CHAPTER VII.

EARLY ENGLISH BREAD.

When the culture of grain in Britain really commenced we cannot

possibly tell, but we know that the Phœnicians traded with this

island in very early times for tin. All that we really know is from

the fragments of writing left by Pytheas, who may, in one sense, be

said to have been the discoverer of Britain. About 340 B.C. the Greek

colony which the Greeks had planted at Massilia (Marseilles) wished to

extend their trade, and, whether at their expense or his own, Pytheas,

a learned man, a geographer and astronomer, set sail for parts unknown

in the Western Ocean.

Diodorus Siculus, who lived just before the Christian era, must have

taken his account of the Britons from Pytheas. In Book V., c. 2, he

says: ‘They dwell in mean cottages, covered for the most part with

reeds and sticks. In reaping their corn, they cut the ears from off the

stalk, and house them in repositories under ground; thence they take

and pluck out the grains of as many of the oldest of them as may serve

them for the day, and, after they have bruised the corn, make it into

bread,’

It is said, also, that about this time the Britons exported corn

to Gaul and also up the Rhine. On Cæsar’s arrival he found them

an agricultural people, with abundance of wheat and barley; and

during the time of the Roman occupation they made great advances in

agriculture. After their departure a hide of land was 180 acres if

it was cultivated on the Roman three-field system, or 160 if on the

English plan of two-field course. In the former, one portion was sown

with winter wheat, a second with spring wheat, whilst the third lay

fallow. The English way was to divide the hide, and in each half to

sow alternately spring and winter wheat, and the chief crops raised

were rye, oats, barley, wheat, beans and peas. In social rank, the

yeoman, or geneat (tenant farmer), ranked next after the thegn and the

priest, whilst even the baker was an important member of a thegn’s

household—the bread being made in round flat cakes from wholemeal (for

there is no mention of bolting it), ground in a hand-mill or quern.

Such were doubtless the storied cakes which Alfred watched for the

neatherd’s wife.

The peasants’ bread was principally made of rye, oats, and beans, the

wheat being used by the ‘gentry’ only—ordinary bread being made of

barley; and, connected with the latter, are derived our names of Lord

and Lady, the first from _Llaford_, originator of bread, or bread-ward,

the latter from _Llæfdige_, bread-maid, or bread-maker. So, too, we

owe our wedding cake to the great loaf made by the bride to show her

inauguration into housewifery, which was partaken of by the wedding

guests.

The peasant baked his bread on iron plates or in rude ovens, and ground

his coarse meal in hand-mills; but in later times water was made the

principal motive power for grinding corn, and about 5000 mills are

mentioned in Domesday Book; but they are not particularised as to what

power they were worked by.

As a trade, the bakers of London rank from a very early date. They

formed a brotherhood, or guild, in the reign of Henry II., about 1155.

Stow says of them: ‘The Company of White Bakers are of great antiquity,

as appeareth by their Records, and divers other things of antiquity,

extant in their Common Hall. They were a Company of this City in the

first year of Edward II., and had a new Charter granted unto them in

the first year of Henry VII., the which Charter was confirmed unto

them by Henry VIII., Edward VI., Queen Mary, Queen Elizabeth, and King

James I. Their Arms were anciently borne; the crest and supporters

were granted to them by Robert Cook, _Clarencieux_, the Letters Patent

bearing date November 8 (32 Eliz.), 1590. The Cloud on the Chief thro’

which the Hand holding the Scales Cometh, hath a Glory, omitted in the

edition printed 1633; and on each side of the Hand are two Anchors,

here also omitted; as by the Visitation Book, _Anno_ 1634, appears.’

Stow describes the Company of the Brown Bakers as ‘A Society of long

standing and continuance, prevailed to have their Incorporating granted

the ninth day of June, in the 19th year of the Reign of our Sovereign

Lord King James I.’

The Arms of both White and Brown Bakers are copied from Harl. MSS.

1464, 57e. (73), A.D. 1634—the Arms of these and other Companies

being copied from the Herald’s Visitation of that year, by Rd. Price,

Armes-Painter.

[Illustration: THE ARMS OF THE WHITE BAKERS.]

