. A date to be fixed for the establishment of responsible government.
2. All burghers of both Republics to retain the franchise, and this
right to vote to be further regulated on the basis of the existing
franchise law of the Cape Colony. And the electoral divisions to be
fixed more or less in accordance with the number of electors.
3. All families and prisoners to be brought back to their dwellings, as
soon as arrangement could possibly be made for their conveyance, as
indicated in Lord Kitchener's letter of the 7th of March 1901.
4. Both the Dutch and English languages to have the same rights.
5. Payment to be made
(_a_) Of Government notes of the South African
Republic issued during the war.
(_b_) Of all receipts given according to the custom
of the Republics, for goods, etc., requisitioned
for the use of the commandos.
(_c_) Of all direct damage caused to burghers in
connection with military operations.
6. The legal status of coloured persons to be the same as in the Cape
Colony, and no right to vote to be given to them before responsible
government shall have been introduced here under the laws to be adopted
by the future Parliaments. All native tribes within and on the borders
of both Republics to be disarmed immediately after the conclusion of
peace.
7. Amnesty to be granted for all acts done in connection with the war by
burghers of both Republics and of the Colonies, and no accounts to be
demanded from officers of State monies spent during the war for military
purposes.
8. Cessation of hostilities to be arranged with the chief officers.
At ten o'clock the commission was invited to the dwelling of Lord
Kitchener. Immediately on their arrival in the hall, where both
Governments had a month previously negotiated with the British
Government, Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner made their appearance, and
seats were taken at the table.
General L. Botha began by saying that, although the negotiations had
lasted longer than had been expected, he could give the assurance that
the burghers were acting in good faith, and that everything was done
with the earnest desire to bring about peace.
Thereupon the Representatives of the British Government inquired what
the proposals of the Delegates at Vereeniging were, and the letter
prepared by the commission was read as follows:--
TO THEIR EXCELLENCIES LORD KITCHENER AND LORD MILNER, PRETORIA.
"PRETORIA, _19th May 1902_.
YOUR EXCELLENCIES,--With the object of finally putting an end to the
existing hostilities, we have the honour, by virtue of the authority
granted us by the Governments of both Republics, to propose the
following points as a basis of negotiations over and above the points
already offered in the negotiations of April last:--
(_a_) We are prepared to relinquish our independence as regards foreign
relationships.
(_b_) We wish to retain internal self-government under a British
protectorate.
(_c_) We are prepared to surrender a portion of our territory.
If your Excellencies are prepared to negotiate upon this basis, the
above-named points can be further discussed in detail.
We have the honour to be, your Excellencies' obedient servants,
LOUIS BOTHA.
C. R. DE WET.
J. H. DE LA REY.
J. B. M. HERTZOG.
J. C. SMUTS."
In this letter, then, the commission laid before the British Government
the wish of the Delegates. How little, indeed, it was that the People
desired!--a Limited Independence! They wished to retain their own flag,
and were prepared to make, besides what they had already given in blood
and treasure, other sacrifices for it, and that by agreeing thenceforth
to signify nothing in the outside world, surrendering all relations with
other powers; also, even in regard to their internal government, to have
their wings clipped by submitting to the protectorate of England, and to
become yet smaller than they were by surrendering a portion of their
already small territory.
All that they wished for was to be independent, even if it were only
partly so.
It was in vain!
First Lord Kitchener then Lord Milner said that the difference between
what the People desired and what the British Government had proposed was
too great; and when the commission replied that there was no distinction
in principle, that they would actually be independent no longer if
England agreed to the little that was asked, they were curtly answered
that it could not be. The States had completely to surrender their
independent existence!
And thereupon the Representatives of the British Government refused to
discuss the proposal any further. They refused even to telegraph it to
England, declaring that they were certain it would not be agreed to
there, and that it might injure the cause of the Boers.
What was the commission now to do? Return to the Delegates and inform
them that England would not grant what they desired? No! they had
authority to negotiate on _any_ subject that would lead to the desired
peace, and they would now negotiate further, and see what England's
intention was. They therefore asked what terms England was prepared to
give in case the States surrendered.
In the afternoon the following preamble was read as an answer to this
question:--
"The undersigned leaders of the burgher forces in the field, accepting
on their own behalf and that of the said burghers the annexation
proclaimed by Lord Roberts, and dated respectively on the 24th May in
the year of our Lord Nineteen Hundred, and No. 15 dated on the first day
of September in the year of our Lord Nineteen Hundred, and accepting as
a consequence thereof their status as British subjects, agree
immediately to lay down their arms, surrendering all cannon, guns, and
munitions of war in their possession, or under their control, and to
cease from all further opposition against the authority of H.M. King
Edward VII., or his successors. They do this, relying on the assurance
of H.M. Government that they and the burghers surrendering together with
them shall not be deprived of their personal liberty or of their
property, and that the future actions of H.M. Government with regard to
the consequences of the war shall be consistent with the declaration
here-under set forth. It is clearly understood that all burghers who are
now prisoners-of-war, in order to share in the enjoyment of said
assurance, shall declare their acceptance of the status of British
subjects."
"Must we understand," asked General L. Botha, when Lord Milner had read
this document,--"must we understand that our proposal is rejected
entirely?"
Both Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner replied, "Yes!"
It was plain to everyone in that room who heard that answer, that we
were regarded as having been conquered--completely conquered.
* * * * *
It was now indicated that something in the spirit of the Middleburg
proposal would follow upon the preamble that had been read there, and
that the exact contents and form of it would have to be agreed upon. The
commission began by taking exception to the preamble, as well as to the
proposal itself, and explained their objections.
