Christian worship, or "abolished Christianity," in France, is a fiction.
Throughout the Reign of Terror the Convention maintained the State Church
as established by the Constituent Assembly in 1791. Though the salaries of
the clergy fell into arrear, the Convention rejected a proposal to cease
paying them. The non-juring priests were condemned by the Convention to
transportation, and were liable to be put to death if they returned to
France. But where churches were profaned, or constitutional priests
molested, it was the work of local bodies or of individual Conventionalists
on mission, not of the law. The Commune of Paris shut up most, but not all,
of the churches in Paris. Other local bodies did the same. After the Reign
of Terror ended, the Convention adopted the proposal which it had rejected
before, and abolished the State salary of the clergy (Sept. 20th, 1794).
This merely placed all sects on a level. But local fanatics were still busy
against religion; and the Convention accordingly had to pass a law (Feb.
23, 1795), forbidding all interference with Christian services. This law
required that worship should not be held in a distinctive building (_i.e._
church), nor in the open air. Very soon afterwards the Convention (May 23)
permitted the churches to be used for worship. The laws against non-juring
priests were not now enforced, and a number of churches in Paris were
actually given up to non-juring priests. The Directory was inclined to
renew the persecution of this class in 1796, but the Assemblies would not
permit it; and in July, 1797, the Council of Five Hundred passed a motion
totally abolishing the legal penalties of non-jurors. This was immediately
followed by the coup d'état of Fructidor.
[100] Grégoire, Mémoires, ii. 87. Annales de la Religion, x. 441;
Pressensé, L'Eglise et la Révolution, p. 359.
[101] Papers presented to Parliament, 1802-3, p. 95.
[102] "The King and his Ministers are in the greatest distress and
embarrassment. The latter do not hesitate to avow it, and the King has for
the last week shown such evident symptoms of dejection that the least
observant could not but remark it. He has expressed himself most feelingly
upon the unfortunate predicament in which he finds himself. He would
welcome the hand that should assist him and the voice that should give him
courage to extricate himself."--F. Jackson's despatch from Berlin, May 16,
1803; Records; Prussia, vol. 189.
[103] Häusser ii. 472. There are interesting accounts of Lombard and the
other leading persons of Berlin in F. Jackson's despatches of this date.
The charge of gross personal immorality made against Lombard is brought
against almost every German public man of the time in the writings of
opponents. History and politics are, however, a bad tribunal of private
character.
[104] Fournier, Gentz und Cobenzl, p. 79. Beer, Zehn Jahre, p. 49. The
despatches of Sir J. Warren of this date from St. Petersburg (Records:
Russia, vol. 175) are full of plans for meeting an expected invasion of the
Morea and the possible liberation of the Greeks by Bonaparte. They give the
impression that Eastern affairs were really the dominant interest with
Alexander in his breach with France.
[105] Miot de Melito, i. 16. Savary, ii. 32.
[106] A protest handed in at Vienna by Louis XVIII. against Napoleon's
title was burnt in the presence of the French ambassador. The Austrian
title was assumed on August 10, but the publication was delayed a day on
account of the sad memories of August 10, 1792. Fournier, p. 102. Beer, p.
60.
[107] Papers presented to Parliament, 28th January, 1806, and 5th May,
1815.
[108] Hardenberg, ii. 50: corrected in the articles on Hardenberg and
Haugwitz in the Deutsche Allgemeine Biographie.
[109] Hardenberg, v. 167. Hardenberg was meanwhile representing himself to
the British and Russian envoys as the partisan of the Allies. "He declared
that he saw it was become impossible for this country to remain neutral,
and that he should unequivocally make known his sentiments to that effect
to the King. He added that if the decision depended upon himself, Russia
need entertain no apprehension as to the part he should take."--Jackson,
Sept. 3, 1805; Records: Prussia, vol. 194.
[110] Gentz, Schriften, iii. 60, Beer, 132, 141. Fournier, 104. Springer,
i. 64.
[111] Rustow, Krieg von, 1805, p. 55.
[112] Nelson Despatches, vi. 457.
[113] "The reports from General Mack are of the most satisfactory nature,
and the apprehensions which were at one time entertained from the immense
force which Bonaparte is bringing into Germany gradually decrease."--Sir A.
Paget's Despatch from Vienna, Sept, 18; Records: Austria, vol. 75.
[114] Rustow, p. 154. Schönhals, Krieg von, 1805, p. 33. Paget's despatch,
Oct. 25; Records: Austria, vol. 75. "The jealousy and misunderstanding
among the generals had reached such a pitch that no communication took
place between Ferdinand and Mack but in writing. Mack openly attributed his
calamities to the ill-will and opposition of the Archduke and the rest of
the generals. The Archduke accuses Mack of ignorance, of madness, of
cowardice, and of treachery. The consternation which prevails here (Vienna)
is at the highest pitch. The pains which are taken to keep the public in
the dark naturally increase the alarm. Not a single newspaper has been
delivered for several days past except the wretched _Vienna. Gazette_.
The Emperor is living at a miserable country-house, in order, as people
say, that he may effect his escape. Every bark on the Danube has been put
in requisition by the Government. The greatest apprehensions prevail on
account of the Russians, of whose excesses loud complaints are made. Their
arrival here is as much dreaded as that of the French. Cobenzl and
Collenbach are in such a state of mind as to render them totally unfit for
all business." Cobenzl was nevertheless still able to keep up his jocular
style in asking the ambassador for the English subsidies:--"Vous êtes
malade, je le suis aussi un peu, mais ce qui est encore plus malade que
nous deux ce sont nos finances: ainsi pour l'amour de Dieu dépêchez vous de
nous donner vos deux cent mille livres sterlings. Je vous embrasse de tout
mon coeur,"--Cobenzl to Paget, enclosed in _id_.
[115] Hardenberg, ii. 268. Jackson, Oct. 7. Records: Prussia, vol. 195.
"The intelligence was received yesterday at Potsdam, while M. de Hardenberg
was with the King of Prussia. His Prussian Majesty was very violently
affected by it, and in the first moment of anger ordered M. de Hardenberg
to return to Berlin and immediately to dismiss the French ambassador. After
a little reflection, however, he said that that measure should be
postponed."
[116] Rapp, Mémoires, p. 58. Beer, p. 188.
[117] "The scarcity of provisions had been very great indeed. Much
discouragement had arisen in consequence, and a considerable degree of
insubordination, which, though less easy to produce in a Russian army than
in any other, is, when it does make its appearance, most prejudicial, was
beginning to manifest itself in various ways. The bread waggons were
pillaged on their way to the camp, and it became very difficult to repress
the excesses of the troops."--Report of General Ramsay, Dec. 10; Records:
Austria, vol. 78.
[118] Hardenberg, ii. 345, Haugwitz had just become joint Foreign Minister
with Hardenberg.
[119] Haugwitz' justification of himself, with Hardenberg's comments upon
it, is to be seen in Hardenberg, v. 220. But see also, for Hardenberg's own
bad faith, _id._ i. 551.
[120] Lord Harrowby's despatch from Berlin, Dec. 7; Records: Prussia, vol.
196. The news of Austerlitz reached Berlin on the night of Dec. 7. Next day
Lord Harrowby called on Hardenberg. "He told me that in a council of war
held since the arrival of the first accounts of the disaster, it had been
decided to order a part of the Prussian army to march into Bohemia. These
events, he said, need not interrupt our negotiations." Then, on the 12th
came the news of the armistice: Harrowby saw Hardenberg that evening. "I
was struck with something like irritation in his manner, with a sort of
reference to the orders of the King, and with an expression which dropped
from him that circumstances might possibly arise in which Prussia could
look only to her own defence and security. I attributed this in a great
degree to the agitation of the moment, and I should have pushed the
question to a point if the entrance of Count Metternich and M. d'Alopeus
had not interrupted me.... Baron Hardenberg assured us that the military
movements of the Prussian army were proceeding without a moment's loss of
time." On the 25th Haugwitz arrived with his treaty. Hardenberg then
feigned illness. "Baron Hardenberg was too ill to see me, or, as far as I
could learn, any other person; and it has been impossible for me to
discover what intelligence is brought by Count Haugwitz."
[121] Lefebvre, Histoire des Cabinets, ii. 217.
[122] Martens, viii. 388; viii. 479. Beer, p. 232.
[123] Correspondence de Napoleon, xii. 253.
[124] The story of Pitt's "Austerlitz look" preceding his death is so
impressive and so well known that I cannot resist giving the real facts
about the reception of the news of Austerlitz in England. There were
four Englishmen who were expected to witness the battle, Sir A. Paget,
ambassador at Vienna, Lord L. Gower, ambassador with the Czar, Lord
Harrington and General Ramsay, military envoys. Of these, Lord
Harrington had left England too late to reach the armies; Sir A. Paget
sat writing despatches at Olmütz without hearing the firing, and on
going out after the post left, was astonished to fall in with the
retreating army; Gower was too far in the rear; and General Ramsay
unfortunately went off on that very day to get some new passes. In
consequence no Englishman witnessed the awful destruction that took
place; and Paget's despatch, the first that reached England, quite
misrepresented the battle, treating the defeat as not a decisive one.
Pitt actually thought at first that the effect of the battle was
favourable to his policy, and likely to encourage Prussia in its
determination to fight. So late as December 20th the following
instructions were sent to Harrowby at Berlin: "Even supposing the
advantage of the day to have been decidedly with Bonaparte, it must
have been obtained with a loss which cannot have left his force in a
condition to contend with the army of Prussia and at the same time to
make head against the Allies. If on the other hand it should appear
that the advantage has been with the Allies, there is every reason to
hope that Prussia will come forward with vigour to decide the contest."
Records: Prussia, vol. 196. It was the surrender of Ulm which really
gave Pitt the shock attributed to Austerlitz. The despatch then
written--evidently from Pitt's dictation--exhorting the Emperor to do
his duty, is the most impassioned and soul-stirring thing in the whole
political correspondence of the time.
[125] Hardenberg, ii. 463. Hardenberg, who, in spite of his weak and
ambiguous conduct up to the end of 1805, felt bitterly the disgraceful
position in which Prussia had placed itself, now withdrew from office. "I
received this morning a message from Baron Hardenberg requesting me to call
on him. He said that he could no longer remain in office consistently with
his honour, and that he waited only for the return of Count Haugwitz to
give up to him the management of his department. 'You know,' he said, 'my
principles, and the efforts that I have made in favour of the good cause;
judge then of the pain that I must experience when I am condemned to be
accessory to this measure. You know, probably, that I was an advocate for
the acquisition of Hanover, but I wished it upon terms honourable to both
parties. I thought it a necessary bulwark to cover the Prussian dominions,
and I thought that the House of Hanover might have been indemnified
elsewhere. But now,' he added, 'j'abhorre les moyens infames par lesquels
nous faisons cette acquisition. Nous pourrions rester les amis de Bonaparte
sans être ses esclaves.' He apologised for this language, and said I must
not consider it as coming from a Prussian Minister, but from a man who
unbosomed himself to his friend.... I have only omitted the distressing
picture of M. de Hardenberg's agitation during this conversation. He
bewailed the fate of Prussia, and complained of the hardships he had
undergone for the last three months, and of the want of firmness and
resolution in his Prussian Majesty. He several times expressed the hope
that his Majesty's Government and that of Russia would make some allowances
for the situation of this country. They had the means, he said, to do it an
infinity of mischief. The British navy might destroy the Prussian commerce,
and a Russian army might conquer some of her eastern provinces; but
Bonaparte would be the only gainer, as thereby Prussia would be thrown
completely into his arms."--F. Jackson's despatch from Berlin, March 27,
1806; Records: Prussia, vol. 197.
[126] On the British envoy demanding his passports, Haugwitz entered into a
long defence of his conduct, alleging grounds of necessity. Mr. Jackson
said that there could be no accommodation with England till the note
excluding British vessels was reversed. "M. de Haugwitz immediately
rejoined, 'I was much surprised when I found that that note had been
delivered to you.' 'How,' I said, 'can _you_ be surprised who was the
author of the measures that give rise to it?' The only answer I received
was, 'Ah! ne dites pas cela.' He observed that it would be worth
considering whether our refusal to acquiesce in the present state of things
might not bring about one still more disastrous. I smiled, and asked if I
was to understand that a Prussian army would take a part in the threatened
invasion of England. He replied that he did not now mean to insinuate any
such thing, but that it might be impossible to answer for
events."--Jackson's Despatch, April 25. _id._
[127] Papers presented to Parliament, 1806, p. 63.