Heraldically described, the Arms of the White Bakers are—Gules, three

Garbs Or, a chief barry wavy of four, argent and azure, an arm issuing

from clouds radiated of the second, the hand holding a pair of scales

depending between the upper Garbs, also of the second. _Crest_: Two

Arms embowed issuing out of clouds, proper, holding in the hands a

chaplet of wheat, or. _Supporters_: Two Stags, proper, attired, or,

each gorged with a chaplet of wheat, of the last.

[Illustration: ARMS OF THE BROWN BAKERS.]

The Arms of the Brown Bakers closely resemble those of their white

brethren, but are not so dignified, as lacking supporters and motto:

Vert, a chevron quarterly, or and gules, charged with a pair of

balances, azure, holden by a hand out of a cloud, proper, between three

garbs of beans, rye and wheat, or. On a chief barry of five, wavy,

argent and azure, an Anchor couchant, or. _Crest_: An Arm quarterly of

the second, the hand holding a bean sheaf, proper.

W. Carew Hazlitt, in his _Livery Companies of the City of London_

(Lond. 1892) says: ‘In the Elizabeth, as in the Henry VIII. Charter,

the White Bakers had taken the initiative in drawing the makers of

brown bread, whose business was far more limited and unimportant, into

union with them on unequal terms, and the latter body dissented and

renounced; whereupon the Queen was advised by the Lords of the Council

to recall her patent. This proceeding seems, for a time, to have caused

the matter to drop; but in 19 James I., June 6, 1622, the Brown Bakers

succeeded in securing separate incorporation, with a common seal, a

Master, three Wardens, and sixteen Assistants, as well as all other

usual rights and powers. We hear nothing further of the matter till

1629, when the two bodies were still separate, the White Bakers being

assessed for a levy by the City in that year at £25 16_s._, the other

at £4. 6_s._, a proof of the relative weight and resources of the

disputants, which is confirmed by the proportions contributed by each

to the Ulster scheme a few years prior, namely, £480 and £90. In 1654

the Brown Bakers had apparently relinquished their independent quarters

at Founders’ Hall, Lothbury, as if an union had been arranged; and in

2 James II. the charter was received with the usual restrictions in

regard to the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and conformity to the

Church of England, but otherwise in such a form as to lead to the

belief that it comprehended both sections of the trade.’

The Bakers’ Company ranks very high after the twelve great City

Companies, on account of its great antiquity. Its Hall, in Stow’s time,

was in ‘Hart Lane, or Harp Lane, which likewise runneth (_from Tower

Street_) into Thames Street. In this Hart Lane is the Bakers’ Hall,

some time the dwelling-house of John Chichley, Chamberlain of London.’

And in Harp Lane it still is. According to Whitaker’s Almanack for 1904

its livery numbers 152 and its total income is only £1900.

Much early legislation was passed regarding bakers and their calling,

but, in spite of it all, some bakers did not amend their ways, and an

amusing grievance was made by Fabyan as to their punishment. In his

_Chronicles_, under date of 1268, and speaking of the harshness of Sir

Hugh Bigod, justice, he says: ‘In processe of tyme after, the sayde

syr Hughe, wt. other, came to Guylde hall, and kepte his courte and

plees there withoute all ordre of lawe, and contrarye to the lybertyes

of the cytie, and there punysshed the bakers for lacke of syze, by the

tumberell, where before tymes they were punysshed by the pyllery, and

orderynge many thynges at his wyll, more than by any good ordre of

lawe.’ And Holinshed repeats the story.

Nor were their misdeeds confined to their trade, as we may learn from

the Archives of the City of London. In fact, their evil deeds were so

notorious that the King himself had to take cognizance of them.