No progress could be made.
After much had been said on both sides the Representatives of the
British Government proposed that a sub-committee of the commission
should be elected to draw up a document, together with Lord Milner,
which should, if possible, be acceptable. It was then agreed that
General Smuts and Judge Hertzog should act as such a sub-committee, to
draft a proposal in co-operation with Lord Milner, advised by Sir
Richard Solomon.
The two men who constituted the sub-committee did much. They opposed all
endeavours to make the oath of allegiance obligatory. They succeeded in
arranging that no judicial steps, either civil or criminal, should be
taken for acts done during the war. They insisted that the Governments
of both States, if a treaty of peace were made, should sign it as the
Governments respectively of the South African Republic and of the Orange
Free State, and thus virtually forced the British Government to treat
the "annexations" of the two Republics as non-existent, and to negotiate
not with late Republics, but with existing States, whose official names,
and not the new names given in the annexation proclamation, it would
recognise through the signatures of its Representatives.
The sub-committee also championed the cause of the colonists who had
fought on our side, and although Lord Milner positively objected to any
interference with what he called a matter between the Colonial
Government and their own subjects, the members of the sub-committee
nevertheless indirectly received the assurance that the colonists would
be treated as leniently as possible.
After the sub-committee had, together with Lord Milner, drawn up the
document, it was laid before the two parties. A clause was still wanting
which should provide for the payment of receipts which officers in the
field had given for provisions bought for the use of the commandos
during the war, and in the document no sum of money was named that
should be paid to the burghers as compensation for damages.
The necessity of paying these receipts was discussed, and it was sad to
hear the haggling that went on in regard to this matter. Lord Milner
said it could not be expected that the British Government should pay the
war costs of both sides; to which it was replied that these receipts
were a lawful debt of the country, and that if England took possession
of the assets of the country, worth millions of money, she should also
be responsible for the debts. It was also pointed out that there were
many men who possessed nothing but receipts, and if they were to lose
these also, then they would possess nothing whatever.
Eventually it was agreed that in the draft proposal a clause should be
added providing for the payment of the receipts, and that it should be
proposed that the sum of L3,000,000 should be given for the payment of
these and of the government notes.
The commission also wished to have an article providing for the
protection of those who had debts to pay. They pointed out that if these
people were forced to pay immediately after the war, they, having lost
all, would not be able to do so, and would therefore be ruined utterly.
The commission desired that no creditor should have the right to take
steps against his debtor till after the lapse of a certain period. This
matter was regarded by Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner as being one
connected with a legal question of so intricate a nature that they did
not consider it desirable to have it mentioned in the document itself.
But they promised to bring it to the notice of the British Government
and to recommend it to their earnest consideration.
The draft proposal was then concluded, and telegraphed to England in
the afternoon (21st of May). For a whole week we had to wait before a
final answer was received from England, for meanwhile telegrams were
being sent backwards and forwards. At last, on the 28th of May, the
answer came, stating that the draft proposal was accepted with certain
modifications, and that the proposal as now amended could no longer be
altered. It was to be laid before the Representatives of the People at
Vereeniging, who were to give a "yes" or "no" vote on it. The following
is the proposal in its final form:--
"General Lord Kitchener of Khartoum, Commander-in-Chief, and His
Excellency Lord Milner, High Commissioner, on behalf of the British
Government, and Messrs. S. W. Burger, F. W. Reitz, Louis Botha, J. H. de
la Rey, L. J. Meyer, and J. C. Krogh, acting as the Government of the
South African Republic, and Messrs. M. T. Steyn, W. J. C. Brebner, C. R.
de Wet, J. B. M. Hertzog, and C. H. Olivier, acting as the Government of
the Orange Free State, on behalf of their respective burghers, desirous
to terminate the present hostilities, agree on the following articles:--
"1. The burgher forces in the field will forthwith lay down their arms,
handing over all guns, rifles, and munitions of war, in their possession
or under their control, and desist from any further resistance to the
authority of His Majesty King Edward VII., whom they recognise as their
lawful sovereign. The manner and details of this surrender will be
arranged between Lord Kitchener and Commandant-General Botha, Assistant
Commandant-General de la Rey, and Chief-Commandant de Wet.
"2. Burghers in the field outside the limits of the Transvaal and Orange
River Colony, and all prisoners-of-war at present outside South Africa,
who are burghers, will, on duly declaring their acceptance of the
position of subjects of His Majesty King Edward VII., be gradually
brought back to their homes as soon as transport can be provided and
their means of subsistence ensured.
"3. The burghers so surrendering or so returning will not be deprived of
their personal liberty or their property.
"4. No proceedings, civil or criminal, will be taken against any of the
burghers so surrendering or so returning for any acts in connection with
the prosecution of the war. The benefit of this clause will not extend
to certain acts contrary to the usages of war which have been notified
by the Commander-in-Chief to the Boer Generals, and which shall be tried
by court-martial immediately after the close of hostilities.
"5. The Dutch language will be taught in public schools in the Transvaal
and the Orange River Colony where the parents of the children desire it,
and will be allowed in courts of law when necessary for the better and
more effectual administration of justice.
"6. The possession of rifles will be allowed in the Transvaal and Orange
River Colony to persons requiring them for their protection, on taking
out a licence according to law.
"7. Military administration in the Transvaal and Orange River Colony
will at the earliest possible date be succeeded by civil government,
and, as soon as circumstances permit, representative institutions,
leading up to self-government, will be introduced.