[128] "An order has been issued to the officers of the garrison of Berlin
to abstain, under severe penalties, from speaking of the state of public
affairs. This order was given in consequence of the very general and loud
expressions of dissatisfaction which issued from all classes of people, but
particularly from the military, at the recent conduct of the Government;
for it has been in contemplation to publish an edict prohibiting the public
at large from discussing questions of state policy. The experience of a
very few days must convince the authors of this measure of the reverse of
their expectation, the satires and sarcasms upon their conduct having
become more universal than before."--Jackson's Despatch, March 22,
_id_. "On Thursday night the windows of Count Haugwitz' house were
completely demolished by some unknown person. As carbine bullets were
chiefly made use of for the purpose, it is suspected to have been done by
some of the garrison. The same thing had happened some nights before, but
the Count took no notice of it. Now a party of the police patrol the
street"--_Id_., April 27.
[129] Pertz, i. 331. Seeley, i. 271.
[130] Hopfner, Der Krieg von 1806, i. 48.
[131] A list of all Prussian officers in 1806 of and above the rank of
major is given in Henckel von Donnersmarck, Erinnerungen, with their years
of service. The average of a colonel's service is 42 years; of a major's,
35.
[132] Müffling, Aus Meinem Leben, p. 15. Hopfner, i. 157. Correspondence de
Napoleon, xiii. 150.
[133] Hopfner, ii. 390. Hardenberg, iii. 230.
[134] "Count Stein, the only man of real talents in the administration, has
resigned or was dismissed. He is a considerable man, of great energy,
character, and superiority of mind, who possessed the public esteem in a
high degree, and, I have no doubt, deserved it.... During the negotiation
for an armistice, the expenses of Bonaparte's table and household at Berlin
were defrayed by the King of Prussia. Since that period one of the
Ministers called upon Stein, who was the chief of the finances, to pay
300,000 crowns on the same account. Stein refused with strong expressions
of indignation. The King spoke to him: he remonstrated with his Majesty in
the most forcible terms, descanted on the wretched humiliation of such mean
conduct, and said that he never could pay money on such an account unless
he had the order in writing from his Majesty. This order was given a few
days after the conversation."--Hutchinson's Despatch, Jan. 1, 1807;
Records: Prussia, vol. 200.
[135] Corr. Nap. xiii. 555.
[136] "It is still doubtful who commands, and whether Kamensky has or has
not given up the command. I wrote to him on the first moment of my arrival,
but have received no answer from him. On the 23rd, the day of the first
attack, he took off his coat and waistcoat, put all his stars and ribbons
over his shirt, and ran about the streets of Pultusk encouraging the
soldiers, over whom he is said to have great influence."--Lord Hutchinson's
Despatch, Jan. 1, 1807; Records: Prussia, vol. 200.
[137] Hutchinson's letter, in Adair, Mission to Vienna, p. 373.
[138] For the Whig foreign policy, see Adair, p. 11-13. Its principle was
to relinquish the attempt to raise coalitions of half-hearted Governments
against France by means of British subsidies, but to give help to States
which of their own free will entered into war with Napoleon.
[139] The battle of Friedland is described in Lord Hutchinson's despatch
(Records: Prussia, vol. 200--in which volume are also Colonel Sonntag's
reports, containing curious details about the Russians, and some personal
matter about Napoleon in a letter from an inhabitant of Eylau; also
Gneisenau's appeal to Mr. Canning from Colberg).
[140] Bignon, vi. 342.
[141] Papers presented to Parliament, 1808, p. 106. The intelligence
reached Canning on the 21st of July. Canning's despatch to Brook Taylor,
July 22; Records: Denmark, vol. 196. It has never been known who sent the
information, but it must have been some one very near the Czar, for it
purported to give the very words used by Napoleon in his interview with
Alexander on the raft. It is clear, from Canning's despatch of July 22,
that this conversation and nothing else had up till then been reported. The
informant was probably one of the authors of the English alliance of 1805.
[142] Napoleon to Talleyrand, July 31, 1807. He instructs Talleyrand to
enter into certain negotiations with the Danish Minister, which would be
meaningless if the Crown Prince had already promised to hand over the
fleet. The original English documents, in Records: Denmark, vols. 196, 197,
really show that Canning never considered that he had any proof of the
intentions of Denmark, and that he justified his action only by the
inability of Denmark to resist Napoleon's demands.
[143] Cevallos, p. 73.
[144] Pertz, ii. 23. Seeley, i. 430.
[145] Cevallos, p. 13. Baumgarten, Geschichte Spaniens, i. 131.
[146] Escoiquiz, Exposé, p. 57, 107.
[147] Miot de Melito, ii. ch. 7. Murat was made King of Naples.
[148] Baumgarten, i. 242.
[149] Wellington Despatches, iii. 135.
[150] Häusser, iii. 133. Seeley, i. 480.
[151] For the striking part played at Erfurt by Talleyrand in opposition to
Napoleon see Metternich's paper of December 4, in Beer, p. 516. It seems
that Napoleon wished to involve the Czar in active measures against
Austria, but was thwarted by Talleyrand.
[152] Baumgarten i. 311.
[153] Napier, ii. 17.
[154] Metternich, ii. 147.
[155] Gentz, Tagebücher, i. 60.
[156] Steffens, vi. 153. Mémoires du Roi Jérome, iii. 340.
[157] Beer, p. 370. Häusser, iii. 278.
[158] Correspondance de Napoleon, xviii. 459, 472. Gentz, Tagebücher, i.
120, Pelet, Mémoires sur la Guerre de 1809, i. 223.
[159] "Je n'ai jamais vu d'affaire aussi sanglante et aussi meurtrière."
Report of the French General, Mémoires de Jérome, iv. 109.
[160] See Arndt's Poem on Schill. Gedichte, i. 328 (ed. 1837).
[161] Wellington Despatches, iv. 533. Sup. Desp. vi. 319, Napier, ii. 357.
[162] Correspondance de Napoleon: Décision, Mai 23, 1806. Parliamentary
Papers, 1810, p. 123, 697.
[163] Beer, p. 445, Gentz, Tagebücher, i. 82, 118.
[164] Correspondance de Napoleon, xix. 15, 265.
[165] Corresp. de Napoleon, xxiii. 62, Décret, 9 Déc., 1811.
[166] Mémoires de Jérome, v. 185.
[167] Wellington Supplementary Despatches, vi. 41. Napier, iii. 250.
[168] Baumgarten, Geschichte Spaniens, i. 405.
[169] Hardenberg (Ranke), iv. 268. Häusser, iii. 535. Seeley, ii. 447.
[170] Martens, Nouveau Recueil, i. 417. A copy, or the original, of this
Treaty was captured by the Russians with other of Napoleon's papers during
the retreat from Moscow, and a draft of it sent to London, which remains in
the Records.
[171] Metternich, i. 122.
[172] Mémoires de Jérome, v. 247.
[173] Bogdanowitsch, i. 72; Chambray, i. 186. Sir R. Wilson, Invasion of
Russia, p. 15.
[174] Droysen, Leben des Grafen York. I. 394.
[175] Pertz, iii. 211, _seq_. Seeley, iii. 21.
[176] Oncken, Oesterreich und Preussen, i. 28.
[177] Martens, N.R., III. 234. British and Foreign State Papers
(Hertslet), i. 49.
[178] For Breslau in February, see Steffens, 7. 69.
[179] For the difference between the old and the new officers, see
Correspondance de Napoléon, 27 Avril, 1813.
[180] Henckel von Donnersmarck, p. 187. The battles of Lützen, Bautzen, and
Leipzig are described in the despatches of Lord Cathcart, who witnessed
them in company with the Czar and King Frederick William. Records: Russia,
207, 209.
[181] The account given in the following pages of Napoleon's motives and
action during the armistice is based upon the following letters printed in
the twenty-fifth volume of the Correspondence:--To Eugène, June 2, July 1,
July 17, Aug. 4; to Maret, July 8; to Daru, July 17; to Berthier, July 23;
to Davoust, July 24, Aug. 5; to Ney, Aug. 4, Aug. 12. The statement of
Napoleon's error as to the strength of the Austrian force is confirmed by
Metternich, i. 150.
[182] Oncken, i. 80.
[183] Napoleon to Eugène, 1st July, 1813.
[184] Metternich, i. 163.
[185] Häusser, iv. 59. One of the originals is contained in Lord Cathcart's
despatch from Kalisch, March 28th, 1813. Records: Russia, Vol. 206.
[186] Mémoires de Jérome, vi. 223.
[187] "Your lordship has only to recollect the four days' continued
fighting at Leipzig, followed by fourteen days' forced marches in the worst
weather, in order to understand the reasons that made some repose
absolutely necessary. The total loss of the Austrians alone, since the 10th
of August, at the time of our arrival at Frankfort, was 80,000 men. We were
entirely unprovided with heavy artillery, the nearest battery train not
having advanced further than the frontiers of Bohemia." It was thought for
a moment that the gates of Strasburg and Huningen might be opened by
bribery, and the Austrian Government authorised the expenditure of a
million florins for this purpose; in that case the march into Switzerland
would have been abandoned. The bribing plan, however, broke down.--Lord
Aberdeen's despatches, Nov. 24, Dec. 25, 1813. Records; Austria, 107.
[188] Castlereagh's despatch from Langres, Jan. 29, 1814. Records:
Continent, Vol. II.: "As far as I have hitherto felt myself called on to
give an opinion, I have stated that the British Government did not decline
treating with Bonaparte." "The Czar said he observed my view of the
question was different from what he believed prevailed in England"
(_id._ Feb. 16). See Southey's fine Ode on the Negotiations of 1814.
[189] British and Foreign State Papers, I. 131.
[190] Béranger, Biographie, ed. duod., p. 354.
[191] British and Foreign State Papers, I. 151.
[192] Lord W. Bentinck, who was with Murat, warned him against the probable
consequences of his duplicity. Bentinck had, however, to be careful in his
language, as the following shows. Murat having sent him a sword of honour,
he wrote to the English Government, May 1, 1814: "It is a severe violence
to my feelings to incur any degree of obligation to an individual whom I so
entirely despise. But I feel it my duty not to betray any appearance of a
spirit of animosity." To Murat he wrote on the same day: "The sword of a
great captain is the most flattering present which a soldier can receive.
It is with the highest gratitude that I accept the gift, Sire, which you
have done me the honour to send."--Records: Sicily, Vol. 98.
[193] Treaties of Teplitz, Sept. 9, 1813. In Bianchi, Storia Documentata
della Diplomazia Europea, i. 334, there is a long protest addressed by
Metternich to Castlereagh on May 26, 1814, referring with great minuteness
to a number of clauses in a secret Treaty signed by all the Powers at
Prague on July 27, 1813, and ratified at London on August 23, giving
Austria the disposal of all Italy. This protest, which has been accepted as
genuine in Reuchlin's Geschichte Italiens and elsewhere, is, with the
alleged secret Treaty, a forgery. My grounds for this statement are as
follows:--(1) There was no British envoy at Prague in July, 1813. (2) The
private as well as the official letters of Castlereagh to Lord Cathcart of
Sept. 13 and 18, and the instructions sent to Lord Aberdeen during August
and September, prove that no joint Treaty existed up to that date, to which
both England and Austria were parties. Records: Russia, 207, 209 A.
Austria, 105. (3) Lord Aberdeen's reports of his negotiations with
Metternich after this date conclusively prove that almost all Italian
questions, including even the Austrian frontier, were treated as matters to
be decided by the Allies in common. While Austria's right to a
preponderance in upper Italy is admitted, the affairs of Rome and Naples
are always treated as within the range of English policy.
[194] The originals of the Genoese and Milanese petitions for independence
are in Records: Sicily, Vol. 98. "The Genoese universally desire the
restoration of their ancient Republic. They dread above all other
arrangements their annexation to Piedmont, to the inhabitants of which
there have always existed a peculiar aversion."--Bentinck's Despatch, April
27, 1814, _id._
[195] Castlereagh, x. 18.
[196] As Arndt, Schriften, ii. 311, Fünf oder sechs Wunder Gottes.
[197] Bernhardi, Geschichte Russlands, iii. 26.
[198] Parl. Debates, xxvii. 634, 834.
[199] Wellington, Sup. Des., x. 468; Castlereagh, x. 145. Records, Sicily,
vol. 97. The future King Louis Philippe was sent by his father-in-law,
Ferdinand, to England, to intrigue against Murat among the Sovereigns and
Ministers then visiting England. His own curious account of his
proceedings, with the secret sign for the Prince Regent, given him by Louis
XVIII., who was afraid to write anything, is in _id._, vol. 99.
[200] Wippermann, Kurhessen, pp. 9-13. In Hanover torture was restored, and
occasionally practised till the end of 1818: also the punishment of death
by breaking on the wheel. See Hodgskin, Travels, ii. 51, 69.
