Great changes, however, had by this time passed or were passing over the

University. As in former days the Halls had absorbed the Chamberdekyns,

so the Colleges had now almost absorbed the Halls. They did this, not by

any aggression, but by the natural advantages of wealth, their riches

always increasing with the value of land, and by their reputation. Most

of them, in addition to the members on the foundation, took students as

boarders, and they got the best and wealthiest. Universities, losing

their pristine character as marts of available knowledge, and becoming

places of general education, ceased, by a process equally natural, to be

the heritage of the poor and became the resort of the rich. The mediaeval

statutes of the Colleges still limited the foundations to the poor, but

even these in time, by cunning interpretation, were largely evaded.

Already in the later Middle Ages Oxford had received, and, it seems, too

complacently received, young scions of the aristocracy and gentry, the

precursors of the noblemen and the silk-gowned gentleman-commoners of a

later day. The Black Prince had been for a short time at Queen's

College. In the reign of Henry VI., George Neville, the brother of the

King-maker, had celebrated the taking of his degree, a process which was

probably made easy to him, with banquets which lasted through two days

on a prodigious scale. At the same time and for the same causes the

system of College instruction grew in importance and gradually ousted

the lectures of University Professors. Fellows of Colleges were not

unwilling to add to their Commons and Livery the Tutor's stipend. Thus

the importance of the College waxed while that of the University waned,

and the College Statutes became more and more collectively the law of

the University. These Statutes were mediaeval and obsolete, but they

were unalterable, the Heads and Fellows being sworn to their observance,

and there being no power of amendment, since the Visitor could only

interpret and enforce. Thus the mediaeval type of life and study was

stereotyped and progress was barred. The Fellowships having been

originally not teacherships or prizes, but aids to poor students, the

Founders deemed themselves at liberty in regulating the elections to

give free play to their local and family partialities, and the

consequence was a mass of preferences to favoured counties or to kin.

With all these limitations, the teaching body of the University was now

practically saddled. Even the restrictions to particular schools--as to

Winchester in the case of New College, to Westminster, which had been

substituted for Wolsey's Ipswich, in the case of Christ Church, and to

Merchant Tailors' School in the case of St. John's--were noxious, though

in a less degree, albeit their bad influence might be redeemed by some

pleasant associations. Worst of all, however, in their effect were the

restrictions to the clerical Order. This meant little in the Middle

Ages, when all intellectual callings were clerical, when at Oxford

gownsman and clerk, townsman and laic, were convertible terms. Wykeham,

Foxe, and Wolsey themselves were thorough laymen in their pursuits and

character, though they had received the tonsure, were qualified, if

they pleased, to celebrate mass, and derived their incomes from

bishoprics and abbeys. But the Reformation drew a sharp line between the

clerical and the other professions. The clergyman was henceforth a

pastor. The resident body of graduates and the teaching staff of Oxford

belonging almost exclusively to the clerical profession, the studies and

interests of that profession now reigned alone. Whatever life remained

to the University was chiefly absorbed in theological study and

controversy. This was the more deplorable as theology, in the mediaeval

sense, was a science almost as extinct as astrology or alchemy. Oxford

was turned into the cock-pit of theological party. At the same time she

was bound hand and foot to a political faction, because her clergymen

belonged to the Episcopal and State Church, the patrons and upholders of

which, from political motives, were the Kings and the Cavaliers, or, as

they were afterwards called, the Tories. Cambridge suffered like Oxford,

though with some abatement, because there, owing to the vicinity of a

great Puritan district, high Anglicanism did not prevail, and, for

reasons difficult to define, the clergy altogether were less clerical.

Newton was near forfeiting his Fellowship and the means of prosecuting

his speculations because he was not in Holy Orders. Luckily, a Lay

Fellowship fell just in time. Let Founders, and all who have a passion

for regulating the lives of other people, for propagating their wills

beyond the reach of their foresight, and for grasping posterity, as it

were, with a dead hand, take warning by a disastrous example.