"8. The question of granting the franchise to natives will not be
decided until after the introduction of self-government.
"9. No special tax will be imposed on landed property in the Transvaal
and Orange River Colony to defray the expenses of the war.
"10. As soon as conditions permit, a commission, on which the local
inhabitants will be represented, will be appointed in each district of
the Transvaal and Orange River Colony, under the presidency of a
magistrate or other official, for the purpose of assisting the
restoration of the people to their homes and supplying those who, owing
to war losses, are unable to provide for themselves, with food, shelter,
and the necessary amount of seed, stock, implements, etc., indispensable
to the resumption of their normal occupations. His Majesty's Government
will place at the disposal of these commissions a sum of three million
pounds sterling for the above purposes, and will allow all notes issued
under Law No. 1 of 1900 of the Government of the South African Republic,
and all receipts given by the officers in the field of the late
Republics, or under their orders, to be presented to a judicial
commission, which will be appointed by the Government; and if such notes
and receipts are found by this commission to have been duly issued in
return for valuable consideration, they will be received by the
first-named commissions as evidence of war losses suffered by the
persons to whom they were originally given. In addition to the
above-named free grant of three million pounds, His Majesty's Government
will be prepared to make advances as loans for the same purposes, free
of interest for two years, and afterwards repayable over a period of
years with 3 per cent. interest. No foreigner or rebel will be entitled
to the benefit of this clause."
There, then, lay the proposal. Nothing could be added to it; nothing
could be taken from it. The Delegates at Vereeniging would have to adopt
it as it was, or reject it.
With regard to the colonists who had fought on the side of the
Republics against their own Government, a document was read in which it
was stated that the Cape Government had resolved that the "rank and
file," if they surrendered, would have to sign a document before a
resident magistrate, acknowledging themselves to have been guilty of
high treason, and that their punishment would be the loss of the
franchise for life; and that persons who had occupied positions under
the Cape Government, or who had been officers of commandos, would have
to submit to trial on the charge of high treason, on the understanding,
however, that in no case would the penalty of death be inflicted. The
Natal Government, always small, never large-hearted, was of opinion that
the colonists who had risen should be treated in accordance with the
laws of the colony (Natal).
The task of the five men was completed. They had done everything in
their power to carry out the wishes of the Delegates, but they had not
been able to succeed. They had been swimming against a stream that was
too strong for them.
CHAPTER V
THE BITTER END
That same evening, the 28th of May, the commission returned to
Vereeniging, and the following morning a meeting of both Governments was
held in the tent of President Steyn to hear the report of the five men.
The commission read the following letter:--
TO THE HONOURABLE GOVERNMENTS OF THE ORANGE FREE STATE AND THE SOUTH
AFRICAN REPUBLIC.
"PRETORIA, _28th May 1902_.
"HONOURABLE SIRS,--In accordance with our commission from both
Governments to proceed to Pretoria for the purpose of negotiating with
the British authorities on the question of peace, we have the honour to
report as follows: The sessions lasted from Monday the 19th May till
Wednesday the 28th May, and the delay was chiefly caused by the long
time which had to be given to the cable correspondence with the British
Government. First of all, we submitted a proposal in which we
endeavoured to negotiate on the basis of a limited Independence, with
the surrender of a portion of our territory. Lord Kitchener and Lord
Milner positively refused to negotiate upon this basis, and informed us
that if this proposal were telegraphed to the British Government it
would be detrimental to the negotiations. At the same time we were
informed that, as already stated to the two Governments, the British
Government was only prepared to negotiate on the basis of the Middleburg
proposal, with minor modifications. In order to throw this proposal into
a final shape, Lord Milner asked the assistance of some members of the
commission; and this was agreed to, on the understanding that the help
of these members should be given without prejudice.
"As the result of the labours of this sub-committee, Lord Milner laid on
the table a draft proposal to which we insisted that the new article
should be added, which was agreed to (No. 11). This draft proposal was
then telegraphed to the British Government, and was by them altered into
a final form, which was communicated to us. This final proposal is
annexed hereunto. We were also informed on the part of the British
Government that this proposal could not be further altered, but had to
be either adopted or rejected as it stood by the Delegates of both
Republics: at the same time we were informed, that this adoption or
rejection had to take place within a fixed time. We thereupon told Lord
Kitchener that this final decision would be communicated to him not
later than Saturday evening next (the 31st of May).
"During the formal negotiations some informal discussions also took
place regarding the British subjects in the Cape Colony and Natal, who
have fought on our side. As the result of these informal discussions, a
communication was made to us by the British Government, which we annex
hereunto.--We have the honour to be your Honours' obedient servants,
"LOUIS BOTHA.
J. H. DE LA REY.
C. R. DE WET.
J. B. M. HERTZOG.
J. C. SMUTS."
That the Governments were greatly disappointed it is needless to say,
that they did not say much may be well imagined. Still, questions were
asked as to the meaning of conditions that appeared to require
explanation, and these were answered by the commission to the best of
their ability.
President Steyn made a few remarks, and pointed out how objectionable
the proposal was. He expressed himself strongly against the acceptance
of it.
General de la Rey pointed out that the Representatives of the People
should have to choose one of these three ways out of the difficulty: (1)
To continue the struggle; or (2) To accept the proposal of the British
Government; or (3) Unconditional surrender.
Hereupon President Steyn remarked that there was still a fourth: viz. To
insist upon our cause being decided in Europe by persons empowered, and
sent thither by us.