[201] Baumgarten, Geschichte Spaniens, ii. 30, Wellington, D., xii. 27; S.
D., ix. 17.
[202] Wellington, S.D., ix. 328.
[203] Compare his cringing letter to Pichegru in Manuscrit de Louis XVIII.,
p. 463, with his answer in 1797 to the Venetian Senate, in Thiers.
[204] _Moniteur_, 5 Juin. British and Foreign State Papers, 1812-14,
ii. 960.
[205] The payment of £13 per annum in direct taxes. No one could be elected
who did not pay £40 per annum in direct taxes,--so large a sum, that the
Charta provided for the case of there not being fifty persons in a
department eligible.
[206] Fourteen out of Napoleon's twenty marshals and three-fifths of his
Senators were called to the Chamber of Peers. The names of the excluded
Senators will be found in Vaulabelle, ii. 100; but the reader must not take
Vaulabelle's history for more than a collection of party-legends.
[207] Ordonnance, in _Moniteur_, 26 Mai.
[208] This poor creature owed his life, as he owes a shabby immortality, to
the beautiful and courageous Grace Dalrymple Elliot. Journal of Mrs. G.D.
Elliot, p. 79.
[209] Carnot, Mémoire adressé au Roi, p. 20.
[210] Wellington Despatches, xii. 248. On the ground of his ready-money
dealings, it has been supposed that Wellington understood the French
people. On the contrary, he often showed great want of insight, both in his
acts and in his opinions, when the finer, and therefore more statesmanlike,
sympathies were in question. Thus, in the delicate position of ambassador
of a victorious Power and counsellor of a restored dynasty, he bitterly
offended the French country-population by behaving like a _grand seigneur_
before 1789, and hunting with a pack of hounds over their young corn. The
matter was so serious that the Government of Louis XVIII. had to insist on
Wellington stopping his hunts. (Talleyrand et Louis XVIII., p. 141.) This
want of insight into popular feeling, necessarily resulted in some
portentous blunders: _e.g.,_ all that Wellington could make of
Napoleon's return from Elba was the following:--"He has acted upon false or
no information, and the King will destroy him without difficulty and in a
short time." Despatches, xii. 268.
[211] A good English account of Vienna during the Congress will be found in
"Travels in Hungary," by Dr. R. Bright, the eminent physician. His visit to
Napoleon's son, then a child five years old, is described in a passage of
singular beauty and pathos.
[212] British and Foreign State Papers, 1814-15, p. 554, _seq_.
Talleyrand et Louis XVIII., p. 13. Kluber, ix. 167. Seeley's Stein, iii.
248. Gentz, Dépêches Inédites, i. 107. Records: Continent, vol. 7, Oct. 2.
[213] Bernhardi, i. 2; ii. 2, 661.
[214] Wellington, S.D., ix. 335.
[215] Wellington, S.D., ix. 340. Records: Continent, vol. 7, Oct. 9, 14.
[216] Talleyrand, p. 74. Records, _id.,_ Oct. 24, 25.
[217] Wellington, S.D., ix. 331. Talleyrand, pp. 59, 82, 85, 109. Klüber,
vii. 21.
[218] British and Foreign State Papers, 1814-15, p. 814. Klüber, vii. 61.
[219] Talleyrand, p. 281.
[220] B. and F. State Papers, 1814-15, ii. 1001.
[221] Castlereagh did not contradict them. Records: Cont., vol. 10, Jan. 8.
[222] British and Foreign State Papers, 1814-15, p. 642. Seeley's Stein,
iii. 303. Talleyrand, Preface, p. 18.
[223] Chiefly, but not altogether, because Napoleon's war with England had
ruined the trade of the ports. See the report of Marshal Brune, in Daudet,
La Terreur Blanche, p. 173, and the striking picture of Marseilles in
Thiers, xviii. 340, drawn from his own early recollections. Bordeaux was
Royalist for the same reason.
[224] Berriat-St. Prix, Napoléon à Grenoble, p. 10.
[225] Béranger, Biographie, p. 373, ed. duod.
[226] See their contemptible addresses, as well as those of the army, in
the _Moniteur_, from the 10th to the 19th of March to Louis XVIII.,
from the 27th onwards to Napoleon.
[227] _i.e._, Because he had abused his liberty. On Ney's trial two
courtiers alleged that Ney said he "would bring back Napoleon in an iron
cage." Ney contradicted, them. Procès de Ney, ii. 105, 113.
[228] British and Foreign State Papers, 1814-15, ii. 443.
[229] Correspondance de Napoleon, xxviii. 171, 267, etc.
[230] British and Foreign State Papers, 1814-15, ii. 275. Castlereagh, ix.
512, Wellington, S.D., ix. 244. Records: Continent, vol. 12, Feb. 26.
[231] Correspondance de Napoléon, xxviii. 111, 127. The order forbidding
him to come to Paris is wrongly dated April 19; probably for May 29. The
English documents relating to Ferdinand's return to Naples, with the
originals of many proclamations, etc., are in Records: Sicily, vols. 103,
104. They are interesting chiefly as showing the deep impression made on
England by Ferdinand's cruelties in 1799.
[232] Benjamin Constant, Mémoire sur les Cent Jours.
[233] Lafayette, Mémoires, v. 414.
[234] Miot de Melito, iii. 434.
[235] Napoleon to Ney; Correspondance, xxviii. 334.
[236] "I have got an infamous army, very weak and ill-equipped, and a very
inexperienced staff." (Despatches, xii. 358.) So, even after his victory,
he writes:--"I really believe that, with the exception of my old Spanish
infantry, I have got not only the worst troops but the worst-equipped army,
with the worst staff that was ever brought together." (Despatches, xii.
509.)
[237] Therefore he kept his forces more westwards, and further from
Blücher, than if he had known Napoleon's actual plan. But the severance of
the English from the sea required to be guarded against as much as a defeat
of Blücher. The Duke never ceased to regard it as an open question whether
Napoleon ought not to have thrown his whole force between Brussels and the
sea. (_Vide_ Memoir written in 1842 Wellington, S.D., ix. 530.)
[238] Metternich, i., p. 155.
[239] Wellington Despatches, xii. 649.
[240] Wellington, S.D., xi. 24, 32. Maps of projected frontiers, Records:
Cont., vol 23.
[241] Despatches, xii. 596. Seeley's Stein, iii. 332.
[242] B. and F. State Papers, 1815-16, iii. 211. The second article is the
most characteristic:--"Les trois Princes ... confessant que la nation
Chrétienne dont eux et leurs peuples font partie n'a réellement d'autre
Souverain que celui à qui seul appartient en propriété la puissance ...
c'est-à-dire Dieu notre Divin Sauveur Jésus Christ, le Verbe du Très Haut,
la parole de vie: leurs Majestés recommandent ... à leurs peuples ... de se
fortifier chaque jour davantage dans les principes et l'exercice des
devoirs que le Divin Sauveur a enseignés aux hommes."
[243] Wellington, S.D., xi. 175. The account which Castlereagh gives of
the Czar's longing for universal peace appears to refute the theory that
Alexander had some idea of an attack upon Turkey in thus uniting
Christendom. According to Castlereagh, Metternich also thought that "it was
quite clear that the Czar's mind was affected," but for the singular reason
that "peace and goodwill engrossed all his thoughts, and that he had found
him of late friendly and reasonable on all points" (_Id_.) There was,
however, a strong popular impression at this time that Alexander was on the
point of invading Turkey. (Gentz, D.I., i. 197.)
[244] B. and F. State Papers, 1815-16, iii. 273. Records; Continent, vol.
30.
[245] Klüber, ii. 598.
[246] Klüber, vi. 12. It covers, with its appendices, 205 pages.
[247] In the first draft of the secret clauses of the Treaty of June 14,
1800, between England and Austria (see p. 150), Austria was to have had
Genoa. But the fear arising that Russia would not permit Austria's
extension to the Mediterranean, an alteration was made, whereby Austria was
promised half of Piedmont, Genoa to go to the King of Sardinia in
compensation.
[248] Pertz, Leben Steins, iv 524.
[249] Talleyrand, p. 277.
[250] B. and F. State Papers, 1815-16, p. 928.
[251] Bernhardi, iii. 2, 10, 666.
[252] "We are now inundated with Russian agents of various descriptions,
some public and some secret, but all holding the same language, all
preaching 'Constitution and liberal principles,' and all endeavouring to
direct the eyes of the independents towards the North.... A copy of the
instructions sent to the Russian Minister here has fallen into the hands of
the Austrians." A'Court (Ambassador at Naples) to Castlereagh, Dec. 7,
1815, Records: Sicily, 104.
[253] A profound reason has been ascribed to Metternich's conservatism by
some of his English apologists in high place, namely the fear that if ideas
of nationality should spring up, the non-German components of the Austrian
monarchy, viz., Bohemia, Hungary, Croatia, etc., would break off and become
independent States. But there is not a word in Metternich's writings which
shows that this apprehension had at this time entered his mind. To
generalise his Italian policy of 1815 into a great prophetic statesmanship,
is to interpret the ideas of one age by the history of the next.
[254] In Moravia. For the system of espionage, see the book called "Carte
segrete della polizia Austriaca," consisting of police-reports which fell
into the hands of the Italians at Milan in 1848.
[255] Bianchi, Storia Documentata, i. 208. The substance of this secret
clause was communicated to A'Court, the English Ambassador at Naples. "I
had no hesitation in saying that anything which contributed to the good
understanding now prevailing between Austria and Naples, could not but
prove extremely satisfactory to the British Government." A'Court to
Castlereagh, July 18, 1815. Records: Sicily, vol. 104.
[256] Letters in Reuchlin, Geschichte Italiens, i. 71. The Holy Alliance
was turned to better account by the Sardinian statesmen than by the
Neapolitans. "Apres s'être allié," wrote the Sardinian Ambassador at St.
Petersburg, "en Jesus-Christ notre Sauveur parole de vie, pourquoi et à
quel propos s'allier en Metternich?"
[257] See the passages from Grenville's letters quoted in pp. 125, 126 of
this work.
[258] Castlereagh, x. 18. "The danger is that the transition" (to liberty)
"may be too sudden to ripen into anything likely to make the world better
or happier.... I am sure it is better to retard than accelerate the
operation of this most hazardous principle which is abroad."
[259] B. and F. State Papers, 1816-17, p. 553. Metternich, iii. 80.
Castlereagh had at first desired that the Constitution should be modified
under the influence of the English Ambassador. Instructions to A'Court,
March 14, 1814, marked "Most Secret"; Records: Sicily, vol. 99. A'Court
himself detested the Constitution. "I conceive the Sicilian people to be
totally and radically unfit to be entrusted with political power." July 23,
1814, id.
[260] Castlereagh, x. 25.
[261] "If his Majesty announces his determination to give effect to the
main principles of a constitutional régime, it is possible that he may
extinguish the existing arrangement with impunity, and re-establish one
more consistent with the efficiency of the executive power, and which may
restore the great landed proprietors and the clergy to a due share of
authority." Castlereagh, id.
[262] Daudet, La Terreur Blanche, p. 186. The loss of the troops was a
hundred. The stories of wholesale massacres at Marseilles and other places
are fictions.
[263] See the Address, in _Journal des Débats_, 15 Octobre: "Nous
oserons solliciter humblement la rétribution nécessaire," etc. For the
general history of the Session, see Duvergier de Hauranne, iii. 257;
Viel-Castal, iv. 139; Castlereagh's severe judgment of Artois. Records:
Cont., 28, Sept. 21.
[264] _Journal des Débats_, 29 October.
[265] Wellington, S.D., xi. 95. This self-confident folly is repeated in
many of Lord Liverpool's letters.
[266] Procès du Maréchal Ney, i. 212.
[267] Ney was not, however, a mere fighting general. The Military Studies
published in English in 1833 from his manuscripts prove this. They abound
in acute remarks, and his estimate of the quality of the German soldier, at
a time when the Germans were habitually beaten and despised, is very
striking. He urges that when French infantry fight in three ranks, the
charge should be made after the two front ranks have fired, without waiting
for the third to fire. "The German soldier, formed by the severest
discipline, is cooler than any other. He would in the end obtain the
advantage in this kind of firing if it lasted long." (P. 100.) Ney's
parents appear to have been Würtemberg people who had settled in Alsace.
The name was really Neu (New).
[268] See the extracts from La Bourdonnaye's printed speech in _Journal
des Débats_, 19 Novembre: "Pour arrêter leurs trames criminelles, il faut
des fers, des bourreaux, des supplices. La mort, la mort seule peut
effrayer leurs complices et mettre fin à leurs complots," etc. The journals
abound with similar speeches.