* * * * *

As the Colleges became the University, their Heads became the governors

of the University. They formed a Board called the Hebdomadal Council,

which initiated all legislation, while the executive was the

Vice-Chancellorship, which, though legally elective, was appropriated by

the Heads, and passed down their list in order. With a single exception,

the Headships were all clerical, and they were almost always filled by

men of temperament, to say the least, eminently conservative. Thus

academical liberty and progress slept.

* * * * *

[Illustration: ST. MARY'S CHURCH.]

On the eve of another great storm we have a pleasant glimpse of Oxford

life and study in Clarendon's picture of Falkland's circle, at Great

Tew, within ten miles of Oxford, whither, he says, "most polite and

accurate men of that University resorted, dwelling there as in a College

situated in a purer air, so that his was a University bound in a less

volume, whither his intellectual friends came not so much for repose as

study, and to examine and refine those grosser propositions which

laziness and consent made current in conversation." This indicates that,

while study was going on, liberal inquiry was also on foot. But clouds

again gathered, the storm again came, and once more from the

ecclesiastical quarter. The triumph of the Reformation, the accession of

a Protestant Queen, and the Chancellorship of Leicester, who, for

politic purposes, played the Puritan, had been attended by a general

expulsion or secession of the Romanising party, which left the

University for a time in the hands of the Calvinists and Low Churchmen.

Hooker, the real father of Anglicanism, had, for a time, studied Church

antiquity in the quiet quadrangle of Corpus, but he had come into

collision with Puritanism, and had, for a time, been driven away by it.

Perhaps its prevalence may have ultimately inclined him to exchange the

University for a far less congenial sphere. The clergy, however, of an

Episcopal Church, and one which laid claim to Apostolical succession,

was sure in time to come round to High Church doctrine. To High Church

doctrine the clergy of Oxford did come round under the leadership of

Laud, University Preacher, Proctor, President of St. John's College, and

afterwards Chancellor of the University. Of Laud there are several

memorials at Oxford. One is the inner quadrangle of St. John's College,

ornamented in the style of Inigo Jones, where the Archbishop and

Chancellor, in the noontide of his career, received with ecstasies of

delight, ecclesiastical, academical, and political, his doomed king and

master with the fatal woman at Charles's side. Another is a fine

collection of oriental books added to the Bodleian Library. A third and

more important is the new code of statutes framed for the reformation of

the University by its all-powerful Chancellor. A fourth is the statue of

the Virgin and Child over the porch of St. Mary's Church, which, as

proof of a Romanising tendency, formed one of the charges against the

Archbishop, though it was really put up by his Chaplain. The fifth is

the headless corpse which lies buried in the Chapel of St. John's

College, whither pious hands conveyed it after the Restoration. Laud was

a true friend of the University and of learned men, in whom, as in

Hales, he respected the right of inquiry, and to whom he was willing to

allow a freedom of opinion which he would not allow to the common herd.

He was not so much a bigot as a martinet. It was by playing the martinet

in ecclesiastical affairs that he was brought into mortal collision with

the nation. In the code of statutes which by his characteristic use of

autocratic power he imposed on Oxford the martinet is betrayed; so is

the belief in the efficacy of regulation. We see the man who wrecked a

kingdom for the sake of his forms. Nor had Laud the force to deliver

University education from the shackles of the Middle Ages and the

scholastic system. But the code is dictated by a genuine spirit of

reform, and might have worked improvement had it been sustained by a

motive power.