"But," he added in a sad tone, "I am like one who had been wounded to
death. I can no longer take part in the struggle, and have therefore
perhaps no right to speak any more. To-day I must, on account of my
serious illness, resign my position, and now the matter is in your hands
and in those of the Representatives of the People!"
It was a hard thing to hear those words: "I am as one who has been
wounded to death." Our hearts were broken at the thought that the
President could not wield the sword. He had in the long and dreadful
struggle lived each day on the very summit of determination and of
courage. Never, not even when he saw that his bodily strength was
rapidly failing, had he shown the slightest sign of discouragement.
And now he could no longer take part in the struggle. Many things in
this war had weighed heavily upon us; but the fate of President Steyn
broke our hearts.
Having conversed together some moments longer, the Governments proceeded
to the tent of assembly, and there laid the letter of the commission
before the Delegates.
It was a blow for these Representatives of the People, a blow which,
though it did not come unexpectedly, was nevertheless overwhelming. It
stunned them like the thunder-clap which, expected from moment to
moment, at last explodes.
The clouds lowered, and their sombre shadow lay upon the meeting until
the end of the discussions.
In the first place, the commission was asked for explanations regarding
the various articles of the British proposal, to which "Yes" or "No" was
now to be the answer. It was as if they were seeking for something in
the proposal that could not be found there.
There were all sorts of conditions in it, but all were on one condition:
_The Republics must surrender their Independence!_
During the adjournment in the afternoon the Free State Delegates met in
the tent of General de Wet to accept there the resignation of President
Steyn. They received a letter from him, in which he said that he was
obliged to do this on account of his serious illness. He further stated
that, according to a law which gave him that power, he had appointed
General C. R. de Wet as Acting State President.
Just when the letter had been read and discussed, something happened in
the tent that drew the heart of the Free Stater closer to that of the
Transvaaler than before. Acting President Burger gave, on behalf of his
Government to the Government of the Orange Free State, a sum of
money--not so much, he said, as they would have desired--for the use of
President Steyn. All were moved, and Judge Hertzog expressed the
feelings of all when accepting the gift, as chairman, he said that they
were deeply touched by the thoughtfulness of the Transvaalers, and that
their deed afforded a new proof of our indissoluble union.
Shortly before three o'clock horses were harnessed to the vehicle of
President Steyn, and accompanied by Dr. van der Merwe he got into it.
Dr. van der Merwe was now going to take him to his own house at
Krugersdorp, and there to take further charge of him. And here I must
not let the opportunity pass without bearing witness to the
unselfishness and self-sacrifice of this doctor. Everyone appreciated
what he had done for the President, and I feel assured that the
Africander nation will bear it in thankful remembrance.
The President said farewell to those who loved him, and rode away. I sat
writing in another tent on some business of his, and did not see him
depart.
The carriage rolled away, and I had not said farewell to him. I could
not let him go without a last pressure of the hand. I ran after the
vehicle. The guards stopped it, and so I could reach him. I grasped the
hand of the sick man. I still see him as he sat in his carriage. He
looked to me like the personification of all that was noble, of all that
was heroic: a man who for a great idea could sacrifice all.
I feel the pressure of his hand yet, I still hear his words, but how he
looked, and what he spoke, I may not, and what passed through my heart,
I cannot set down here.
The carriage drove away.
The curtain had fallen upon a tragedy: Martinus Theunis Steyn had
disappeared from the scene.
It was as if an arrow had gone through my heart.
I went to the tent of assembly. I listened to the words of the
Delegates, and mechanically made notes of what was said; but my heart
was elsewhere. It was with the man who had striven as few could, and
who was now being carried away by the train farther and farther from the
arena.
For a considerable time longer the Delegates continued asking for
explanations of the articles of the British proposal. At last nothing
remained to be asked; then it was that one of the Delegates girded
himself to the task of placing himself face to face with the question,
"What we were to accept: whether we should continue this struggle, or
whether we should accept the terms of the British Government, or whether
we should surrender unconditionally."
The Delegate who spoke first said that the terms of the English were not
such as had been desired, but that under the circumstances no better
ones could be expected. It was his opinion that they should be accepted.
This Delegate had hardly sat down when General Nieuwoudt rose and
expressed it as his view that the meeting should immediately proceed to
vote.
This was a bold move, intended, as everyone could see, to obtain a vote
for the continuance of the struggle. And this would have happened if a
vote had now been taken, for the meeting was just then in a mood to
reject the English proposals, which had made a very unfavourable
impression. This was well understood, and several members remarked that
in such an important matter the meeting should be careful, and not act
without due caution; if it did it might prove fatal. The discussions
then continued, until a resolution was come to on the afternoon of the
third day, Saturday, the 31st of May.
As things had gone in the beginning, so they went now. There were two
parties, and the views were distinctly and clearly marked; the one side
maintaining that it was the duty of the people to continue the struggle,
whilst the other party held that, whatever one might wish, it was no
longer possible to do so. I shall not note here all that was said, for
much that had been said on the 15th, 16th, and 17th of May was
repeated. I shall now again, as I did in a former chapter, summarise and
arrange.