[269] General Mouton-Duvernet. Several were sentenced to death in their
absence; some were acquitted on the singular plea that they had become
subjects of the Empire of Elba, and so could not be guilty of treason to
the King of France.
[270] The sentence was commuted by the King to twelve years' imprisonment.
General Chartran was actually shot. It is stated, though it appears not to
be clear, that his prosecution began at the same late date. Duvergier de
Hauranne, iii. 335.
[271] The highest number admitted by the Government to have been imprisoned
at any one time under the Law of Public Security was 319, in addition to
750 banished from their homes or placed under surveillance. No one has
collected statistics of the imprisonments by legal sentence. The old story
that there were 70,000 persons in prison is undoubtedly an absurd
exaggeration; but the numbers given by the Government, even if true at any
one moment, afford no clue to the whole number of imprisonments, for as
fast as one person gets out of prison in France in a time of political
excitement, another is put in. The writer speaks from personal experience,
having been imprisoned in 1871. Any one who has seen how these affairs are
conducted will know how ridiculous it would be to suppose that the central
government has information of every case.
[272] See, _e.g._, the Pétition aux Deux Chambres, 1816, at the
beginning of P.L. Courier's works.
[273] _Journal des Débats_, 19 Decembre, 1815.
[274] Wellington, S.D., xi 309.
[275] Despatch in Duvergier de Hauranne, iii. 441.
[276] Pertz, Leben Steins, iv. 428.
[277] Schmalz, Berichtigung, etc., p. 14.
[278] Pertz, Leben Steins, v. 23.
[279] A curious account of the festival remains, written by Kieser, one of
the Professors who took part in it (Kieser, Das Wartburgfest, 1818). It is
so silly that it is hard to believe it to have been written by a grown-up
man. He says of the procession to the Wartburg, "There have indeed been
processions that surpassed this in outward glory and show; but in inner
significant value it cannot yield to any." But making allowance for the
author's personal weakness of head, his book is a singular and instructive
picture of the mental condition of "Young Germany" and its teachers at that
time--a subject that caused such extravagant anxiety to Governments, and so
seriously affected the course of political history. It requires some effort
to get behind the ridiculous side of the students' Teutonism; but there
were elements of reality there. Persons familiar with Wales will be struck
by the resemblance, both in language and spirit, between the scenes of 1818
and the religious meetings or the Eisleddfodau of the Welsh, a resemblance
not accidental, but resulting from similarity of conditions, viz., a real
susceptibility to religious, patriotic, and literary ideas among a people
unacquainted with public or practical life on a large scale. But the
vigorous political action of the Welsh in 1880, when the landed interest
throughout the Principality lost seats which it had held for centuries,
surprised only those who had seen nothing but extravagance in the chapel
and the field-meeting. Welsh ardour, hitherto in great part undirected,
then had a practical effect because English organisation afforded it a
model: German ardour in 1817 proved sterile because it had no such example
at hand.
[280] See the speech in Bernhardi, iii. 669.
[281] Gentz, D.I., ii. 87, iii. 72.
[282] Castlereagh, xii. 55, 62.
[283] Wellington, S.D., xii. 835.
[284] B. and F. State Papers, 1818-19, vi. 14.
[285] Gentz, D.I., i. 400. Gentz, the confidant and adviser of Metternich,
was secretary to the Conference at Aix-la-Chapelle. His account of it in
this despatch is of the greatest value, bringing out in a way in which no
official documents do the conservative and repressive tone of the
Conference. The prevalent fear had been that Alexander would break with his
old Allies and make a separate league with France and Spain. See also
Castlereagh, xii. 47.
[286] "I could write you a long letter about the honour which the Prussians
pay to everything Austrian, our whole position, our measures, our language.
Metternich has fairly enchanted them." Gentz, Nachlasse [Osten], i. 51.
[287] Metternich, iii. 171.
[288] See his remarks in Metternich, iii. 269: an oasis of sense in this
desert of Commonplace.
[289] Stourdza, Denkschrift, etc., p. 31. The French original is not in the
British Museum.
[290] The extracts from Sand's diaries, published in a little book in 1821
(Tagebücher, etc.), form a very interesting religious study. The last,
written on Dec. 31, 1818, is as follows:--"I meet the last day of this year
in an earnest festal spirit, knowing well that the Christmas which I have
celebrated will be my last. If our strivings are to result in anything, if
the cause of mankind is to succeed in our Fatherland, if all is not to be
forgotten, all our enthusiasm spent in vain, the evildoer, the traitor, the
corrupter of youth must die. Until I have executed this, I have no peace;
and what can comfort me until I know that I have with upright will set my
life at stake? O God, I pray only for the right clearness and courage of
soul, that in that last supreme hour I may not be false to myself" (p.
174). The reference to the Greeks is in a letter in the English memoir, p.
40.
[291] The papers of the poet Arndt were seized. Among them was a copy of
certain short notes made by the King of Prussia, about 1808, on the
uselessness of a _levée en masse_. One of these notes was as
follows:--"As soon as a single clergyman is shot" (_i.e._ by the
French) "the thing would come to an end." These words were published in the
Prussian official paper as an indication that Arndt, worse than Sand,
advocated murdering clergymen! Welcker, Urkunden, p. 89.
[292] Metternich, iii. 217, 258.
[293] Metternich, iii. 268.
[294] The minutes of the Conference are in Welcker, Urkunden, p. 104,
_seq_. See also Weech, Correspondenzen.
[295] Protokolle der Bundesversammlung, 8, 266. Nauwerck, Thätigkeit, etc.,
2, 287.
[296] Ægidi, Der Schluss-Acte, ii. 362, 446.
[297] Article 57. The intention being that no assembly in any German State
might claim sovereign power as representing the people. If, for instance,
the Bavarian Lower House had asserted that it represented the sovereignty
of the people, and that the King was simply the first magistrate in the
State, this would have been an offence against Federal law, and have
entitled the Diet--_i.e._ Metternich--to armed interference. The
German State-papers of this time teem with the constitutional distinction
between a Representative Assembly (_i.e._ assembly representing
popular sovereignty) and an Assembly of Estates (_i.e._, of particular
orders with limited, definite rights, such as the granting of a tax). In
technical language, the question at issue was the true interpretation of
the phrase _Landständische Verfassungen_, used in the 13th article of
the original Act of Federation.
[298] See, in Welcker, Urkunden, p. 356, the celebrated paper called
"Memorandum of a Prussian Statesman, 1822," which at the same time
recommends a systematic underhand rivalry with Austria, in preparation for
an ultimate breach. Few State-papers exhibit more candid and cynical
cunning.
[299] Ilse, Politische Verfolgungen, p. 31.
[300] The comparison is the Germans' own, not mine. "'How savoury a thin
roast veal is!' said one Hamburg beggar to another. 'Where did you eat it?'
said his friend, admiringly. 'I never ate it at all, but I smelt it as I
passed a great man's house while the dog was being fed.'" (Ilse, p. 57.)
[301] The Commission at Mainz went on working until 1827. It seems to have
begun to discover real revolutionary societies about 1824. There is a long
list of persons remanded for trial in their several States, in Ilse, p.
595, with the verdicts and the sentences passed upon them, which vary from
a few months' to nineteen years' imprisonment.
[302] Metternich, iii. 168; and see Wellington, S.D., xii. 878.
[303] Grégoire, Mémoires, i. 411. Had the Constitutional Church of France
succeeded, Grégoire would have left a great name in religious history.
Napoleon, by one of the most fatal acts of despotism, extinguished a
society likely, from its democratic basis and its association with a great
movement of reform, to become the most liberal and enlightened of all
Churches, and left France to be long divided between Ultramontane dogma and
a coarse kind of secularism. The life of Grégoire ought to be written in
English. From the enormous number of improvements for which he laboured,
his biography would give a characteristic picture of the finer side of the
generation of 1789.
[304] The late Count of Chambord, or Henry V., son of the Duke of Barry,
was born some months after his father's death.
[305] Castlereagh, xii. 162, 259. "The monster Radicalism still lives,"
Castlereagh sorrowfully admits to Metternich.
[306] Metternich, iii. 369. "A man must be like me, born and brought up
amid the storm of politics, to know what is the precise meaning of a shout
of triumph like those which now burst from Burdett and Co. He may have read
of it, but I have seen it with my eyes. I was living at the time of the
Federation of 1789. I was fifteen, and already a man."
[307] Baumgarten, Geschichte Spaniens, ii. 175.
[308] See the note of Fernan Nuñez, in Wellington, S. D., xii. 582. "Les
efforts unanimes de ces mêmes Puissances ont détruit le système
dévastateur, d'où naquit la rébellion Américaine; mais il leur restait
encore à le détruire dans l'Amérique Espagnole."
[309] Wellington, S.D., xii. 807.
[310] Jullian, Précis Historique, p. 78.
[311] Historia de la vida de Fernando VII., ii. 158.
[312] Carrascosa, Mémoires, p. 25; Colletta, ii. 155.
[313] Carrascosa p. 44.
[314] Gentz. D.I., ii. 108, 122. It was rather too much even for the
Austrians. "La conduite de ce malheureux souverain n'a été, dès le
commencement des troubles, qu'un tissu de faiblesse et de duplicité," etc.
"Voilà l'allié que le ciel a mis entre nos mains, et dont nous avons à
rétablir les intérêts!" Ferdinand was guilty of such monstrous perjuries
and cruelties that the reader ought to be warned not to think of him as a
saturnine and Machiavellian Italian. He was a son of the Bourbon Charles
III. of Spain. His character was that of a jovial, rather stupid farmer,
whom a freak of fortune had made a king from infancy. A sort of grotesque
comic element runs through his life, and through every picture drawn by
persons in actual intercourse with him. The following, from one of
Bentinck's despatches of 1814 (when Ferdinand had just heard that Austria
had promised to keep Murat in Naples), is very characteristic: "I found his
Majesty very much afflicted and very much roused. He expressed his
determination never to renounce the rights which God had given him.... He
said he might be poor, but he would die honest, and his children should not
have to reproach him for having given up their rights. He was the son of
the honest Charles III. ... he was his unworthy offspring, but he would
never disgrace his family.... On my going away he took me by the hand, and
said he hoped I should esteem him as he did me, and begged me to take a
Pheasant pye to a gentleman who had been his constant shooting companion."
Records, Sicily, vol. 97. Ferdinand was the last sovereign who habitually
kept a professional fool, or jester, in attendance upon him.
[315] British and Foreign State Papers, vii. 361, 995.
[316] Except in Sicily, where, however, the course of events had not the
same publicity as on the mainland.
[317] Verbatim from the Russian Note of April 18. B. and F. State Papers,
vii. 943.
[318] Parliamentary Debates, N.S., viii. 1136.
[319] Gentz, D.I., ii. 70. "M. le Prince Metternich s'est rendu chez
l'Empereur pour le mettre au fait de ces tristes circonstances. Depuis que
je le connais, je ne l'ai jamais vu aussi frappé d'aucun événement qu'il
l'était hier avant son départ."
[320] Castlereagh, xii. 311.
[321] Gentz, D.I., ii. 76. Metternich, iii. 395. "Our fire-engines were
not full in July, otherwise we should have set to work immediately."
[322] Gentz, ii. 85. Gentz was secretary at the Congress of Troppau, as he
had been at Vienna and Aix-la-Chapelle. His letters exhibit the Austrian
and absolutist view of all European politics with striking clearness. He
speaks of the change in Richelieu's action as disagreeable but not fatal.
"Ces pruderies politiques sont sans doute lâcheuses.... La Russie,
l'Autriche, et la Prusse, heureusement libres encore dans leurs mouvements,
et assez puissantes pour soutenir ce qu'elles arrêtent, pourraient adopter
sans le concours de l'Angleterre et de la France un système tel que les
besoins du moment le demandent." The description of the three despotisms as
"happily free in their movements" is very characteristic of the time.
[323] This is the system conveniently but incorrectly named Holy Alliance,
from its supposed origination in he unmeaning Treaty of Holy Alliance in
1815. The reader will have seen that it took five years of reaction to
create a definitive agreement among the monarchs to intervene against
popular changes in other States, and that the principles of any operative
league planned by Alexander in 1815 would have been largely different from
those which he actually accepted in 1820. The Alexander who designed the
Holy Alliance was the Alexander who had forced Louis XVIII. to grant the
Charta.
[324] Castlereagh, xii. 330.
