by boats. Soon afterwards they made sail, each ship firing her
broadside as she passed, but without effect, the shot falling far
short: The Ladrones did not return a single shot, but waved their
colours, and threw up rockets, to induce them to come further in,
which they might easily have done, the outside junks lying in four
fathoms water which I sounded myself: though the Portuguese in their
letters to Macao, lamented there was not sufficient water for them to
engage closer, but that they would certainly prevent their escaping
before the mandarine fleet arrived!
On the 20th of November, early in the morning, discovered an immense
fleet of mandarine vessels standing for the bay. On nearing us, they
formed a line, and stood close in; each vessel as she discharged her
guns tacked to join the rear and reload. They kept up a constant fire
for about two hours, when one of their largest vessels was blown up by
a firebrand thrown from a Ladrone junk; after which they kept at a
more respectful distance, but continued firing without intermission
'till the 21st at night, when it fell calm.
The Ladrones towed out seven large vessels, with about two hundred
row-boats to board them; but a breeze springing up, they made sail and
escaped. The Ladrones returned into the bay, and anchored. The
Portuguese and mandarines followed, and continued a heavy cannonading
during that night and the next day. The vessel I was in had her
foremast shot away, which they supplied very expeditiously by taking a
mainmast from a smaller vessel.
On the 23d, in the evening, it again fell calm; the Ladrones towed out
fifteen junks in two divisions, with the intention of surrounding
them, which was nearly effected, having come up with and boarded one,
when a breeze suddenly sprung up. The captured vessel mounted
twenty-two guns. Most of her crew leaped overboard; sixty or seventy
were taken immediately, cut to pieces and thrown into the river. Early
in the morning the Ladrones returned into the bay, and anchored in the
same situation as before. The Portuguese and mandarines followed,
keeping up a constant fire. The Ladrones never returned a single shot,
but always kept in readiness to board, and the Portuguese were careful
never to allow them an opportunity.
On the 28th, at night, they sent in eight fire-vessels, which if
properly constructed must have done great execution, having every
advantage they could wish for to effect their purpose; a strong breeze
and tide directly into the bay, and the vessels lying so close
together that it was impossible to miss them. On their first
appearance the Ladrones gave a general shout, supposing them to be
mandarine vessels[117] on fire, but were very soon convinced of their
mistake. They came very regularly into the centre of the fleet, two
and two, burning furiously; one of them came alongside of the vessel I
was in, but they succeeded in booming her off. She appeared to be a
vessel of about thirty tons; her hold was filled with straw and wood,
and there were a few small boxes of combustibles on her deck, which
exploded alongside of us without doing any damage. The Ladrones,
however, towed them all on shore, extinguished the fire, and broke
them up for fire-wood. The Portuguese claim the credit of constructing
these destructive machines, and actually sent a dispatch to the
Governor of Macao, saying they had destroyed at least one-third of the
Ladrones' fleet, and hoped soon to effect their purpose by totally
annihilating them.
On the 29th of November, the Ladrones being all ready for sea, they
weighed and stood boldly out, bidding defiance to the invincible
squadron and imperial fleet, consisting of ninety-three war-junks, six
Portuguese ships, a brig, and a schooner. Immediately the Ladrones
weighed, they made all sail. The Ladrones chased them two or three
hours, keeping up a constant fire; finding they did not come up with
them, they hauled their wind and stood to the eastward.
Thus terminated the boasted blockade, which lasted nine days, during
which time the Ladrones completed all their repairs. In this action
not a single Ladrone vessel was destroyed, and their loss about thirty
or forty men. An American was also killed, one of three that remained
out of eight taken in a schooner. I had two very narrow escapes: the
first, a twelve-pounder shot fell within three or four feet of me;
another took a piece out of a small brass-swivel on which I was
standing. The chief's wife[118] frequently sprinkled me with
garlic-water, which they consider an effectual charm against shot. The
fleet continued under sail all night, steering towards the eastward.
In the morning they anchored in a large bay surrounded by lofty and
barren mountains.
On the 2nd of December I received a letter from Lieutenant Maughn,
commander of the Honourable Company's cruizer Antelope, saying that he
had the ransom on board, and had been three days cruizing after us,
and wished me to settle with the chief on the securest method of
delivering it. The chief agreed to send us in a small gun-boat, 'till
we came within sight of the Antelope; then the Compradore's boat was
to bring the ransom and receive us.