* * * * *

The period of the Civil War is a gap in academical history. Its

monuments are only traces of destruction, such as the defacement of

Papistical images and window paintings by the Puritan soldiery, and the

sad absence of the old College plate, of which two thousand five hundred

ounces went to the Royal mint in New Inn Hall, only a few most sacred

pieces, such as the Founder's drinking-horn at Queen's, and the covered

cup, reputed that of the Founder, at Corpus, being left to console us

for the irreparable loss. Exeter College alone seems to have shown

compunction; perhaps there had remained in her something of the free

spirit for which in the days of Wycliffe she had been noted. Art and

taste may mourn, but the University, as a centre of Episcopalianism, had

little cause to complain; for the war was justly called the Bishops'

war, and by the Episcopal Church and the Queen, between them, Charles

was brought to the block. Oxford was bound by her ecclesiasticism to

the Royal cause, and she had the ill luck to be highly available as a

place of arms from her position between the two rivers, while she formed

an advanced post to the Western country in which the strength of the

King's cause lay. During those years the University was in buff and

bandolier, on the drill ground instead of in the Schools, while the

Colleges were filled with the exiled Court and its ghost of a

Parliament. Traces of works connecting the two rivers were not long ago

to be seen, and tradition points to the angle in the old city wall under

Merton College as the spot where Windebank, a Royalist officer, was shot

for surrendering his post. There was a reign of garrison manners as

well as of garrison duties, and to the few who still cared for the

objects of the University, even if they were Royalists, the surrender of

the city to the Parliament may well have been a relief.

* * * * *

Then came Parliamentary visitation and the purge, with the inevitable

violence and inhumanity. Heads and Fellows, who refused submission to

the new order of things, were turned out. Mrs. Fell, the wife of the

Dean of Christ Church, deposed for Royalism, refused to quit the

Deanery, and at last had to be carried out of the quadrangle, venting

her wrath in strong language as she went, by a squad of Parliamentary

musketeers. But the Puritans put in good men: such as Owen, who was

made Dean of Christ Church; Conant, who was made Rector of Exeter;

Wilkins, who was made Warden of Wadham; and Seth Ward, the

mathematician, who was made President of Trinity College. Owen and

Conant appear to have been model Heads. The number of students

increased. Evelyn, the Anglican and Royalist, visiting Oxford, seems to

find the academical exercises, and the state of the University

generally, satisfactory to his mind. He liked even the sermon, barring

some Presbyterian animosities. Nor did he find much change in College

Chapels. New College was "in its ancient garb, notwithstanding the

scrupulosity of the times." The Chapel of Magdalen College, likewise,

was "in pontifical order," and the organ remained undemolished. The

Protectorate was tolerant as far as the age allowed. Evelyn was

cordially received by the Puritan authorities and hospitably

entertained. Puritanism does not seem to have been so very grim,

whatever the satirist in "The Spectator" may say. Tavern-haunting and

swearing were suppressed. So were May-poles and some innocent

amusements. But instrumental music was much cultivated, as we learn from

the Royalist and High Church antiquary Anthony Wood, from whom, also, we

gather that dress, though less donnish, was not more austere. Cromwell,

having saved the Universities from fanatics who would have laid low all

institutions of worldly learning, made himself Chancellor of Oxford, and

sought to draw thence, as well as from Cambridge, promising youths for

the service of the State. Even Clarendon admits that the Restoration

found the University "abounding in excellent learning," notwithstanding

"the wild and barbarous depopulation" which it had undergone; a

miraculous result, which he ascribes, under God's blessing, to "the

goodness and richness of the soil, which could not be made barren by all

the stupidity and negligence, but choked the weeds, and would not suffer

the poisonous seeds, which were sown with industry enough, to spring

up." Puritanism might be narrow and bibliolatrous, but it was not

obscurantist nor the enemy of science. We see this in Puritan Oxford as

well as in Puritan Harvard and Yale. In Puritan Oxford the scientific

circle which afterwards gave birth to the Royal Society was formed. Its

chief was Warden Wilkins, and it included Boyle, Wallis, Seth Ward, and

Wren. It met either in Wilkins's rooms at Wadham, or in those of Boyle.

Evelyn, visiting Wilkins, is ravished with the scientific inventions and

experiments which he sees. On the stones of Oxford, Puritanism has left

no trace; there was hardly any building during those years. There were

benefactions not a few, among which was the gift of Selden's Library.