[325] Metternich, iii. 394. B. and F. State Papers, viii. 1160. Gentz, D.I.,
ii. 112. The best narrative of the Congress of Troppau is in Duvergier
de Hauranne, vi. 93. The Life of Canning by his secretary, Stapleton,
though it is a work of some authority on this period, is full of
misstatements about Castlereagh. Stapleton says that Castlereagh took no
notice of the Troppau circular of December 8 until it had been for more
than a month in his possession, and suggests that he would never have
protested at all but for the unexpected disclosure of the circular in a
German newspaper. As a matter of fact, the first English protest against
the Troppau doctrine, expressed in a memorandum, "très long, très positif,
assez dur même, et assez tranchant dans son langage," was handed in to the
Congress on December 16 or 19, along with a very unwelcome note to
Metternich. There is some gossip of another of Canning's secretaries in
Greville's Memoirs, i. 105, to the effect that Castlereagh's private
despatches to Troppau differed in tone from his official ones, which were
only written "to throw dust in the eyes of Parliament." It is sufficient to
read the Austrian documents of the time, teeming as they do with vexation
and disappointment at England's action, to see that this is a fiction.
[326] Had Ferdinand's first proposals been accepted by the Neapolitan
Parliament, France and England, it was thought, might have insisted on a
compromise at Laibach. "Les Gouvernements de France et d'Angleterre
auraient fortement insisté sur l'introduction d'un régime constitutionnel
et représentatif, régime que la Cour de Vienne croit absolument
incompatible avec la position des États de l'Italie, et avec la sûreté de
ses propres États." Gentz, D.I., ii. 110.
[327] Gentz, Nachlasse (P. Osten), i. 67. Lest the reader should take a
prejudice against Capodistrias for his cunning, I ought to mention here
that he was a man of austere disinterestedness in private life, and one of
the few statesmen of the time who did not try to make money by politics.
His ambition, which was very great, rose above all the meaner objects which
tempt most men. The contrast between his personal goodness and his
unscrupulousness in diplomacy will become more clear later on.
[328] Colletta, ii. 230. Bianchi, Diplomazia, ii. 47.
[329] Gualterio, Ultimi Rivolgimenti, iii. 46. Silvio Pellico, Le mie
prigioni, ch. 57.
[330] B. and F. State Papers, viii. 1203.
[331] Baumgarten, ii. 325.
[332] Wellington Despatches, N.S., i. 284.
[333] Talleyrand et Louis XVIII., p. 333.
[334] Wellington, i. 343.
[335] Duvergier de Hauranne, vii. 140.
[336] Canning denied that it was offered, but the despatches in Wellington
prove it. These papers, supplemented by the narrative of Duvergier de
Hauranne, drawn from the French documents which he specifies, are the
authority for the history of the Congress. Canning's celebrated speech of
April, 1823, is an effective _ex parte_ composition rather than a
historical summary. The reader who goes to the originals will be struck by
the immense superiority of Wellington's statements over those of all the
Continental statesmen at Verona, in point, in force, and in good sense, as
well as in truthfulness. The Duke, nowhere appears to greater advantage.
[337] Report of Angoulême, Duvergier d'Hauranne, vii. "Là où sont nos
troupes, nous maintenons la paix avec beaucoup de peine; mais là où nous
ne sommes pas, on massacre, on brûle, on pille, on vole. Les corps
Espagnols, se disant royalistes, ne cherchent qu'à voler et à piller."
[338] Decretos del Rey Fernando, vii. 35, 50, 75. This process, which was
afterwards extended even to common soldiers, was called Purificacion.
Committees were appointed to which all persons coming under the law had to
send in detailed evidence of correct conduct in and since 1820, signed by
some well-known royalists. But the committees also accepted any letters of
denunciation that might be sent to them, and were bound by law to keep them
secret, so that in practice the Purificacion became a vast system of
anonymous persecution.
[339] Historia de la vida de Fernando VII., 1842, iii. 152.
[340] Decretos del Rey Fernando, vii. 45.
[341] Decretos, vii. 154. The preamble to this law is perhaps the most
astonishing of all Ferdinand's devout utterances. "My soul is confounded
with the horrible spectacle of the sacrilegious crimes which impiety has
dared to commit against the Supreme Maker of the universe. The ministers of
Christ have been persecuted and sacrificed; the venerable successor of St.
Peter has been outraged; the temples of the Lord have been profaned and
destroyed; the Holy Gospel depreciated; in fine, the inestimable legacy
which Jesus Christ gave in his last supper to secure our eternal felicity,
the Sacred Host, has been trodden under foot. My soul shudders, and will
not be able to return to tranquillity until, in union with my children, my
faithful subjects, I offer to God holocausts of piety," etc. But for some
specimens of Ferdinand's command of the vernacular, of a very different
character, see Wellington, N.S., ii. 37.
[342] Revolution d'Espagne, examen critique (Paris, 1836), p. 151, from the
lists in the Gaceta de Madrid. The Gaceta for these years is wanting from
the copy in the British Museum, and in the large collection in that library
of historical and periodical literature relating to Spain I can find no
first hand authorities for the judicial murders of these years. Nothing
relating to the subject was permitted to be printed in Spain for many years
afterwards The work cited in this note, though bearing a French title, and
published at Paris in 1836, was in fact a Spanish book written in 1824. The
critical inquiry which has substantiated many of the worst traditions of
the French Reign of Terror from local records still remains to be
undertaken for this period of Spanish history.
[343] See e.g., Stapleton, Canning and his Times p. 378. Wellington often
suggested the use of less peremptory language. Despatches, i. 134,
188. Metternich wrote as follows on hearing at Vienna of Castlereagh's
death: "Castlereagh was the only man in his country who had gained any
experience in foreign affairs. He had learned to understand me. He was
devoted to me in heart and spirit, not only from personal inclination, but
from conviction. I awaited him here as my second self." iii. 391.
Metternich, however, was apt to exaggerate his influence over the English
Minister. It was a great surprise to him that Castlereagh, after gaining
decisive majorities in the House of Commons on domestic questions in 1820,
in no wise changed the foreign policy expressed in the protest against the
Declaration of Troppau.
[344] Stapleton, Political Life of Canning, ii. 18.
[345] Wellington, i. 188.
[346] Parl Hist., 12th Dec., 1826.
[347] Stapleton, Life of Canning, i. 134. Martineau, p. 144.
[348] Gentz, Nachlasse (Osten), ii. 165.
[349] About the year 1830 the theory was started by Fallmerayer, a Tyrolese
writer, that the modern Greeks were the descendants of Slavonic invaders,
with scarcely a drop of Greek blood in their veins. Fallmerayer was
believed by some good scholars to have proved that the old Greek race had
utterly perished. More recent inquiries have discredited both Fallmerayer
and his authorities, and tend to establish the conclusion that, except in
certain limited districts, the Greeks left were always numerous enough to
absorb the foreign incomers. (Hopf, Griechenland; in Etsch and Gruber's
Encyklopädie, vol. 85, p. 100.) The Albanian population of Greece in 1820
is reckoned at about one-sixth.
[350] Maurer, Das Griechische Volk, i. 64.
[351] The Greek songs illustrate the conversion of the Armatole into the
Klepht in the age preceding the Greek revolution. Thus, in the fine ballad
called "The Tomb of Demos," which Goethe has translated, the dying man
says--
[Transcriber's Note: The following has been transliterated from the Greek]
Kai pherte ton pneumatikon na m' exomologaisae
na tun eipo ta krimata osa cho kamomena
trianta chroni armatolos, c'eicosi echo klephtaes.
"Bring the priest that he may shrive me; that I may tell him the sins that
I have committed, thirty years an Armatole and twenty years a Klepht."
--Fauriel, Chants Populaires, i. 56.
[352] Finlay, Greece under Ottoman Domination, p. 284.
[353] Kanitz, Donau-Bulgarien, i. 123.
[354] Literally, _Interpreter_; the old theory of the Turks being that
in their dealings with foreign nations they had only to receive petitions,
which required to be translated into Turkish.
[355] Zallonos, [Transliterated Greek] Pragmateia peri ton phanarioton,
p. 71. Kagalnitchau, La Walachie, i. 371.
[356] A French translation of the Autobiography of Koraes, along with his
portrait, will be found in the Lettres Inédites de Coray, Paris, 1877. The
vehicle of expression usually chosen by Koraes for addressing his
countrymen was the Preface (written in modern Greek) to the edition of an
ancient author. The second half of the Preface to the Politics of
Aristotle, 1822, is a good specimen of his political spirit and manner. It
was separately edited by the Swiss scholar, Orelh, with a translation, for
the benefit of the German Philhellenes. Among the principal linguistic
prefaces are those to Heliodorus 1804, and the Prodromos, or introduction,
to the series of editions called Bibliotheca Græca, begun in 1805, and
published at the expense of the brothers Zosimas of Odessa Most of the
editions published by Koraes bear on their title page a statement of the
patriotic purpose of the work, and indicate the persons who bore the
expense. The edition of the Ethics, published immediately after the
massacre of Chios, bears the affecting words 'At the expense of those who
have so cruelly suffered in Chios.' The costly form of these editions, some
of which contain fine engravings, seems somewhat inappropriate for works
intended for national instruction. Koraes, however, was not in a hurry. He
thought, at least towards the close of his life, that the Greeks ought to
have gone through thirty years more of commercial and intellectual
development before they drew the sword. They would in that case, he
believed, have crushed Turkey by themselves and have prevented the Greek
kingdom from becoming the sport of European diplomacy. Much miscellaneous
information on Greek affairs before 1820 (rather from the Phanariot point
of view) will be found, combined with literary history in the Cours de
Littérature Grecque of Rhizos Neroulos, 1827. The more recent treatise of R
Rhankabes on the same subject (also in French, Paris, 1877) exhibits what
appears to be characteristic of the modern Greeks, the inability to
distinguish between mere passable performances and really great work.
[357] Zinkeisen, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, v. 959.
[358] Koraes, Mémoire sur l'état actual de la civilization de la Grèce:
republished in the Lettres Inédites, p. 464. This memoir, read by Koraes to
a learned society in Paris, in January, 1803, is one of the most luminous
and interesting historical sketches ever penned.
[359] [Greek text: Didaskalia Patrikæ], by, or professing to be by,
Anthimos, Patriarch of Jerusalem, and printed "at the expense of the Holy
Sepulchre," p. 13. This curious work, in which the Patriarch at last breaks
out into doggrel, has found its way to the British Museum. It was answered
by Koraes. For the effect of Rhegas' songs on the people, see Fauriel, ii.
18. Mr. Finlay seems to be mistaken in calling Anthimos' book an answer to
the tract of Eugenios Bulgaris on religious toleration. That was written
about thirty years before.
[360] Leake, Travels in Northern Greece, ch, v. 36, 37.
[361] Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Geschichte Griechenlands, i. 145, from the
papers of Hypsilanti's brother. Otherwise in Prokesch-Osten, Abfall der
Griechen, i. 13.
[362] Cordon, Greek Revolution, i. 96.
[363] B. and F, State Papers, viii. 1203.
[364] Finlay, i. 187; Gordon, i. 203; K. Mendelssohn, Geschichte
Griechenlands, i. 191; Prokesch-Osten, Abfall der Griechen, i. 20.
[365] Metternich, iii. 622, 717; Prokewh-Ostett, i. 231, 303. B. and F.
State Papers, viii. 1247.
[366] Records, Continent, iii.
[367] Castlereagh, viii. 16; Metternich, iii. 504.
[368] Kolokotrones, [Transliterated Greek] Aiaegaesis Symbanton, p. 82;
Tricoupis, [Transliterated Greek] Historia, i. 61, 92.
[369] Gordon, i. 388; Finlay, i. 330; Mendelssohn, i. 269.
[370] Gordon ii. 138. The news of this catastrophe reached Metternich at
Ischl on July 30th. "Prince Metternich was taking an excursion, in which,
unfortunately I could not accompany him. I at once sent Francis after him
with this important letter, which he received at a spot where the name of
the Capitan Pasha had probably never been heard before. The prince soon
came back to me; and (_pianissimo_ in order that the friends of Greece
might not hear it) we congratulate one another on the event, which may very
well prove _le commencement de la fin_ for the Greek insurrection."
(Gentz.)
[371] Prokesch-Osten, i. 253, iv. 63. B. and F. State Papers, xii. 902.
Stapleton, Canning, p. 496 Metternich, 127. Wellington, N.S. ii. 372-396.
[372] Korff, Accession of Nicholas, p. 253; Herzen, Russische Verschwörung,
p. 106; Mendelssohn, i. 396. Schnitzler, Histoire Intime, i. 195.
[373] B. and F. State Papers, xiv. 630; Metternich, iv. 161, 212, 320, 372;
Wellington, N.S., ii. 85, 148, 244; Gentz, D.I., iii. 315.
[374] B. and F. State Papers, xiv. 632; xvii. 20; Wellington, N.S., iv. 57.