That the bakers wanted looking after is well evidenced by the following

extracts from the City archives:

26 Edward I., A.D. 1298. ‘Be it remembered that on Wednesday next

after the Feast of St. Lawrence (August 10), in the 26th year of the

reign of King Edward, Juliana, la Pestour of Neutone (_the baker of

Newington_), brought a cart laden with six shillings’ worth of bread

into West Chepe; of which bread, that which was light bread was wanting

in weight, according to the assise of the halfpenny loaf, to the amount

of 25 shillings in weight. [The shilling of silver being three-fifths

of an ounce in weight, this deficiency would be 15 ounces.] And of the

said six shillings’ worth, three shillings’ worth was brown bread;

which brown bread was of the right assise. It was, therefore, adjudged

that the same should be delivered to the aforesaid Juliana, by Henry

le Galeys, Mayor of London, Thomas Romeyn, and other Aldermen. And the

other three shillings’ worth, by award of the said Mayor and Aldermen,

was ordered to be given to the prisoners in Newgate.’

[Illustration: AN EARLY BAKERY.]

3. Edward II., A.D. 1310. ‘On the Monday next before the Feast of St

Hilary (13th January), in the third year of the reign of Edward, the

son of King Edward, the bread of Sarra Foting, Christina Terrice,

Godiyeva Foting, Matilda de Bolingtone, Christina Pricket, Isabella

Sperling, Alice Pegges, Joanna de Cauntebrigge, and Isabella Pouvestre,

bakeresses of Stratford [The bread of London, in these times, was

extensively made in the villages of Bromley (_Bremble_), Middlesex, and

Stratford-le-Bow.] Stow says, ‘And because I have here before spoken of

the bread carts coming from Stratford at the Bow, ye shall understand

that of old time the bakers of bread at Stratford were allowed to bring

daily (except the Sabbath and principal feasts) divers long carts laden

with bread, the same being two ounces in the penny wheat loaf heavier

than the penny wheat loaf baked in the City, the same to be sold in

Cheape, three or four carts standing there, between Gatheron’s Lane

and Fauster’s Lane end, one cart on Cornhill, by the Conduit, and

one other in Grasse Street. And I have read that in the fourth year

of Edward II., Richard Reffeham being Mayor, a baker named John, of

Stratforde, for making bread less than the assise, was, with a fool’s

hood on his head and loaves of bread about his neck, drawn on a hurdle

through the streets of the City. Moreover, in the 44th of Edward III.,

John Chichester being Mayor of London, I read in the _Visions of Piers

Plowman_, a book so called, as followeth:

At Londone I leve,

Liketh wel my waires;

And louren whan thei lakken hem.

It is noght long y passed,

There was a careful commune,

Whan no cart came to towne

With breed fro Stratforde:

Tho gennen beggaris wepe,

And werkmen were agast a lite;

This wole be thought longe.

In the date of oure Drighte,

In a drye Aprill.

A thousand and thre hundred

Twies twenty and ten,

My waires were gesene

Whan Chichestre was Maire.’]

was taken by Roger le Paumer, Sheriff of London, and weighed before the

Mayor and Aldermen; and it was found that the halfpenny loaf weighed

less than it ought by eight shillings. But, seeing that the bread was

cold, and ought not to have been weighed in such state, by the custom

of the City, it was agreed that it should not be forfeited this time.

But, in order that such an offence as this might not pass unpunished,

it was awarded as to bread so taken that three halfpenny loaves should

always be sold for a penny, but that the bakeresses aforesaid should

this time have such penny.’

5. Edward II., A.D. 1311. ‘The bread taken from William de Somersete,

baker, on the Thursday next before the Feast of St. Laurence (10th

August) in the fifth year of the reign of King Edward, was examined and

adjudged upon befor Richer de Refham, Mayor, Thomas Romayn, John de

Wengrave, and other Aldermen; and, because it was found that such bread

was putrid, and altogether rotten, and made of putrid wheat, so that

persons by eating that bread would be poisoned and choked, the Sheriff

was ordered to take him, and have him here on the Friday next after the

Feast of St. Laurence; then to receive judgment for the same.’

In the 1 Ed. III. (1327) a curious fraud was brought to light, and

John Brid and seven other bakers, and two bakeresses, were tried

before the Mayor and Aldermen, ‘for that the said John, for falsely

and maliciously obtaining his own private advantage, did skilfully and

artfully cause a certain hole to be made upon a table of his, called

a _molding borde_ pertaining to his bakehouse, after the manner of a

mouse-trap, in which mice are caught, there being a certain wicket

warily provided for closing and opening such hole.