Upon the Restoration followed a Royalist proscription, more cruel, and

certainly more lawless, than that of the Puritans had been. All the good

Heads of the Commonwealth era were ejected, and the Colleges received

back a crowd of Royalists, who, during their exclusion, had probably

been estranged from academical pursuits. Anthony Wood himself is an

unwilling witness to the fact that the change was much for the worse.

"Some Cavaliers that were restored," he says, "were good scholars, but

the majority were dunces." "Before the War," he says in another place,

"we had scholars who made a thorough search in scholastic and polemical

divinity, in humane learning and natural philosophy, but now scholars

study these things not more than what is just necessary to carry them

through the exercises of their respective Colleges and the University.

Their aim is not to live as students ought to do, temperate, abstemious,

and plain in their apparel, but to live like gentry, to keep dogs and

horses, to turn their studies into places to keep bottles, to swagger in

gay apparel and long periwigs." Into the Rectorship of Exeter, in place

of the excellent Conant, was put Joseph Maynard, of whom Wood says,

"Exeter College is now much debauched by a drunken Governor; whereas,

before, in Doctor Conant's time, it was accounted a civil house, it is

now rude and uncivil. The Rector is good-natured, generous, and a good

scholar, but he has forgot the way of College life, and the decorum of a

scholar. He is much given to bibbing, and when there is a music meeting

in one of the Fellow's chambers, he will sit there, smoke, and drink

till he is drunk, and has to be led to his lodgings by the junior

Fellows." This is not the only evidence of the fact that drinking,

idling, and tavern-haunting were in the ascendant. Study as well as

morality, having been the badge of the Puritan, was out of fashion.

Wilkins's scientific circle took its departure from Oxford to London,

there to become the germ of the Royal Society. The hope was gone at

Oxford of a race of "young men provided against the next age, whose

minds, receiving the first impressions of sober and generous knowledge,

should be invincibly armed against all the encroachments of enthusiasm."

The presence of the merry monarch, with his concubines, at Oxford, when

his Parliament met there, was not likely to improve morals. Oxford sank

into an organ of the High Church and Tory party, and debased herself by

servile manifestos in favour of government by prerogative.

Non-conformists were excluded by the religious tests, the operation of

which was more stringent than ever since the passing of the Act of

Uniformity. The love of liberty and truth embodied in Locke was expelled

from Christ Church; not, however, by the act of the College or of the

University, but by Royal warrant, though Fell, Dean of Christ Church,

bowed slavishly to the tyrant's pleasure; so that Christ Church may look

with little shame on the portrait of the philosopher, which now hangs

triumphant in her Hall. The Cavaliers did not much, even in the way of

building. The Sheldonian Theatre was given them by the Archbishop, to

whom subscriptions had been promised, but did not come in, so that he

had to bear the whole expense himself. He was so deeply disgusted that

he refused ever to look upon the building.

* * * * *

Over the gateway of University College stands the statue of James II.

That it should have been left there is a proof both of the ingrained

Toryism of old Oxford, and of the mildness of the Revolution of 1688.