There were some who pointed out that, however one might regard the
matter, it was impossible to continue the war. As before, it was
remarked that we stood on the threshold of a famine, and that it was
want of food that was forcing us to discontinue the struggle. It was
also stated that horses had become so scarce that almost three out of
every ten burghers had to go about on foot, and that the horses which we
still possessed were so weak that they were unable to do the work that
was required of them, especially now that no forage was any longer
obtainable and they had to subsist on grass only. It had also become
undeniably evident that the commandos had grown gradually weaker. Where
we lost men we could not fill up their places. Thus General de la
Rey--the man who had never shown any signs of discouragement--declared
that since his last great fights he had lost 300 men, dead, wounded, and
prisoners, and that his cattle had been captured by 40,000 mounted
troops. Commandant-General Botha also referred to the fact that the
English had 31,400 of our men prisoners-of-war, that of these 600 had
died, and that 3800 of our burghers had fallen in battle. He said that
if the war continued in the same manner we should eventually be
exhausted, and should not again have a chance to negotiate. General
Smuts made it clear to the meeting that it was possible to continue the
war from a military point of view for three or six months longer; but
the war was not a mere _military_ matter, it was a _national_ matter;
and he added, "Why did we fight? Merely for the sake of fighting; merely
to shoot and be shot? No, it was for our Independence. Well, then, was
there any chance left, humanly speaking, of retaining it?"
But what was more specially urged was the miserable plight of our
women. Many of them had hardly any clothes left, and they were in danger
of dying of famine. When the commandos brought them food it was taken
away by the English forces, so pitilessly that they took, as it were,
the food out of the mouths of the children. So far from the truth was it
that the English had removed our wives to the concentration camps from
charitable motives, that during the last six months they had refused to
receive them when, driven by want, they had sought refuge in the camps,
and had, since the need had become most pressing, sent them back to
their ruined dwellings when the women had gone to the towns for help.
Moreover, every Delegate there knew well to what dangers the women were
exposed, and that whenever they most required the protection of the men
those men had to retire before the overwhelming numbers of the enemy,
thus leaving the women behind, exposed to indescribable insults from
Kaffirs and soldiers. This surely could not continue.
On the other hand, it was argued that if the proposal was accepted the
nation would thereby be extinguished. It was said that if the war was
continued then there was a hope of winning it; but by accepting the
proposal the deathblow would be given to our national existence. The
unsatisfactory nature of the terms offered by England were also dwelt
upon. The arrangement offered in the proposal as to compensation for
losses suffered by the war was insufficient, and the people would be
reduced to the greatest poverty. It was further urged that we should not
allow our courage to sink on account of the dark hour we were passing
through. In the past there had also been dark days. Dark had been the
days when the chief towns had been taken by the enemy, when General
Prinsloo surrendered, when the railway lines fell completely into the
hands of the enemy. But we put our trust in God and carried on the
struggle, and no one was made ashamed. After the sifting, those who were
left had remained steadfast. The outlook had also been dark when the
ammunition was spent. General de Wet said that he used to shudder when
he saw a burgher coming towards him with an empty cartridge-belt. And
yet later on so much was taken from the English that there was now a
sufficient supply. The fact also that England was at this moment ready
to negotiate was a proof that by persisting we had gained something, for
there had been a time when Lord Salisbury had insisted on unconditional
surrender. Another Delegate also reminded the meeting that there was a
time when Lord Roberts would not meet General Botha, and now the English
were negotiating with us! Why then, some Delegates asked, should this be
the last chance of negotiating? Even if the proposal was now
declined--this had been done before several times in the past--England
would be willing to negotiate, and the chances were that at each
negotiation they would obtain better terms.
So the Representatives of the People discussed the great question; but
it was as if they were grasping at the last straw floating on the stormy
waters of a whirlpool. We could not resist the conviction that the
Africander nation was exhausted. Gradually it was becoming evident that
it was impossible to continue the war. Even those who saw a chance to
hold out in their own districts and with their own commandos began more
and more to perceive that they could not do so if they stood alone.
This conviction acted on the minds of the Delegates, and, as General
Beyers remarked, a spirit of aversion to further resistance arose.
Against this spirit it was seen to be impossible to struggle. Judge
Hertzog also showed that, although he wished to make no accusation
against anyone, the holding of this meeting had been a great mistake,
for the meeting had taken away the last plank upon which they had stood.
For at this meeting the Delegates had been obliged to declare what the
true state of the country was, and those who still had courage would
now, after learning to what a pass matters had come, grow disheartened.
General de la Rey also pointed to this when he said, "You may say what
you will, resolve what you will; but whatever you do, here in this
meeting is the end of the war!" The same was said by General Smuts.
"This is for us," he said, "a great moment, perhaps the last in which we
shall meet as a free people and a free Government."
It was in vain that voices were still raised for continuing the
struggle. In vain that one referred to posterity, and declared that
future generations would blame their forefathers that they had laid down
their arms when they should have continued the struggle. In vain was it
shown that they had been enjoined by their constituents to continue the
struggle. "Injunction or no injunction, it is you," said General de la
Rey to the Delegates, "who must decide, and you will have to decide, not
for your own village or for your own district, but for the whole
country."
The inevitable, the hard inexorable, stared the meeting in the face. It
was simply impossible any longer to struggle against the stream. It was
evident that although, from a military point of view, we had not been
conquered, yet the war could not, for the sake of the People, be carried
on any longer. The Boers had held out as long as they could; nay, months
and months longer than they really could, and now--THE BITTER END HAD
COME!
But how should we surrender? Unconditionally? That was what the warrior
would wish. He would have wished to receive no favour from the enemy; he
would have wished to listen to no terms from his adversary. He would
have wished to say to his enemy, "I can do no more; there is my sword!
Do with me now what you will!"
But this could not be. THERE WERE THE PEOPLE!