[375] Parl. Deb., May 11, 1877. Nothing can be more misleading than to say
that Canning never contemplated the possibility of armed action because a
clause in the Treaty of 1827 made the formal stipulation that the
contracting Powers would not "take part in the hostilities between the
contending parties." How, except by armed force, could the Allies "prevent,
in so far as might be in their power, all collision between the contending
parties," which, in the very same clause, they undertook to do? And what
was the meaning of the stipulation that they should "transmit instructions
to their Admirals conformable to these provisions"? Wellington himself,
_before_ the battle of Navarino, condemned the Treaty of London on the
very ground that it "specified means of compulsion which were neither more
nor less than measures of war;" and he protested against the statement that
the treaty arose directly out of the Protocol of St. Petersburg, which was
his own work. Wellington, N.S., iv. 137, 221.
[376] Bourchier's Codrington, ii. 62. Admiralty Despatches, Nov. 10,
1827, Parl. Deb., Feb. 14, 1828.
[377] Rosen, Geschichte der Türkei, i. 57.
[378] Moltke, Russisch-Turkische Feldzug, p. 226. Rosen, i. 67.
[379] Viel-Castel, xx. 16. Russia was to have had the Danubian Provinces;
Austria was to have had Bosnia and Servia; Prussia was to have had Saxony
and Holland; the King of Holland was to have reigned at Constantinople.
[380] Hertslet, Map of Europe by Treaty, ii. 813. Rosen, i. 108.
[381] Wellington, N. S, iv. 297.
[382] Mendelssohn, Graf Capodistrias, p. 64.
[383] B. and F. State Papers, xvii. p. 132. Prokesch-Osten, v. 136.
[384] Stockmar, i. 80; Mendelssohn; Capodistrias, p. 272. B. and F. State
Papers, xvii. 453.
[385] Viel-Castel, xix. 574. Duvergier de Hauranne, x. 85.
[386] Procès des ex-Ministres, i. 189.
[387] Lafayette, vi. 383. Marmont, viii. 238. Dupin, Révolution de Juillet,
p. 7. Odilon Barrot, i. 105. Sarrans, Lafayette, i. 217. Berard, Révolution
de 1830, p. 60. Hillebrand, Die Juli-Revolution, p. 87.
[388] Juste, Révolution Belge, i. 85. Congrès National, i. 134.
[389] Wellington, N.S. vii. 309. B. and F. State Papers, xviii. 761.
Metternich, v. 44. Hillebrand, Geschichte Frankreichs, i. 171. Stockmar, i.
143. Bulwer's Palmerston, ii. 5. Hertslet, Map of Europe, iii. 81.
[390] Smitt, Geschichte des Polnischen Aufstandes, i. 112. Spazier,
Geschichte des Aufstandes, i. 177. Leiewel, Histoire de Pologne, i. 300.
[391] Leroy-Beaulieu, Milutine, p. 199; L'Empire des Tsars, i. 380.
Leiewel, Considérations, p. 317.
[392] Bianchi, Ducati Estensi, i. 54. La Farina, v. 241. Farini, i. 34.
[393] Bianchi, Diplomazia, iii. 48. Metternich, iv. 121. Hillebrand,
Geschichte Frankreichs, i. 206. Haussonville, i. 32. B. and F. State
Papers, xix. 1429. Guizot, Mémoires, ii. 290.
[394] Ilse, Untersuchungen, p. 262. Metternich, v. 347. Biedermann,
Dreissig Jahre, i. 6.
[395] Mazzini, Scritti, iii. 310. Simoni, Conspirations Mazziniennes, p.
53. Metternich, v. 526. B. and F. State Papers, xxiv. 979.
[396] B. and F. State Papers, xviii. 196. Palmerston, i. 300.
[397] "La Reine Isabelle est la Révolution incarnée dans sa forme la plus
dangereuse; Don Carlos représente le principe Monarchique aux prises avec
la Révolution pure." Metternich, v. 615. B. and F. State Papers, xviii.
1365; xxii. 1394. Baumgarten, iii. 65.
[398] Hertslet, Map of Europe, ii. 941. Miraflores, Memorias, i. 39.
Guizot, iv. 86. Palmerston ii. 180.
[399] Essai historique sur les Provinces Basques, p. 58. W. Humboldt, Werke
iii. 213.
[400] Henningsen, Campaign with Zumalacarregui, i. 93. Burgos, Anales, ii.
110. Baumgarten, iii. 257.
[401] Rosen, i. 158. Prokesch von Osten, Kleine Schriften, vii. 56. Mehmed
Ali, p. 17. Hillebrand, i. 514 Metternich, v. 481. B. and F. State Papers,
xx. 1176; xxii. 140.
[402] Palmerston understood little about the real condition of the Ottoman
Empire, and thought that with ten years of peace it might again become a
respectable Power. "All that we hear about the decay of the Turkish Empire
and its being a dead body or a sapless trunk, and so forth, is pure and
unadulterated nonsense." Bulwer's Palmerston, ii. 299.
[403] Hertslet, Map of Europe, ii. 1008. Rosen, ii. 3. Guizot, v. 188.
Prokesch-Osten, Mehmed Ali, p. 89. Palmerston, ii. 356. Hillebrand, ii.
357. Greville Memoirs, 2nd part, vol. i. 297.
[404] "Sie sollen ihn nicht haben
Den freien Deutschen Rhein."
By Becker; answered by De Musset's "Nous avons eu votre Rhin Allemand." The
words of the much finer song "Die Wacht am Rhein" were also written at this
time--by Schneckenburger, a Würtemberg man; but the music by which they are
known was not composed till 1854.
[405] Farini, i. 153. Azeglio, Corresp. Politique, p. 24; Casi di Romagna,
p. 47.
[406] Down to 1827 not only was all land inherited by nobles free from
taxation, but any taxable land purchased by a noble thereupon became
tax-free. The attempt of the Government to abolish this latter injustice
evoked a storm of anger in the Diet of 1825, and still more in the country
assemblies, some of the latter even resolving that such law, if passed, fey
the Diet, would be null and void.
[407] Horváth, Fünfundzwanzig Jahre, i. 408. Springer, i. 466. Gerando,
Esprit Public, 173. Kossuth, Gessammelte Werke, i. 29. Beschwerden und
Klagen der Slaven in Ungarn, 39.
[408] Das Polen-Attentat, 1846, p. 203. Verhältnisse in Galizien, p. 57.
Briefe eines Polnischen Edelmannes, p. 31. Metternich, vii. 196. Cracow,
which had been made an independent Republic by the Congress of Vienna, was
now annexed by Austria with the consent of Russia and Prussia, and against
the protests of England and France.
[409] Reden des Koenigs Friedrich Wilhelm IV., p. 17. Ranke's F. W, IV. in
Allg. Deutsche Biog. Biedermann, Dreissig Jahre, i. 186.
[410] Guizot, viii. 101, Palmerston, iii. 194. Parl. Papers, 1847. Martin's
Prince Consort, i. 341.
[411] Metternich, vii. 538, 603; Vitzthum, Berlin und Wien, 1845-62, p. 78;
Kossuth Werke (1850), ii. 78; Pillersdorff, Rückblicke, p. 22; Reschauer,
Das Jahr 1848, i. 191; Springer, Geschichte Oesterreichs, ii. 185; Irányi
et Chassin, Révolution de Hongrie, i. 128.
[412] Metternich, viii. 181. The animation of his remarks on all sorts of
points in English life is wonderful. After a halt at Brussels and at his
Johannisburg estate Metternich returned to Vienna in 1852, and, though not
restored to office, resumed his great position in society. He lived through
the Crimean War, on which he wrote numerous memoranda, for whose use it
does not appear. Even on the outbreak of war with France in 1859 he was
still busy with his pen. He survived long enough to hear of the battle of
Magenta, but was spared the sorrow of witnessing the creation of the
Kingdom of Italy. He died on the 11th of June, 1859, in his eighty-seventh
year. Metternich was not the only statesman present at the Congress of
Vienna who lived to see the second Napoleonic Empire. Nesselrode, the
Russian Chancellor, lived till 1862; Czartoryski, who was Foreign Minister
of Russia at the time of the battle of Austerlitz, till 1861.
[413] Adlerstein, Archiv des Ungarischen Ministeriums, i. 27; Irányi et
Chassin, i. 184; Springer, ii. 219.
[414] Casati Nuove Rivelazioni, ii. 72. Schönhals, Campagnes d'Italie de
1848 et 1849, p. 72. Cattaneo, Insurrezione di Milano, p. 29. Parl. Pap.
1849, lvii. (2) 210, 333. Schneidawind, Feldzug in 1848, i. 30.
[415] Manin, Documents laissés, i. 106. Perlbach, Manin, p. 14. Contarini,
Memoriale Veneto, p. 10. Rovani, Manin, p. 25. Parliamentary Papers, 1849,
lvii. (a) 267.
[416] Bianchi, Diplomazia Europea, v. 183. Farini, Stato Romano, ii. 16.
Parl. Papers, 1849, lvii. 285, 297, 319. Pasolini, Memorie, p. 91.
[417] Die Berliner März-Revolution, p. 55. Ausführliche Beschreibung, p. 3.
Amtliche Berichte, p. 16. Stahr, Preussische Revolution, i. 91. S. Stern,
Geschichte des Deutschen Volkes, p. 58. Stern was an eye-witness at Berlin,
though not generally a good authority.
[418] "Preussen geht fortan in Deutschland auf." Reden Friedrich Wilhelms,
p. 9. In conversation with Bassermann Frederick William at a later time
described his ride through Berlin as "a comedy which he had been made to
play." The bombast at any rate was all his own.
[419] Droysen und Samwer, Schleswig-Holstein, p. 220. Bunsen, Memoir on
Schleswig-Holstein, p. 25. Schleswig-Holstein, Uebersichtliche Darstellung,
p 51. On the other side, Noten zur Beleuchtung, p. 12.
[420] Verhandlungen der National-versammlung, i. 25. Biedermann Dreissig
Jahre, i. 278. Radowitz, Werke, ii. 36.
[421] Actes du Gouvernement Provisoire, p. 12. Louis Blanc, Révélations
Historiques, i. 135. Gamier Pagès, Révolution de 1848, vi 108, viii. 148.
Émile Thomas, Histoire des Ateliers Nationaux, p. 93.
[422] Barrot, Mémoires, ii. 103. Caussidière, Mémoires, p. 117. Garnier
Pagès, x. 419. Normanby, Year of Revolution, i. 389. Granier de Cassagnac,
Chute de Louis Philippe, i. 359. De la Gorce, Seconde République, i. 273.
Falloux, Mémoires, i. 328.
[423] Œuvres de Napoleon III., iii. 13, 24. Granier de Cassagnac, ii. 16.
Jerrold, Napoleon III., ii. 393.
[424] Vitzthum, Wien, p. 108. Springer, ii. 293. Pillersdorff, Rückblicke,
p. 68; Nachlass, p. 118. Reschauer, ii. 176. Dunder, October Revolution, p.
5. Ficquelmont, Aufklärungen, p. 65.
[425] Schönhals, p. 117. Farini, ii. 9. Parl. Pap., 1849, lvii. 352.
[426] Ficquelmont p. 6. Pillersdorff, Nachlass, 93. Helfert, iv. 142.
Schönhais, p. 177. Parliamentary Papers, _id_. 332, 472, 597. Contarini,
p. 67. Azeglio, Operazioni del Durando, p. 6. Manin, Documents, i. 289.
Bianchi, Diplomazia, v. 257. Pasolini, p. 100.
[427] Parliamentary Papers, 1849 lviii p. 128. Venice refused to
acknowledge the armistice, and detached itself from Sardinia, restoring
Manin to power.
[428] Slavonia itself was attached to Croatia; Dalmatia also was claimed as
a member of this triple Kingdom under the Hungarian Crown in virtue of
ancient rights, though since its annexation in 1797 it had been governed
directly from Vienna, and in 1848 was represented in the Reichstag of
Vienna, not in that of Pesth.
[429] The real meaning of the Charters is, however, contested. Springer,
ii. 281. Adlerstein, Archiv, i. 166. Helfert, ii. 255. Irányi et Chassin,
i. 236. Die Serbische Wolwodschaftsfrage, p. 7.
[430] But see Kossuth, Schriften (1880, ii. 215), for a conversation
between Jellacic and Batthyány, said to have been narrated to Kossuth by
the latter. If authentic, this certainly proves Jellacic to have used the
Slavic agitation from the first solely for Austrian ends. See also
Vitzthuin, p. 207.
[431] Adlerstein, Archiv, i. 146, 156. Klapka, Erinnerungen, p. 30. Irányi
et Chassin, i. 344. Serbische Bewegung, p. 106.
[432] Irányi et Chassin, ii. 56. Codex der neuen Gesetze (Pesth), i. 7.