‘And when his neighbours and others, who were wont to bake their bread

at his oven, came with their dough, or material for making bread, the

said John used to put the said dough or other material upon the said

table, called a _molding borde_, as aforesaid, and over the hole before

mentioned, for the purpose of making loaves therefrom for baking;

and such dough or material being so placed upon the table aforesaid,

the same John had one of his household, ready provided for the same,

sitting in secret beneath such table; which servant of his, so seated

beneath the hole, and carefully opening it, piecemeal, and bit by bit,

craftily withdrew some of the dough aforesaid, frequently collecting

great quantities of such dough, falsely, wickedly, and maliciously, to

the great loss of all his neighbours and persons living near, and of

others who had come to him with such dough to bake, and to the scandal

and disgrace of the whole City, and, in especial, of the Mayor and

Bailiffs for the safe keeping of the assizes of the City assigned.

Which hole, so found in his table, aforesaid, was made of aforethought;

and, in like manner, a great quantity of such dough that had been drawn

through the said hole was found beneath the hole, and was, by William

de Hertynge, serjeant-at-mace, and Thomas de Morle, clerk of Richard de

Rothynge, one of the Sheriffs of the City aforesaid, who had found such

material, or dough, in the suspected place before mentioned, upon oath

brought here into Court.’

All the prisoners pleaded _Not Guilty_; but the case was too clear

against them, and ‘It was agreed, and ordained, that all those of the

bakers aforesaid, beneath whose tables with holes dough had been found,

should be put upon the pillory, with a certain quantity of such dough

hung from their necks; and that those bakers in whose houses dough was

not found beneath the tables aforesaid, should be put upon the pillory,

but without dough hung from their necks; and that they should so remain

upon the pillory until Vespers at St. Paul’s in London should be

ended.’ The women were committed to Newgate.

There was another punishment by which bakers, in common with all who

told lies, or libelled, or scandalised their neighbour, had to stand in

the pillory with a whetstone hung round their neck.

England suffered much from dearth. Holinshed tells us how, in 1149,

‘The great raine that fell in the summer season did much hurt unto

corne standing on the ground, so that a great dearth followed.

1175.—The same yeare both England and the countries adjoining were sore

vexed with great mortalitie of people, and immediatlie after followed

a sore dearth and famine. 1196.—Here is also to be noted, that in this

seventh yeare of King Richard, chanced a dearth through this realme

of England, and in the coasts about the same. 1199.—Furthermore I

find that in the daies of this King Richard a great dearth reigned in

England, and also in France, for the space of three or foure yeares

during the wars betweene him and King Philip, so that, after his

returne out of Germaine, and from imprisonment, a quarter of wheat was

sold at eighteen shillings eight pence, no small price in those daies,

if you consider the alay of monie then currant.

‘1222.—Likewise on the day of the exaltation of the Crosse, a generall

thunder happened throughout the realme, and thereupon followed a

continuall season of foule weather and wet, till Candlemas next

after, which caused a dearth of corne, so as wheat was sold at twelve

shillings the quarter.

‘1245.—Again the King, of purpose, had consumed all the provision of

corne and vittels which remained in the marshes, so that in Cheshire,

and other parts adjoining, there was such dearth that the people scarse

could get sufficient vittels to susteine themselves withall.

‘1258.—In this yeare was an exceeding great dearth, insomuch that a

quarter of wheat was sold at London for foure and twentie shillings,

whereas within two or three yeares before, a quarter was sold at two

shillings. It had been more dearer, if great store had not come out

of Almaine; for in France and in Normandie it also failed. But there

came fiftie great ships fraught with wheat and barlie, with meale

and bread out of Dutch land, by the procurement of Richard, King of

Almaine, which greatlie releeved the poore; for proclamation was made,

and order taken by the King, that none of the citizens of London should

buy anie of that graine to laie it up in store, whereby it might be

sold at an higher price unto the needie. But, though this provision

did much ease, yet the want was great over all the realme. For it was

certainlie affirmed that in three shires within the realme there was

not found so much graine of that yeare’s growth as came over in those

fiftie ships. The proclamation was set forth to restrein the Londoners

from ingrossing up that graine, and not without cause; for the wealthie

citizens were evill spoken of in that season, bicause in time of

scarcitie they would either staie such ships as, fraught with vittels,

were comming towards the citie, and send them some other way forth,

or else buy the whole, that they might sell it by retaile, at their

pleasure, to the needie. By means of this great dearth and scarcitie,

the common people were constrained to live upon herbs and roots, and

a great number of the poore people died through famine. They died so

thicke that there were great pits made in churchyards to laie the dead

bodies in, one upon another.