What would become of the People if their leaders, in order to gratify
their own military sentiment, surrendered unconditionally? "No!" said
the leaders of the People, "we cannot do this." Here it was that I
learned to respect General L. Botha, and with him other Generals, more
than ever before. They sacrificed themselves, at the last moment, once
more for the People. Repeatedly at the meeting at Vereeniging, and
previously at Klerksdorp, the interests of the People had been referred
to, especially by General Botha. Repeatedly, too, the colonists who had
fought along with us had been mentioned, and it had been shown that if
we accepted the terms of the English, then the People would retain
possession of their personal liberty, and would eventually obtain
self-government; and the colonists, although deprived of the franchise,
would remain free. For the sake, therefore, of the People, the chiefs
sacrificed their military pride; and in order to be able to provide for
their kith and kin, and to be able to some extent to heal their wounds,
they said, "We shall not surrender unconditionally; we shall advise the
Delegates to adopt the proposal of the enemy."
Now there were a considerable number of Delegates that still desired to
continue the war. They were principally Free Staters, but there were
also Transvaalers who were unwilling to give up the struggle, just as
there were also some from the Free State who could no longer persist.
The disposition of these was, at all events, to persist until the
discussions were closed, and if it then became evident that there were
so many who voted against the continuance of the struggle that it would
be impossible for them to carry on the war alone, then to say, "You who
are for yielding force us also to surrender. We are driven to it."
Thus, they thought, the whole world would see who the men were who, at
the last gathering of the Africander nation, had endured unto the end.
To the views of these Delegates expression was given on Saturday
morning, the 31st of May, by a resolution proposed by General Nieuwoudt,
seconded by General Brand. That resolution proposed that the terms of
the English should be rejected. Another proposal was drawn up by General
Smuts, and laid before the meeting by Mr. R. R. Viljoen and General H.
A. Alberts. This draft proposed that the meeting should authorise the
Governments to adopt the proposal of the British Government, and fully
set forth what the reasons were that forced the Delegates to do so.
There now lay the two proposals. Would the Delegates be divided? Would
they part from each other in anger? Would they for all future time look
back upon this, the greatest moment in the history of South Africa, with
bitter reproaches against each other?
But something great occurred. Was it not God's guidance to keep the
People united to the last moment? It was this: those who wished to
continue the war, instead of striving after the honour of being renowned
as the steadfast ones who had only been forced by the surrender of
others to surrender also, ranged themselves by the side of those who
could no longer continue the contest, feeling that as they had fought
and suffered together, they should also fall together.
It happened in this way. General Botha and General de la Rey went to
General de Wet early on the morning of the 31st of May, and pointed out
to him that it had after all now become plain that they could not go on
with the struggle. Why should there still be division amongst them? they
asked. If they had been united in the struggle until now, then surely
it would be wrong to be divided at the last? General de Wet saw that
this was so, and agreed with the other two Generals to meet his burghers
separately, whilst the other two would speak to their burghers apart,
with the object of arriving at unanimity.
At the meeting General de Wet suggested that in order to avoid division
a commission should be appointed to draw up a third proposal that would
be acceptable to both parties; and that whilst the commission was busy
at this work the Free State and Transvaal Delegates should consult
separately, with the object of arriving at a unanimous conclusion. The
meeting approved of this, and appointed General Smuts and Judge Hertzog
to carry out the resolution. Then the Free Staters went to the tent of
General de Wet, while the Transvaalers remained in the tent of assembly.
I went along with the Free Staters. Never shall I forget what I
witnessed there. General de Wet showed that there was no chance any
longer of continuing the struggle, and said that they ought not to be
divided, but if possible unanimously vote for one resolution. I see him
yet, that unyielding man, with his piercing eyes, his strong mouth and
chin--I see him there still, like a lion fallen into a snare. He will
not, he cannot, but he must give up the struggle! I still see the stern
faces of the officers who up to that moment had been so unbending. I see
them staring as if into empty space. I see engraved upon their faces
something indescribable, that seemed to ask: Is this the bitter end of
our sufferings and our sorrows, of our faith and of our strong crying to
God?
General de la Rey had on the previous day exclaimed in the meeting, "You
speak of faith. What is faith?... Lord, Thy will, and not mine, be done!
I eliminate myself under God's will!" Then those strong men who had led
the People until that moment felt what those words implied!
How great was their emotion! I saw the lips quiver of men who had never
trembled before a foe. I saw tears brimming in eyes that had been dry
when they had seen their dearest laid in the grave....
The men agreed to remain united!
They again assembled in the tent. The draft of General Smuts, amended by
him and Judge Hertzog, was read by the latter, and ran as follows:--
"This meeting of Representatives of the People of the S.A.R. and O.F.S.,
held at Vereeniging from the 15th May 1902 to the 31st of May 1902, has
learnt with regret of the proposal made by His Majesty's Government in
regard to the cessation of existing hostilities and of the intimation
that this proposal must be accepted or rejected in an unaltered form.
"The meeting regrets that His Majesty's Government has absolutely
refused to negotiate with the Governments of the Republics upon the
bases of our Independence, or to permit our Governments to enter into
communication with our Deputation.
"Our Peoples have indeed always thought that not only on the ground of
Right, but also on the ground of the great material and personal
sacrifices that they have made for their Independence, they have a just
claim to such Independence.
"This meeting has earnestly taken into consideration the condition of
land and people, and has more especially taken into account the
following facts:
"1. That the military tactics pursued by the British military
authorities has led to the entire ruin of the territory of both the
Republics, with burning of farms and towns, destruction of all means of
subsistence, and exhaustion of all sources necessary for the support of
our families, for the maintenance of our forces in the field, and for
the continuation of the war.