[433] Adlerstein, ii. 296. Helfert, Geschichte Oesterreichs, i. 79, ii.
192. Dunder, p. 77. Springer, ii. 520. Vitzthum, p. 143. Kossuth, Schriften
(1881), ii. 284. Reschauer, ii. 563. Pillersdorff, Nachlass, p. 163. Irányi
et Chassin, ii. 98.
[434] Codex der neuen Gesetze, i. 37. Helfert, iv. (3) 321.
[435] Revolutionskrieg in Siebenburgen i. 30. Helfert, ii. 207. Bratiano et
Irányi, Lettres Hongro-Roumaines, Adlerstein, ii. 105.
[436] Klapka, Erinnerungen, p. 56. Helfert, iv. 199; Görgei, Leben und
Wirken, i. 145. Adlerstein, iii. 576, 648.
[437] Helfert, iv. (2) 326. Klapka, War in Hungary, i. 23. Irányi et
Chassin, ii. 534. Görgei, ii. 54.
[438] Klapka, War, ii. 106. Erinnerungen, 58. Görgei, ii. 378. Kossuth,
Schriften (1880), ii. 291. Codex der neuen Gesetze, i. 75, 105.
[439] Farini, ii. 404. Parl. Pap., 1849. lvii. 607; lviii. (2) 117.
Bianchi, Diplomazia, vi. 67. Gennarelli, Sventure, p. 29. Pasolini, p. 139.
[440] Schönhals, p. 332. Parl. Pap., 1849, lviii. (2) 216. Bianchi,
Politica Austriaca, p. 134. Lamarmora, Un Episodie, p. 175. Portafogli ci
Ramorino, p. 41. Ramorino was condemned to death, and executed.
[441] Garibaldi, Epistolario, i. 33. Del Vecchio, L'assedio di Roma, p. 30.
Vaillant, Siége de Rome, p. 12. Bianchi, Diplomazia, vi. 213. Guerzoni,
Garibaldi, i. 266. Granier de Cassagnac, ii. 59. Lesseps, Mémoire, p. 61.
Barrot, iii 191. Discours de Napoleon 3rd, p. 38.
[442] Manin, Documents, ii. 340. Perlbach, Manin, p. 37. Gennarelli,
Governo Pontificio, i. 32. Contarini, p. 224.
[443] Verhandlungen der National Versammlung. i. 576 Radowitz, Werke, iii.
369. Briefwechsel Friedrich Wilhelms, p. 205. Biedermann, Dreissig Jahre,
i. 295.
[444] Verhandlungen der National Versammlung, ii. 1877, 2185. Herzog Ernst
II., Aus meinem Leben, i. 313. Biedermann, i. 306. Beseler, Erlebtes, p. 68.
Waitz, Friede mit Dänemark. Radowitz, iii. 406.
[445] Briefwechsel Friedrich Wilhelms, p. 184. Wagener, Erlebtes, p. 28.
Stahr, Preussische Revolution, i. 453.
[446] _Seine Bundespflichten:_ an ambiguous expression that might mean
either its duties as an ally or its duties as a member of the German
Federation. The obscurity was probably intentional.
[447] Verhandlungen der National Versammlung, vi. 4225. Haym, Deutsche
National Versammlung, ii. 112. Radowitz, iii. 459. Helfert, iv. 62.
[448] Verhandlungen, viii. 6093. Beseler, p. 82. Helfert, iv. (3) 390,
Haym, ii. 317, Radowitz, v. 477.
[449] Briefwechsel Friedrich Wilhelms, pp. 233, 269. Beseler, 87.
Biedermann, i. 389. Wagener, Politik Friedrich Wilhelm IV., p. 56. Ernst
II., i. 329.
[450] Verhandlungen, etc., ix. 6695, 6886. Haym, in. 185. Barnberger,
Erlebnisse, p. 6.
[451] Verhandlungen zu Erfurt, i. 114; ii. 143. Biedermann, i. 469.
Radowitz, ii. 138.
[452] Der Fürsten Kongress, p. 13. Reden Friedrich Wilhelms, iv pp. 55, 69.
Konferenz der Verbundeten, 1850, pp. 26, 53. Beust, Erinnerungen, i. 115,
Ernst II., i. 525. Duncker, Vier Monate, p. 41.
[453] Ernst II., i. 377. Hertslet, Map of Europe, ii. 1106, 1129, 1151.
Parl. Papers, 1864, lxiii., p. 29; 1804, lxv., pp. 30, 187.
[454] Maupas, Mémoires, i. 176. Œuvres de Napoleon III., iii. 271. Barrot,
iv. 21. Granier de Cassagnac, Chute de Louis Philippe, ii. 128; Récit
complet, p. 1. Jerrold, Napoleon III., iii. 203. Tocqueville, Corresp. ii.
176.
[455] Stockmar, 396. Eastern Papers (_i.e._, Parliamentary Papers,
1854, vol. 71), part 6. Malmesbury, Memoirs of an ex-Minister, i. 402; the
last probably inaccurate. Diplomatic Study of the Crimean War, i. 11. This
work is a Russian official publication, and, though loose and
untrustworthy, is valuable as showing the Russian official view.
[456] Ashley's Palmerston, ii. 142. Lane Poole, Stratford de Redcliffe, ii.
191.
[457] Eastern Papers, i. 55. Diplomatic Study, i. 121.
[458] Eastern Papers, v. 2, 19.
[459] Eastern Papers, i. 102. Admitted in Diplomatic Study, i. 163.
[460] He writes thus, April 5, 1851:--"The great game of improvement is
altogether up for the present. It is impossible for me to conceal that the
main object of my stay here is almost hopeless." Even Palmerston, in the
rare moments when he allowed his judgment to master his prepossessions on
this subject, expressed the same view. He wrote on November 24, 1850,
warning Reschid Pasha "the Turkish Empire is doomed to fall by the timidity
and irresolution of its Sovereign and of its Ministers; and it is evident
we shall ere long have to consider what other arrangements may be set up in
its place." Stratford left Constantinople on leave in June, 1852, but
resigned his Embassy altogether in January, 1853. (Lane Poole, Life of
Stratford de Redcliffe, ii. 112, 215.)
[461] Eastern Papers, i. 253, 339. Lane Poole, Stratford, ii. 248.
[462] Palmerston had accepted the office of Home Secretary, but naturally
exercised great influence in foreign affairs. The Foreign Secretary was
Lord Clarendon.
[463] Eastern Papers, i. 210, ii. 116. Ashley's Palmerston, ii. 23.
[464] Eastern Papers, ii. 23.
[465] Eastern Papers, ii. 86, 91, 103.
[466] Eastern Papers, ii. 203, 227, 299.
[467] Treaty of April 20, 1854, and Additional Article, Eastern Papers, ix.
61. The Treaty between Austria and Prussia was one of general defensive
alliance, covering also the case of Austria incurring attack through an
advance into the Principalities. In the event of Russia annexing the
Principalities or sending its troops beyond the Balkans the alliance was to
be offensive.
[468] Briefwechsel F. Wilhelms mit Bunsen, p. 310. Martin's Prince Consort,
iii. 39. On November 20, after the Turks had begun war, the King of Prussia
wrote thus to Bunsen (the italics, capitals, and exclamations are his own):
"All direct help which England _in unchristian folly!!!!!!_ gives TO
ISLAM AGAINST CHRISTIANS! will have (besides God's avenging judgment [hear!
hear!]) no other effect than to bring what is now Turkish territory at a
somewhat later period under Russian dominion" (Briefwechsel, p. 317). The
reader may think that the insanity to which Frederick William succumbed was
already mastering him; but the above is no rare specimen of his epistolary
style.
[469] The Treaty of alliance between France and England, to which Prussia
was asked to accede, contained, however, a clause pledging the contracting
parties "under no circumstance to seek to obtain from the war any advantage
to themselves."
[470] Eastern Papers, viii. I.
[471] Eastern Papers, xi. 3. Ashley's Palmerston, ii. 60. For the
navigation of the mouths of the Danube, see Diplomatic Study, ii. 39.
Russia, which had been in possession of the mouths of the Danube since the
Treaty of Adrianople, and had undertaken to keep the mouths clear, had
allowed the passage to become blocked and had otherwise prevented traffic
descending, in order to keep the Black Sea trade in its own hands.
[472] See, however, Burgoyne's Letter to the _Times_, August 4, 1868,
in Kinglake, iv. 465. Rousset, Guerre de Crimée, i. 280.
[473] Statements of Raglan, Lucan, Cardigan; Kinglake, v. 108, 402.
[474] On the death of Nicholas, the King of Prussia addressed the following
lecture to the unfortunate Bunsen:--"You little thought that, at the very
moment when you were writing to me, one of the noblest of men, one of the
grandest forms in history, one of the truest hearts, and at the same time
one of the greatest rulers of this narrow world, was called from faith to
sight. I thank God on my knees that He deemed me worthy to be, in the best
sense of the word, his [Nicholas'] friend, and to remain true to him. You,
dear Bunsen, thought differently of him, and you will now painfully confess
this before your conscience, most painfully of all the truth (which all
your letters in these late bad times have unfortunately shown me but too
plainly), that _you hated him_. You hated him, not as a man, but as
the representative of a principle, that of violence. If ever, redeemed like
him through simple faith in Christ's blood, you see him in eternal peace,
then remember what I now write to you: '_You will beg his pardon_.
Even here, my dear friend, may the blessing of repentance be granted to
you."--Briefwechsel, p. 325. Frederick William seems to have forgotten to
send the same pious wishes to the Poles in Siberia.
[475] Parliamentary Papers, 1854-5, vol. 55, p. 1, Dec. 2, 1854. Ashley's
Palmerston, ii. 84.
[476] Eastern Papers, Part 13, 1.
[477] Kinglake, vii. 21. Rousset, ii. 35, 148.
[478] Diplomatic Study, ii. 361. Martin, Prince Consort, iii. 394.
[479] Prussia was admitted when the first Articles had been settled, and it
became necessary to revise the Treaty of July, 1841, of which Prussia had
been one of the signatories.
[480] "In the course of the deliberation, whenever our [Russian]
plenipotentiaries found themselves in the presence of insurmountable
difficulties, they appealed to the personal intervention of this sovereign
[Napoleon], and had only to congratulate themselves on the
result."--Diplomatic Study, ii. 377.
[481] Three pages of promises. Eastern Papers, xvii. One was kept
faithfully. "To accomplish these objects, means shall be sought to profit
by the science, the art, _and the funds_ of Europe." One of the
drollest of the prophecies of that time is the congratulatory address of
the Missionaries to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, _id_. 1882.--"The
Imperial Hatti-sheriff has convinced us that our fond expectations are
likely to be realised. The light will shine upon those who have long sat in
darkness; and blest by social prosperity and religious freedom, the
millions of Turkey will, we trust, be seen ere long sitting peacefully
under their own vine and fig-tree." So they were, and with poor Lord
Stratford's fortune, among others, in their pockets.
[482] All verbatim from the Treaty. Parl. Papers, 1856, vol 61, p. 1.
[483] Martin, Prince Consort, iii. 452. Poole, Stratford, ii. 356.
[484] Berti, Cavour avanti 1848, p. 110. La Rive, Cavour, p. 58. Cavour,
Lettere (ed. Chiala), introd. p. 73.
[485] Cavour, Lettere (Chiala), ii. introd. p. 187. Guerzoni, Garibaldi, i.
412. Manin, the Ex-President of Venice, now in exile, declared from this
time for the House of Savoy. Garibaldi did the same.
[486] Cavour, Lettere (Chiala), ii. introd. pp. 289, 324; iii. introd. p.
i. Bianchi, Diplomazia, vii. 1, Mazade, Cavour, p. 187, Massari, La
Marmora, p. 204.
[487] "In mezzo alle piu angosciose crisi politiche, esclamava nelle
solitudine delle sue stanze; 'Perisca il mio nome, perisca la mia fama,
purche l'Italia sia,'" Artom (Cavour's secretary), Cavour in Parlamento:
introd. p. 46.
[488] La Farina Epistolario, ii. 56, 81, 137, 426. The interview with
Garibaldi; Cavour, Lettere, id. introd. p. 297. Garibaldi, Epistolario, i.
55.
[489] Cavour, Lettere (Chiala), iii. introd. p. 32. Bianchi, Diplomazia,
viii. II. The statement of Napoleon III. to Lord Cowley, in Martin Prince
Consort, v. 31, that there was no Treaty, is untrue.
[490] Bianchi, Politique de Cavour, p. 328, where is Cavour's indignant
letter to Napoleon. The last paragraph of this seems to convey a veiled
threat to publish the secret negotiations.