I was so agitated at receiving this joyful news, that it was with
considerable difficulty I could scrawl about two or three lines to
inform Lieutenant Maughn of the arrangements I had made. We were all
so deeply affected by the gratifying tidings, that we seldom closed
our eyes, but continued watching day and night for the boat. On the
6th she returned with Lieutenant Maughn's answer, saying, he would
respect any single boat; but would not allow the fleet to approach
him. The chief then, according to his first proposal, ordered a
gun-boat to take us, and with no small degree of pleasure we left the
Ladrone fleet about four o'clock in the morning.
At one P.M. saw the Antelope under all sail, standing toward us. The
Ladrone boat immediately anchored, and dispatched the Compradore's
boat for the ransom, saying, that if she approached nearer, they would
return to the fleet; and they were just weighing when she shortened
sail, and anchored about two miles from us. The boat did not reach her
'till late in the afternoon, owing to the tide's being strong against
her. She received the ransom and left the Antelope just before dark. A
mandarine boat that had been lying concealed under the land, and
watching their man[oe]uvres, gave chace to her, and was within a few
fathoms of taking her, when she saw a light, which the Ladrones
answered, and the Mandarine hauled off.
Our situation was now a most critical one; the ransom was in the hands
of the Ladrones, and the Compradore dare not return with us for fear
of a second attack from the mandarine boat. The Ladrones would not
remain 'till morning, so we were obliged to return with them to the
fleet.
In the morning the chief inspected the ransom, which consisted of the
following articles: two bales of superfine scarlet cloth; two chests
of opium; two casks of gunpowder; and a telescope; the rest in
dollars. He objected to the telescope not being new; and said he
should detain one of us 'till another was sent, or a hundred dollars
in lieu of it. The Compradore however agreed with him for the hundred
dollars.
Every thing being at length settled, the chief ordered two gun-boats
to convey us near the Antelope; we saw her just before dusk, when the
Ladrone boats left us. We had the inexpressible pleasure of arriving
on board the Antelope at 7 P.M., where we were most cordially
received, and heartily congratulated on our safe and happy deliverance
from a miserable captivity, which we had endured for eleven weeks and
three days.
(Signed) RICHARD GLASSPOOLE.
CHINA, December 8th, 1809.
_A few Remarks on the Origin, Progress, Manners, and Customs of the
Ladrones._
The Ladrones are a disaffected race of Chinese, that revolted against
the oppressions of the mandarines.--They first commenced their
depredations on the Western coast (Cochin-China), by attacking small
trading vessels in row-boats, carrying from thirty to forty men each.
They continued this system of piracy several years; at length their
successes, and the oppressive state of the Chinese, had the effect of
rapidly increasing their numbers. Hundreds of fishermen and others
flocked to their standard; and as their number increased they
consequently became more desperate. They blockaded all the principal
rivers, and attacked several large junks, mounting from ten to fifteen
guns each.
With these junks they formed a very formidable fleet, and no small
vessels could trade on the coast with safety. They plundered several
small villages, and exercised such wanton barbarity as struck horror
into the breasts of the Chinese. To check these enormities the
government equipped a fleet of forty imperial war-junks, mounting from
eighteen to twenty guns each. On the very first rencontre,
twenty-eight of the imperial junks struck to the pirates; the rest
saved themselves by a precipitate retreat.
These junks, fully equipped for war, were a great acquisition to them.
Their numbers augmented so rapidly, that at the period of my captivity
they were supposed to amount to near seventy thousand men, eight
hundred large vessels, and nearly a thousand small ones, including
row-boats. They were divided into five squadrons, distinguished by
different coloured flags: each squadron commanded by an admiral, or
chief; but all under the orders of A-juo-chay (Ching y[)i]h saou),
their premier chief, a most daring and enterprising man, who went so
far as to declare his intention of displacing the present Tartar
family from the throne of China, and to restore the ancient Chinese
dynasty.
This extraordinary character would have certainly shaken the
foundation of the government, had he not been thwarted by the jealousy
of the second in command, who declared his independence, and soon
after surrendered to the mandarines with five hundred vessels, on
promise of a pardon. Most of the inferior chiefs followed his example.
