IRELAND'S STRUGGLES

[Speech of Charles Emory Smith at the banquet given by the

Hibernian Society of Philadelphia, St. Patrick's Day, March 17,

1887. Mr. Smith was introduced by the Society's President, John

Field, and called upon to speak to the toast, "The Press."]

MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN:--These annual dinners of the

Hibernian Society, several of which I have had the honor of attending,

are distinguished by a peculiar association and spirit. The sons of

other nationalities, Englishmen, Welshmen, Scotchmen, Germans, and those

among whom I count myself--the sons of New England--are accustomed to

meet annually on the anniversary of a patron saint or on some great

historic occasion as you do. And those of us who have the opportunity of

going from one to the other will, I am sure, agree with me that nowhere

else do we find the patriotic fire and the deep moving spirit which we

find here. Something of this, Mr. President, is due to the buoyant

quality of blood which flows in every Irishman's veins--a quality which

makes the Irishman, wherever he may be and under all circumstances,

absolutely irrepressible. Something, I say, is due to this buoyant

quality of the Irish blood. Still, some of it is due to the fact that he

is moved by a deep sense of the woes and the wrongs, of the sadness and

the sorrows of his native land. Oppression and injustice only inflame

the spirit of nationality. The heel of the oppressor may crush and tear

the form or reduce the strength, but nothing crushes the inward resolve

of the heart. The Americans were never so American as when they revolted

against England and threw the tea overboard into Boston harbor, and

punished the Red-Coats at Bunker Hill. The heavy yoke of Austria rested

grievously upon Hungary, but they raised themselves in revolt and fought

fearlessly for their home rule, for their freedom and their rights. And

they were defeated by treason in their camps and by the combined forces

of Austria and Russia. Yet, sir, they persevered until they achieved

home rule--as will Ireland at no distant day.

The long history of oppression and injustice in Ireland has not only not

extinguished the flame of Irish patriotism and feeling, but has served

to kindle it, to make it more glowing to-day than ever before. For seven

centuries Ireland has wrestled with and been subjected to misrule--to

England's misrule: a rule great and noble in many things, as her

priceless statesman says, but with this one dark, terrible stain upon an

otherwise noble history. Only a day or two ago there reached our shores

the last number of an English periodical, containing an article from the

pen of that great statesman, to whom not only all Ireland, but all the

civilized world is looking to-day to battle for freedom in England. The

article presents, in the most striking form that I have ever seen,

statements of what is properly called Ireland's demands. And I was

struck there with the most extraordinary statement coming from this

great statesman of England, of the character of England's rule, or

rather England's misrule, of Ireland during those seven centuries. For

all those centuries, he says, were centuries not only of subjection, but

of extreme oppression. The fifth century was the century of

confiscation; the sixth was a century of penal laws--penal laws, which,

he says, "we cannot defend and which we must condemn and wash our hands

of the whole proceedings"--a century of penal laws, except from 1778 to

1795, which he calls the golden age of Ireland. And as I stop for a

moment to recollect what had distinguished that period, and as you stop

here to-night and recollect for a single moment what had distinguished

that short period of that century and made it the golden age of Ireland,

you will understand why it was so called. It was the period when Henry

Grattan, the great leader of the first battle for home rule, poured

forth his learned and masterly eloquence; when Curran made his powerful

plea for religious emancipation. The period when Robert Emmet--to whom

such glorious tribute has been paid here to-night--was learning, in the

bright early morn of that career which promised to be so great and to do

so much, those lessons of patriotism which enabled him, when cut down in

the flower of youth, to meet even his ignominious death with marvellous

nerve and firm confidence, with courage and patriotism.

And, Gentlemen, I believe that it is one glorious trait of the American

press that during this struggle which has gone on now for years, this

struggle for justice in Ireland, that the press of America has been true

to the best inspirations of liberty; and I unhesitatingly say to England

and to the English ministers, that if they would conform to the judgment

of the civilized world they must abandon their course of intoleration

and oppression, and must do justice to long oppressed Ireland. The

press, the united press of Philadelphia, and of other great cities of

the country, have done their part in promoting that work which has been

going on among our people for the last few years to attain this end.

The press of Philadelphia aided in raising that magnificent fund of

$50,000 which went from this side; and if it need be, it will put its

hand to the plough and renew work. It was the remark of Mr. Gladstone,

that looking at past events, they [England] could not cite a single

witness in behalf of the cause which they represented. The American

people began their contributions in 1847, to prevent the starvation of

many of those people, and they continued their contributions to stop

evictions, and to pay the landlords; they continued their contributions

to promote that work of freedom and justice and home rule, for which we

stand united, inflexible and immovable until it shall be finally

accomplished. [Applause.]

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Modern Eloquence: Vol III, After-Dinner Speeches P-Z · 第 101 / 186 题