‘1289.—There insued such continuall raine, so distempering the ground,

that corne waxed verie deare, so that whereas wheat was sold before at

three pence a bushell, the market so rose by little and little that it

was sold for two shillings a bushell, and so the dearth increased still

almost for the space of 40 yeares, till the death of Edward the Second,

in so much that sometimes a bushel of wheat, London measure, was sold

at ten shillings. 1294.—This yeare in England was a great dearth and

scarcity of corne, so that a quarter of wheat in manie places was sold

for thirtie shillings; by reason whereof poor people died in manie

places for lack of sustnance.

‘1316.—The dearth, by reason of the unseasonable weather in the summer

and harvest last past, still increased, for that which with much ado

was inned, after, when it came to the proofe, yeelded nothing to the

value of that which in sheafe it seemed to conteine, so that wheat and

other graine which was at a sore price before, now was inhanced to a

farre higher rate, the scarcitie thereof being so great that a quarter

of wheat was sold for fortie shillings, which was a great price, if we

shall consider the allaie of monie then currant. Also, by reason of the

murren that fell among cattell, beefes and muttons were unreasonablie

priced.... In this season vittles were so scant and deere, and wheat

and other graine brought to so high a price, that the poore people were

constreined through famine to eat the flesh of horses, dogs, and other

vile beasts, which is wonderfull to beleeve, and yet, for default,

there died a great multitude of people in divers places of the land.

Foure pence in bread of the coarser sort would not suffice one man a

daie. Wheat was sold at London for foure marks a quarter and above.

Then after this dearth and scarcitie of vittels issued a great death

and mortalitie of people; so that what by warres of the Scots, and what

by this mortalitie and death, the people of the land were wonderfullie

wasted and consumed. O pitifull depopulation!

‘1335.—This yeare there fell great abundance of raine, and thereupon

insued morren of beasts; also corne so failed this yeare that a quarter

of wheat was sold at fortie shillings. 1353.—In the summer of this

season and twentieth yeare, was so great a drought that from the latter

end of March fell little raine till the latter end of Julie, by reason

whereof manie inconveniences insued; and one thing is specially to be

noted, that corne the yeare following waxed scant, and the price began

this yeare to be greatlie inhanced. Also beeves and muttons waxed deare

for the want of grasse; and this chanced both in England and France,

so that this was called the deere summer. The Lord William, Duke of

Baviere or Bavaria, and Earl of Zelund brought manie ships in London

fraught with rie for the releefe of the people, who otherwise had,

through their present pinching penurie, if not utterlie perished yet

pittifullie pined.