[491] Cavour, Lettere, iii. introd. p. 115; iii. 29. Bianchi, Politique de
Cavour, p. 333. Bianchi, Diplomazia, vii. 61. Massari, Cavour, p. 314.
Parliamentary Papers, 1859, xxxii. 204, 262. Mérimée, Lettres à Panizzi, i.
21. Martin, Prince Consort, iv. 427.
[492] La Farina, Epistolario, ii. 172. Parliamentary Papers, 1859, xxxiii.
391, 470.
[493] Cavour, Lettere, iii. introd. 212, iii. 107. Bianchi, Politique de
Cavour, p. 319. Bianchi, Diplomazia, viii. 145, 198. Massari, Vittorio
Emanuele, ii. 32. Kossuth, Memories p. 394. Parl. Pap. 1859, xxxii. 63,
1860, lxviii. 7. La Farina Epist, ii. 190. Ollivier, L'Église et l'État,
ii. 452.
[494] Arrivabene, Italy under Victor Emmanuel, i. 268.
[495] Cavour, Lettere, iii. introd. 301. Bianchi, viii. 180. Garibaldi,
Epist., i. 79. Guerzoni, i. 491. Reuchlin, iv. 410.
[496] Cavour, Lettere, iv. introd. 20. Bianchi, Politique, p. 354. Bianchi,
Diplomazia, viii. 256. Parliamentary Papers, 1860, lxvii. 203; lxviii. 53.
[497] Cavour in Parlamento, p. 536.
[498] Garibaldi, Epist., i. 97. Persano, Diario, i. 14. Le Farina, Epist.,
ii. 324. Guerzoni, ii. 23. Parliamentary Papers, 1860, lxviii. 2. Mundy,
H.M.S. _Hannibal_ at Palermo, p. 133.
[499] Cavour, Lettere, iii. introd. 269. La Farina, Epist., ii. 336.
Bianchi, Politique, p. 366. Persano, Diario, i. 50, 72, 96.
[500] Bianchi, Politique, p. 377. Persano, ii. p. 1-102. Persano sent his
Diary in MS. to Azeglio, and asked his advice on publishing it. Azeglio
referred to Cavour's saying, "If we did for ourselves what we are doing for
Italy, we should be sad blackguards," and begged Persano to let his secrets
be secrets, saying that since the partition of Poland no confession of such
"colossal blackguardism" had been published by any public man.
[501] Bianchi, Politique, p. 383. Persano, iii. 61. Bianchi, Diplomazia,
viii. 337, Garibaldi, Epist., i. 127.
[502] "Le Roi répondit tout court: 'C'est impossible.'" Cavour to his
ambassador at London, Nov. 16, in Bianchi, Politique, p. 386. La Farina,
Epist., ii. 438. Persano, iv. 44, Guerzoni, ii. 212.
[503] Cavour in Parlamento, p. 630. Azeglio, Correspondance Politique, p.
180. La Rive, p. 313. Berti, Cavour avanti 1848, p. 302.
[504] "Le comte le reconnu, lui serra la main et dit: 'Frate, frate, libera
chiesa in libero stato.' Ce furent ses dernières paroles." Account of the
death of Cavour by his niece, Countess Alfieri, in La Rive, Cavour, p. 319.
[505] Berichte über der Militair etat, p. 669. Schulthess, Europaischer
Geschichts Kalender, 1862, p. 122.
[506] Poschinger, Preussen im Bundestag ii. 69, 97; iv. 178. Hahn,
Bismarck, i. 608.
[507] Hahn, Fürst Bismarck, i. 66. This work is a collection of documents,
speeches, and letters not only by Bismarck himself but on all the principal
matters in which Bismarck was concerned. It is perhaps, from the German
point of view, the most important repertory of authorities for the period
1862-1885.
[508] Sammlung der Staatsacten Oesterreichs (1861), pp. 2, 33. Drei Jahre
Verfassungstreit, p. 107.
[509] Sammlung der Staatsacten, p. 89. Der Ungarische Reichstag 1861, pp.
3, 194, 238. Arnold Forster, Life of Deák, p. 141.
[510] Celestin, Russland, p. 3. Leroy-Beaulieu, L'Empire des Tsars, i. 400.
Homme d'État Russe, p. 73. Wallace, Russia, p. 485.
[511] Raczynski, Mémoires sur la Pologne, p. 14. B. and F. State Papers,
1862-63, p. 769.
[512] Leroy-Beaulieu, Homme d'État Russe, p. 259.
[513] Hahn, i. 112. Verhandl des Preuss, Abgeord. über Polen, p. 45.
[514] Parliamentary Papers, 1864, vol. lxiv. pp. 28, 263. Hahn, Bismarck,
i. 165.
[515] From Rechberg's despatch of Feb 28, 1863 (in Hahn, i. 84), apparently
quoting actual words uttered by Bismarck. Bismarck's account of the
conversation (id. 80) tones it down to a demand that Austria should not
encroach on Prussia's recognised joint-leadership in Germany.
[516] B. and F. State Papers, 1863-4, p. 173. Beust, Erinnerungen, i. 136.
[517] Bismarck's note of July 29th, 1870, in Hahn, i. 506, describing
Napoleon's Belgian project, which dated from the time when he was himself
ambassador at Paris in 1862, gives this as the explanation of Napoleon's
policy in 1864. The Commercial Treaty with Prussia and friendly personal
relations with Bismarck also influenced Napoleon's views. See Bismarck's
speech of Feb. 21st, 1879, on this subject, in Hahn, iii. 599.
[518] Hahn, Bismarck, i. 271, 318. Oesterreichs Kämpfe in 1866, i. 8.
[519] B. and F. State Papers, 1864-65, p. 460.
[520] La Marmora, Un po più di luce, pp. 109, 146. Jacini, Due Anni, p.
154. Hahn, i. 377. In the first draft of the Treaty Italy was required to
declare war not only on Austria but on all German Governments which should
join it. King William, who had still some compunction in calling in Italian
arms against the Fatherland, struck out these words.
[521] La Marmora, Un po più di luce, p. 204. Hahn, i. 402.
[522] Hahn, Bismarck, i. 425. Hahn, Zwei Jahre, p. 60. Oesterreichs Kämpfe,
i. 30.
[523] Discours de Napoleon III., p. 456. On May 11th, Nigra, Italian
ambassador at Paris, reported that Napoleon's ideas on the objects to be
attained by a Congress were as follows:--Venetia to Italy, Silesia to
Austria; the Danish Duchies and other territory in North Germany to
Prussia; the establishment of several small States on the Rhine under
French protection; the dispossessed German princes to be compensated in
Roumania. La Marmora, p. 228. Napoleon III. was pursuing in a somewhat
altered form the old German policy of the Republic and the Empire--namely,
the balancing of Austria and Prussia against one another, and the
establishment of a French protectorate over the group of secondary States.
[524] Oesterreichs Kämpfe, ii. 341. Prussian Staff, Campaign of 1866
(Hozier), p. 167.
[525] Hahn, i. 476. Benedetti, Ma Mission en Prusse, p. 186. Reuchlin, v.
457. Massari, La Marmora, p. 350.
[526] Hahn, i. 501, 505.
[527] Benedetti, p. 191. Hahn, i. 508; ii. 328, 635. See also La Marmora's
Un po più di luce, p. 242, and his Segreti di Stato, p. 274. Govone's
despatches strongly confirm the view that Bismarck was more than a mere
passive listener to French schemes for the acquisition of Belgium. That he
originated the plan is not probable; that he encouraged it seems to me
quite certain, unless various French and Italian documents unconnected with
one another are forgeries from beginning to end. On the outbreak of the war
of 1870 Bismarck published the text of the draft-treaty discussed in 1866
providing for an offensive and defensive alliance between France and
Prussia, and the seizure of Belgium by France. The draft was in Benedetti's
handwriting, and written on paper of the French Embassy. Benedetti stated
in answer that he had made the draft at Bismarck's dictation. This might
seem very unlikely were it not known that the draft of the Treaty between
Prussia and Italy in 1866 was actually so written down by Barral, the
Italian Ambassador, at Bismarck's dictation.
[528] Regelung der Verhältnisse, p. 4. Ausgleich mit Ungarn, p. 9.
[529] Hungary retained a Ministry of National Defence for its Reserve
Forces, and a Finance Ministry for its own separate finance. Thus the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs was the only one of the three common Ministries
which covered the entire range of a department.
[530] They had indeed been discovered by French agents in Germany. Rothan,
L'Affaire du Luxembourg, p. 74.
[531] Hahn, i. 658. Rothan, Luxembourg, p. 246. Correspondenzen des K.K.
Minist. des Aüssern, 1868, p. 24. Parl. Pap., 1867, vol. lxxiv., p. 427.
[532] Sorel, Histoire Diplomatique, i. 38. But see the controversy between
Beust and Gramont in _Le Temps_, Jan. 11-16, 1873.
[533] Rothan, La France en 1867, ii. 316. Reuchlin, v. 547. Two historical
expressions belong to Mentana: the "Never," of M. Rouher, and "The
Chassepots have done wonders," of General Failly.
[534] Sorel, i. 40. Hahn, i. 720. Immediately after Mentana, on Nov. 17,
1867, Mazzini wrote to Bismarck and to the Prussian ambassador at Florence,
Count Usedom, stating that Napoleon had resolved to make war on Prussia and
had proposed an alliance to Victor Emmanuel, who had accepted it for the
price of Rome. Mazzini offered to employ revolutionary means to frustrate
this plan, and asked for money and arms. Bismarck showed caution, but did
not altogether disregard the communication. Politica Segreta Italiana, p.
339.
[535] Benedetti, Ma Mission, p. 319, July 7. Gramont, La France et la
Prusse, p. 61.
[536] Sorel, Histoire Diplomatique, i. 197.
[537] Hahn, ii. 69. Sorel, i. 236.
[538] Prince Napoleon, in Revue des Deux Mondes, April 1, 1878; Gramont, in
Revue de France, April 17, 1878. (Signed Andreas Memor.) Ollivier, L'Église
et l'État, ii. 473. Sorel, i. 245.
[539] Der Deutsch Französische Krieg, 1870-71 (Prussian General Staff), i.
72.
[540] Bazaine, L'Armée du Rhin, p. 74.
[541] Papiers Sécrets du Second Empire (1875), pp. 33, 240.
[542] Diary of the Emperor Frederick, Sept. 3.
[543] Favre's circular alleged that the King of Prussia had declared that
he made war not on France but on the Imperial Dynasty. King William had
never stated anything of the kind. His proclamation on entering France, to
which Favre appears to have referred, merely said that the war was to be
waged against the French army, and not against the inhabitants, who, so
long as they kept quiet, would not be molested.
[544] Deutsch-Französiche Krieg, vol. III., p. 104. Bazaine, p. 166. Procès
de Bazaine, vol. ii., p. 219. Regnier, p. 20. Hahn, ii., 171.
[545] Hahn, ii. 216. Valfrey, Diplomatie du Gouvernement de la Défense
Nationale, ii. 51. Hertslet, Map of Europe, iii. 1912, 1954.
[546] Parl. Pap. 1876, vol. lxxxiv., pp. 74, 96.
[547] Parl. Pap. 1876, vol. lxxxiv., p. 183.
[548] Parl. Pap. 1877, vol. xc., p. 143.
[549] Parl. Deb. July 10, 1876, verbatim.
[550] See Burke's speech on the Russian armament, March 29, 1791, and the
passage on "the barbarous anarchic despotism" of Turkey in his Reflections
on the French Revolution, p. 150, Clar. edit. Burke lived and died in
Beaconsfield, and his grave is there. There seems, however, to be no
evidence for the story that he was about to receive a peerage with the
title of Beaconsfield, when the death of his son broke all his hopes.
[551] Parl. Pap. 1877, vol. xc., p. 642; 1878, vol. lxxxi., p. 679.
[552] Parl. Pap. 1877, vol. lxxxix., p. 135.
[553] Parl. Pap. 1878, vol. lxxxi., pp. 661, 725. Parl. Deb., vol.
ccxxxvii.
[554] The Treaty, with Maps, is in Parl. Pap. 1878, vol. lxxxiii. p. 239.
[555] Parl. Pap. 1878, vl. lxxxii., p. 3. _Globe_, May 31, 1878. Hahn,
iii. 116.
[Transcriber's Note: (1) Footnotes have been numbered and collected at the
end of the work. (2) Sidenotes have been placed in brackets prior to the
paragraph in which they occur.
(3) The spelling in the print copy was not always consistent. Irregular
words in the original (e.g., "Christain" and "Würtemburg")
have been retained whenever possible.]
End of Project Gutenberg's History of Modern Europe 1792-1878, by C. A. Fyffe