"2. That the placing of our captured families in the concentration camps
has led to an unprecedented condition of suffering and disease, so that
within a comparatively short time about 20,000 of those dear to us have
perished there, and the horrible prospect has arisen that by continuing
of the war our entire race might be exterminated.
"3. That the Kaffir tribes within and without the borders of the
territories of both Republics are almost all armed and take part in the
struggle against us, and by perpetrating murders and committing all
kinds of horrors, an impossible state of affairs has been brought about
in many districts of both Republics, an instance of which took place
lately in the district Vrijheid, where fifty-six burghers were murdered
and mutilated in a shocking manner at the same time.
"4. That by proclamations of the enemy, which he has already carried
into effect, the burghers still in the field are threatened with loss of
all the movable and immovable property, and so with total ruin.
"5. That through the circumstances of the war it has already long ago
become impossible for us to retain the many thousands of
prisoners-of-war taken by our forces, and that we thus could do but
comparatively little damage to the British troops, whilst our burghers
captured by the British are sent abroad; and that after the war has
raged for nearly three years there remains only a small portion of the
forces with which we entered into the war.
"6. That this remnant still in the field, which forms but a small
minority of our entire people, has to contend against overwhelming odds,
and moreover has reached a condition virtually amounting to famine and
want of the necessary means of subsistence--and that notwithstanding our
utmost endeavours and the sacrifice of all that we value and hold dear,
we cannot reasonably expect a successful issue:
"This meeting is therefore of opinion that there is no reasonable ground
for thinking that by continuance of the war our People will retain the
possession of its Independence, and considers that under the
circumstances the People is not justified in carrying on the war any
longer, as that can alone tend to bring about the social and material
destruction not only of ourselves but also of our descendants.
"Urged by the above-mentioned circumstances and motives, this meeting
authorises both Governments to accept the proposal of His Majesty's
Government, and on behalf of the People of both Republics to sign the
same.
"This meeting of Delegates expresses the confident hope that the
conditions which have now been called into being by adopting the
proposal of His Majesty's Government may soon be ameliorated in such a
way that our nation may thereby attain the enjoyment of those privileges
to which it considers that not only on account of its past, but also on
the ground of its sacrifices in the course of this war, it can justly
lay claim.
"This meeting has noted with satisfaction the resolution of His
Majesty's Government to grant a large measure of amnesty to those
British subjects who took up arms on our side, and to whom we are bound
by the ties of blood and honour, and expresses the hope that it may
please His Majesty to extend this amnesty still further."
With fifty-four against six votes the meeting adopted this proposal.
Clearly and fearlessly there were reasons set forth in this resolution
why the Representatives of the People felt themselves obliged to give up
the long struggle.
For a year past it had been impossible to continue, and yet the
Africander people had with wonderful endurance continued to stand firm.
Not easily had they been induced to see that the struggle was a hopeless
one, and when at last they were compelled by the overwhelming force of
circumstances to give up the contest, they did not sink down paralysed
to the earth, as if they no longer retained any self-respect; but they
made themselves felt for the last time, by a resolution which will take
rank in history as one of the great manifestos, which will be valued
according to its true worth by future generations, better than we can
value it to-day.
The Boers had sacrificed everything. They had seen their houses given as
a prey to the flames. They had seen their property destroyed. They had
seen their cattle driven away in large numbers, and their sheep done to
death in heaps of tens of thousands. They had shed their blood like
water. Everything, everything, they had offered up for freedom and
independence. Nay, more than this had they laid on the altar. They saw
that for the great cause their mothers, their wives, their daughters,
their sisters, had suffered hunger, had been carried away, had died by
thousands in the camps, that they had been ill-treated, insulted and
slandered, and violated ... they had drunk of the cup to its last bitter
dregs.
Could they do more? It was already too much. They had made the greatest
sacrifice that could be demanded, and they had made it in a
materialistic age, in which gold exercises a tyrannic influence, and
much that is noble is trodden down under its remorseless heel. In these
times, when many believe no more in such a thing as a pure love for
Liberty, a love that can lead a man to the performance of sublime deeds;
in these times, when men contemn the ideal, and speak with pity of noble
aspirations, as being illusions or puerilities;--in these times, a drama
had been acted before the eyes of the whole world by a people that
could still sacrifice all for a great and holy ideal. Still in these
times of unbelief there had been seen the heads of two States openly
calling upon the name of God, and the world had seen a nation that could
carry on war believing in God. And had these ideals now been rudely
dragged through the mud by the bitter result? Had the faith of the
People been in vain? Had that People appealed to God, and had He
declared Himself against them?
Let no man say this!
God has formed the Africander nation in this great struggle. It has not
been exterminated; its language has not been destroyed. The might of the
enemy has overwhelmed it, has gone over it like a mighty wave, but
Africander sentiment still exists. No weapon can bend that will, no
violence can suppress that spirit! The Africander nation remains an
indestructible element in the British Empire. Let no man say that God
has not heard the prayer of the Africander nation. Many have not been
able to understand the will of God, and have been overthrown by the
insulting question, "Where is now your God?" but I say again, let no man
assert that God has not heard the prayer of the Africander people. He
who has eyes to see can see that the Africander race has been more
firmly welded together by the glowing heat of this struggle, and our
People will be held together chiefly by those who passed through the
greatest heat of the fire--our mothers. For it was they who suffered
most; it was they who made the greatest sacrifices. Words fail me when I
endeavour to speak of the women and of what they had to endure. I have
found them in their burnt-down dwellings, in stables, and in
waggon-houses. I have endeavoured to speak words of encouragement and
consolation to them when I met them in the veld, fleeing before the
enemy. I have seen them almost unrecognisable, tanned by sun and wind,
and seen how thinly they were often clad. I have sat with them at their
meals, in the burnt houses or on the ground in the veld, and when I
thought of their scanty food it was as if the morsel in my mouth had
grown too large, and I could not swallow it. And never did I hear them
complain. They were ever ready to bear every burden, to make every
sacrifice, if only the Independence of the People were not lost. It is
they who will hold our People together.