Obadiah Walker, the Master of the Colleges, was one of the political

converts to Roman Catholicism, and it was in ridicule of him that "Old

Obadiah, Ave Maria," was sung by the Oxford populace. A set of rooms in

the same quadrangle bears the trace of its conversion into a Roman

Catholic Chapel for the king. It faces the rooms of Shelley. Reference

was made the other day, in an ecclesiastical lawsuit, to the singular

practice which prevails in this College, of filing out into the

ante-chapel after the sacrament to consume the remains of the bread and

wine, instead of consuming them at the altar or communion table. This

probably is a trace of the Protestant reaction which followed the

transitory reign of Roman Catholicism under Obadiah Walker. All are

familiar with the Magdalen College case, and with the train of events by

which the most devoutly royalist of Universities was brought, by its

connection with the Anglican Church and in defence of the Church's

possessions, into collision with the Crown, and arrayed for the moment

on the side of constitutional liberty. After the Revolution the recoil

quickly followed. Oxford became the stronghold of Jacobitism, the scene

of treasonable talk over the wine in the Common Room, of riotous

demonstrations by pot-valiant undergraduates in the streets, of Jacobite

orations at academical festivals, amid frantic cheers of the assembled

University, of futile plotting and puerile conspiracies which never put

a man in the field. "The king to Oxford sent a troop of horse." But the

troop of horse was not called upon to act. There was a small Hanoverian

and constitutional party, and now and then it scored a point against its

adversaries, who dared not avow their disloyalty to the reigning

dynasty. A Jacobite Proctor, having intruded into a convivial meeting of

Whigs, they tendered him the health of King George, which, for fear of

the treason law, he was fain to drink upon his knees.

* * * * *

[Illustration: STAIRCASE, CHRIST CHURCH.]

In the early part of the eighteenth century there was some intellectual

life in Christ Church, to which Westminster still sent up good scholars,

and which was the resort of the nobility, in whom youthful ambition and

desire for improvement might be stirred by the influences of political

homes, and the prospects of a public life. Dean Aldrich was a scholar

and a virtuoso. The spire of All Saints' Church is a soaring

monument of his taste, if not of his genius, for architecture. In the

controversy with Bentley about the Epistles of Phalaris, Christ Church,

though she was hopelessly in the wrong, showed that she had some

learning and some interest in classical studies. Otherwise the

eighteenth century is a blank, or worse than a blank, in the history of

the University. The very portraits on the College walls disclose the

void of any but ecclesiastical eminence. That tendency to torpor, which,

as Adam Smith and Turgot have maintained, is inherent in the system of

endowments, fell upon Oxford in full measure. The Colleges had now, by

the increase in value of their estates, become rich, some of them very

rich. The estates of Magdalen, Gibbon tells us, were thought to be worth

thirty thousand pounds a year, equivalent to double that sum now.

Instead of being confined to their original Commons and Livery, the

Heads and Fellows, as administrators of the estate, were now dividing

among themselves annually large rentals, though they failed to increase

in equal proportion the stipends of the Scholars and others who had no

share in the administration. The statutes of mediaeval Founders had

become utterly obsolete, and were disregarded, notwithstanding the oath

taken to observe them, or observed only so far as they guarded the

interest of sinecurists against the public. Nor were any other duties

assumed. A few of the Fellows in each College added to their income by

holding the tutorships, the functions of which they usually performed in

the most slovenly way, each Tutor professing to teach all subjects,

while most of them knew none. In the Common Room, with which each of the

Colleges now provided itself, the Fellows spent lives of Trulliberian

luxury, drinking, smoking, playing at bowls, and, as Gibbon said, by

their deep but dull potations excusing the brisk intemperance of youth.