‘1370.—By reason of the great wet and raine that fell this yeare in

more abundance than had been accustomed much corne was lost, so that

the price thereof was sore inhanced, in so much that wheat was sold at

three shillings four pence the bushell. 1389.—Herewith followed a great

dearth of corne, so that a bushell of wheat in some places was sold at

thirteen pence, which was thought to be a great price. 1394.—In this

yeare was a great dearth in all parts of England, and this dearth or

scarcitie of corne began under the sickle, and lasted till the feast

of Saint Peter _ad Vincula_—to wit, till the time of new corne. This

scarcitie did greatly oppresse the people, and chieflie the commoners

of the poorer sort. For a man might see infants and children in streets

and houses, through hunger, howling, crieing, and craving bread, whose

mothers had it not (God wot) to breake unto them. But yet there was

such plentie and abundance of manie years before, that it was thought

and spoken of manie housekeepers and husbandmen, that if the seed were

not sowen in the ground, which was hoorded up and stored in barnes,

lofts, and garners, there would be enough to find and susteine all

the people by the space of five years following.... The scarcity of

victuals was of greatest force in Leicestershire, and in the middle

parts of the realme. And although it was a great want, yet was not

the price of corne out of reason. For a quarter of wheat, when it was

at the highest, was sold at Leicester for 16 shillings 8 pence at one

time, and at other times for a market of 14 shillings; at London and

other places of the land a quarter of wheat was sold for 10 shillings,

or for little more or lesse. For there arrived eleven ships laden

with great plentie of victuals at diverse places of the land, for the

reliefe of the people. Besides this, the citizens of London laid out

two thousand marks to buy food out of the common chest of orphans,

and the foure and twentie aldermen, everie of them put in his twentie

pounds apeece for necessarie provision, for feare of famine likelie to

fall upon the cities. And they laid up their store in sundrie of the

fittest and most convenient places they could choose, that the needie

and such as were wrong with want might come and buy at a certaine

price so much as might suffice them and their families; and they which

had not readie monie to paie downe presentlie in hand, their word and

credit was taken for a yeare’s space next following, and their turn

served. Thus was provision made that people should be relieved, and

that none might perish for hunger.

‘1439.—This yeare (by reason of great tempests, raging winds, and

raine) there arose such scarsitie that wheat was sold at three

shillings foure pence the bushell.... Whereupon Steven Browne, at the

same season maior of London, tendering the state of the Citie in this

want of bread corne, sent into Pruse certeine ships, which returned

laden with plentie of rie; wherewith he did much good to the people

in that hard time, speciallie to them of the Citie, where the want of

corne was not so extreame as in some other places of the land, where

the poore distressed people that were hunger-bitten made them bred of

ferne roots, and used other hard shifts, till God provided remedie

for their penurie by good successe of husbandrie. 1527.—By reason of

the great wet that fell in the sowing time of the corne, and in the

beginning of the last yeare; now, in the beginning of this, corne so

failed, that in the Citie of London, for a while, bread was scant, by

reason that the commissioners appointed to see order taken in shires

about, ordeined that none should be conveied out of one shire into

another. Which order had like to have bred disorder, for that everie

countrie and place was not provided alike, and namelie London, that

maketh her provision out of other places, felt great inconvenience

thereby, till the merchants of the Stillard and others out of the Dutch

countries brought such plentie that it was better cheape in London than

in anie other part of England, for the King also releeved the citizens

in time of their need with a thousand quarters, by waie of lone, of his

owne provision.’

By the foregoing we see that the bad dearths came at longer intervals,

probably owing to better husbandry, and the regular importation of

foreign corn before a scarcity could arise. But, on the other side, I

have to chronicle a few (unfortunately only too few) years of exceeding

plenty. The first one recorded was in 1288, and is thus recorded by

Stow: ‘The summer was so exceeding hote this yeere that many men died

through heate, and yet wheate was solde at London for three shillings

foure pence the quarter when it was dearest, and in other partes abroad

the same was sold for twentie pence or sixteen pence the quarter; yea,

for twelve pence the quarter, and in the west and north parts for eight

pence the quarter; barley for six pence, and oats for foure pence the

quarter, and such cheapnesse of beanes and pease as the like had not

been heard. 1317.—This yeere was an early harvest, so that all the

corne was inned before St Giles day (Sep. 1). A bushel of wheat that

was before for X shillings was solde for ten pence; and a bushel of

otes that before was eyght shillings was solde for eyght pence.’

Holinshed tells us that in 1493 wheat was sold in London at 6d. the

bushel; and in 1557.—‘This yeare, before harvest wheat was sold for

foure marks the quarter, malt at foure and fortie shillings the

quarter, and pease at six and fortie shillings and eight pence; but,

after harvest, wheat was sold for five shillings the quarter, malt at

six shillings eight pence, rie at three shillings foure pence. So that

the penie wheat loafe that weied in London the last yeere but eleven

ounces Troie weied now six and fiftie ounces Troie. In the countrie

wheat was sold for foure shillings the quarter, malt at foure shillings

eight pence; and, in some places a bushell of rie for a pound of

candles, which were foure pence.’

The History of Bread: From Pre-historic to Modern Times · 第 7 / 15 章