It is because we have such mothers that we look into the future with
courage, and feel that, although we now are under the British Empire,
and as subjects of that Empire will bear ourselves peaceably, yet our
own nationality will ever be something great and sacred to us. And we
shall always consider it the greatest honour still to be known as
Africanders.
Thus God has heard our prayer.
CHAPTER VI
EXIT
"Here we stand at the grave of the two Republics," said Acting President
Burger when the resolution had been taken by the meeting. There was a
great silence while he spoke. "For us," he continued, "there remains
much to be done, and we must devote ourselves to it. Although we can no
longer do so in the official capacities we have heretofore held, let us
not draw back our hands from doing what is our duty. Let us pray God to
lead us, and to show us how we can keep our People together. Of the
unfaithful ones also we must be mindful. We may not cast out that
portion of our People; let us learn to forgive and to forget."
* * * * *
That evening, shortly before eleven o'clock, both the Governments were
back at Pretoria. With the utmost haste they were conducted to the house
of Lord Kitchener.
For a few moments they were left alone, because they wished once more to
hear the resolution of the Delegates read, and assure themselves that it
was correct.
When this had been done Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner entered.
The two Representatives of the British Government sat at the head of the
table, alongside each other, at the south side of the hall. Next to Lord
Milner, on his left hand, sat Acting President S. W. Burger, and next
followed, on that side of the table, State-Secretary F. W. Reitz,
General L. Botha, General J. H. de la Rey, Mr. Krogh, and General L. J.
Meyer.
Next to Lord Kitchener, on his right hand, sat Acting President C. R. de
Wet, General C. H. Olivier, Judge J. B. M. Hertzog, and Acting
Government Secretary W. J. C. Brebner.
The contract had been written in quadruple on parchment by a typewriter.
One copy was intended for the King of England, one for Lord Kitchener,
one to be preserved in the archives of Pretoria, and one in that of
Bloemfontein.
Everything was as silent as death when Acting President Burger took the
pen in his hand.
I looked at my watch; it was five minutes past eleven on the 31st day of
May in the year Nineteen Hundred and Two.
President Burger signed. After him the other members of the Government
of the South African Republic; then Acting President de Wet, and after
him the other members of the Free State Government. Lord Kitchener
followed, and Lord Milner signed the last of all.
President Steyn was not there. Our hearts bled at the thought that he
had been seized by a dangerous malady; and yet it seemed to me as if I
owed some obligation at that moment to that malady, since it was owing
to it that the President of the Orange Free State was prevented from
doing what would have caused him the greatest pain in the world. He had
said once, "To set my hand to a paper to sign away the Independence of
my People--that I shall never do." Sad circumstances, which he might
then almost have called fortunate, had brought it about that he _could_
not do what he _would_ not do.
The document was signed!
All were silent in that room where so much had been spoken.
For a few moments longer they sat still. Then the members of the
Republics, which had now ceased to be, rose up as if dazed, to retire
from the hall.
Lord Kitchener passed from one to the other, and shook hands with all.
"We are good friends now!" he said.
Did this give him satisfaction? Did no dart of pain, no pang of sorrow,
pass through his heart at the thought that he had taken a great share in
the extinction of a free people?
But he spoke as a soldier should to a brave enemy who had been forced to
give up his sword; and the members of the Governments strove to take
what he said in the spirit in which it was spoken. But their hearts were
broken.
Then they left the hall.
EPILOGUE
Do I feel any remorse, now that all is over, because I struggled on to
the end? Is there any feeling of regret in me, when I look back, that I
persisted even when I sometimes thought that there was no hope--when, as
at Nauwpoort in the dark last days of July 1900, and several times
after, I thought that all was lost? No, nothing troubles me. On the
contrary, whilst I am writing this I am experiencing an indescribable
feeling of satisfaction--something that tells me, You have--very
inefficiently, it is true--but yet you have endeavoured to do your duty.
I constantly felt that as long as my Government stood it was not for me
to ask _why_ or _wherefore_--
"Their's not to reason why,
Their's but to do and die."
Moreover, I deemed it a sacred privilege to be, in my capacity as a
minister of God's word, with my people in the time of their greatest
trouble; to bind up the broken-hearted, to encourage the despondent, to
comfort the suffering--especially the much-suffering women, our
heroines--to bring the word of God to them who would otherwise have been
deprived of it, and to point the dying to the Cross. I heard from time
to time that my work had not been without blessing, and it was always a
source of joy and gratitude to me to know that there were other brothers
in Christ who were also in the field; while it pained me to know that
others had been prevented by unavoidable circumstances from labouring
with the small band in the field.
Once more, there is no sense of regret in my mind. I thank God that He
enabled me to remain on commando until the end; and with regard to the
charge flung at the heads of the leaders, that instead of leading they
had misled the people, I can say this, that never, not even in the
darkest hours, could I know what might happen, nor what God had destined
for our people--and this, too, was always clear to me, that if every
cause had been abandoned when it was apparently hopeless, then some of
the most glorious victories that the world has seen would never have
been won.
With the deepest gratitude to God for His protection in the many dangers
of the war, I now lay down my pen.
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