Even the obligation to residence was relaxed, and at last practically

annulled, so that a great part of the Fellowships became sinecure

stipends held by men unconnected with the University. About the only

restriction which remained was that on marriage. Out of this the Heads

had managed to slip their necks, and from the time of Elizabeth

downwards there had been married Heads, to the great scandal of Anthony

Wood and other academical precisians, to whom, in truth, one lady, at

least, the wife of Warden Clayton of Merton, seems to have afforded some

grounds for criticism by her usurpations. But in the case of the

Fellows, the statute, being not constructive, but express, could not be

evaded except by stealth, and by an application of the aphorism then

current, that he might hold anything who would hold his tongue. The

effect of this, celibacy being no longer the rule, was to make all the

Fellows look forward to the benefices, of a number of which each College

was the patron, and upon which they could marry. Thus devotion to a life

of study or education in College, had a Fellow been inclined to it, was

impossible, under the ordinary conditions of modern life. Idleness,

intemperance, and riot were rife among the students, as we learn from

the novels and memoirs of the day. Especially were they the rule among

the noblemen and gentlemen-commoners, who were privileged by their birth

and wealth, and to whom by the servility of the Dons every license was

allowed. Some Colleges took only gentlemen-commoners, who paid high

fees and did what they pleased. All Souls' took no students at all, and

became a mere club which, by a strange perversion of a clause in their

statutes, was limited to men of high family. The University as a

teaching and examining body had fallen into a dead swoon. Few of the

Professors even went through the form of lecturing, and the statutory

obligation of attendance was wholly disregarded by the students. The

form of mediaeval disputations was kept up by the farcical repetition of

strings of senseless syllogisms, which were handed down from generation

to generation of students. The very nomenclature of the system had

become unmeaning. Candidates for the theological degree paced the

Divinity School for an hour, nominally challenging opponents to

disputation, but the door was locked by the Bedel, that no opponent

might appear. Examinations were held, but the candidates, by feeing the

University officer, were allowed to choose their own examiners, and they

treated the examiner after the ordeal. The two questions, "What is the

meaning of Golgotha?" and "Who founded University College?" comprised

the examination upon which Lord Eldon took his degree. A little of that

elegant scholarship, with the power of writing Latin verses, of which

Addison was the cynosure, was the most of which Oxford could boast.

Even this there could hardly have been had not the learned languages

happened to have formed an official part of the equipment of the

clerical profession. Of science, or the mental habit which science

forms, there was none. Such opportunities for study, such libraries,

such groves, a livelihood so free from care could scarcely fail, now and

then, to give birth to a learned man, an Addison, a Lowth, a Thomas

Warton, an Elmsley, a Martin Routh.

* * * * *

The Universities being the regular finishing schools of the gentry and

the professions, men who had passed through them became eminent in after

life, but they owed little or nothing to the University. Only in this

way can Oxford lay claim to the eminence of Bishop Butler, Jeremy

Bentham, or Adam Smith, while Gibbon is her reproach. The figures of

Lord Eldon and Lord Stowell, whose ponderous twin statues sit side by

side in the Library of University College, were more academical,

especially that of Lord Stowell, who was Tutor of his College, and held

a lectureship of Ancient History. Here and there a Tutor of the better

stamp, no doubt, would try to do his duty by his pupils. A rather

pathetic interest attaches to Richard Newton, who tried to turn Hart

Hall into a real place of education, and had some distinguished pupils,

among them Charles Fox. But the little lamp which he had kindled went

out in the uncongenial air. On the site, thanks to the munificence of

Mr. Baring, now stands Hertford College. Johnson's residence at Pembroke

College was short, and his narrative shows that it was unprofitable,

though his High Church principles afterwards made him a loyal son and

eulogist of the University. One good effect the interdiction of marriage

had. It kept up a sort of brotherhood, and saved corporate munificence

from extinction by the private interest of fathers of families. As the

College revenues increased, building went on, though after the false

classical fashion of the times and mostly for the purpose of College

luxury. Now rose the new quadrangle of Queen's, totally supplanting the

mediaeval College, and the new buildings at Magdalen and Corpus. A plan

is extant, horrible to relate, for the total demolition of the old

quadrangle of Magdalen, and its replacement by a modern palace of

idleness in the Italian style. To this century belong Peckwater and

Canterbury quadrangles, also in the classical style, the first redeemed

by the Library which fills one side of the square, and which has a heavy

architectural grandeur as well as a noble purpose. To the eighteenth

century we also mainly owe the College gardens and walks as we see them;

and the gardens of St. John's, New College, Wadham, Worcester, and

Exeter, with the lime walk at Trinity and the Broadwalk--now unhappily

but a wreck--at Christ Church, may plead to a student's heart for some

mitigation of the sentence on the race of clerical idlers and

wine-bibbers, who, for a century, made the University a place, not of

education and learning, but of dull sybaritism, and a source, not of

light, but of darkness, to the nation. It is sad to think how different

the history of England might have been had Oxford and Cambridge done

their duty, like Harvard and Yale, during the last century.

* * * * *

[Illustration: CHRIST CHURCH--FRONT.]

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