A-juo-Chay (Ching y[)i]h saou) held out a few months longer, and at
length surrendered with sixteen thousand men, on condition of a
general pardon, and himself to be made a mandarine of distinction.
The Ladrones have no settled residence on shore, but live constantly
in their vessels. The after-part is appropriated to the captain and
his wives; he generally has five or six. With respect to conjugal
rights they are religiously strict; no person is allowed to have a
woman on board, unless married to her according to their laws. Every
man is allowed a small berth, about four feet square, where he stows
with his wife and family.
From the number of souls crowded in so small a space, it must
naturally be supposed they are horridly dirty, which is evidently the
case, and their vessels swarm with all kinds of vermin. Rats in
particular, which they encourage to breed, and eat them as great
delicacies;[119] in fact, there are very few creatures they will not
eat. During our captivity we lived three weeks on caterpillars boiled
with rice. They are much addicted to gambling, and spend all their
leisure hours at cards and smoking opium.
THE END.
LONDON:
Printed by J. L. Cox, Great Queen Street,
Lincoln's Inn Fields.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] The Chinese have particular histories of the robbers and pirates
who existed in the _middle empire_ from the most ancient times; these
histories form a portion of every provincial history. The three last
books (the 58th, 59th, and 60th) of the _Memoirs_ _concerning the
South of the Meihling Mountains_ (see the Catechism of the Shahmans,
p. 44) are inscribed _Tsing fun_ (10,987, 2,651), and contain the
Robber history from the beginning of Woo wang, of the dynasty Chow.
The Memoirs only give extracts of former works; the extracts to the
three last books are taken from _the Great History of Yu[)e]_, or
Province of Kwang tang (_Yu[)e] ta ke_), from _the Old Transactions of
the Five Realms_ (_Woo kw[)o] koo sse_), _the Old Records of Yang
ching_, a name of the ancient city of Kwang tung (_Yang ching koo
chaou_), _the Official Robber History_ (_Kw[)o] she y[)i]h shin
chuen_), &c.
[2] We are chiefly indebted to the Jesuits that the Russians had not
conquered part of China about the middle of the seventeenth century.
See the passage of Muller in Burney's Voyages of Discovery to the
North-East Passage, p. 55. The Manchow destroyed the Chinese patriots
by the cannon cast by the Rev. Father Verbiest.--Le Comte, Nouvelles
Observations sur la Chine.
[3] We have a learned dissertation, pleading for the authenticity of
the famous inscription of _Se ngan foo_, by a well-known Sinologue.
May we not be favoured with another _Oratio pro domo_ concerning the
many crosses which had been found in Fuh këen, and on the "Escrevices
de Mer, qui estans encore en vie, lors mesme qu'elles estoient
cuites?" See Relation de la Chine par Michel Boym, de la Compagnie de
Jesus, in Thévenot, et Relations de divers Voyage, vol. ii, pp. 6 and
14.
[4] _Toland_, History of the Druids, p. 51.--
"This justice, therefore, I would do to Ireland, even if it had
not been my country, _viz._ to maintain that this tolerating
principle, this _impartial liberty_ (of religion), ever since
unexampled there as well as elsewhere, _China excepted_, is far
greater honour to it," &c.
Never was a man more calumniated than Confucius by the Jesuit Couplet.
_Confucius Sinarum Philosophus_ was printed in the year 1687, shortly
after Louis XIV. abolished the Edict of Nantes, and persecuted the
most industrious part of his subjects. The Jesuit is bold enough to
affirm, in his _Epistola Dedicatoria ad Ludovicum magnum_, that the
Chinese philosopher would be exceedingly rejoiced in seeing the piety
of the great king.
"_Quibus te laudibus efferret, cum haeresin, hostem illam
avitae fidei ac regni florentissimi teterrimam, proculcatam et
attritam, edicta quibus vitam ducere videbatur, abrogata;
disjecta templa, nomen ipsum sepultum, tot animarum millia
pristinis ab erroribus ad veritatem, ab exitio ad salutem tam
suaviter (!) tam fortiter (!), tam feliciter (!) traducta._"
[5] Toreen's Voyage behind Osbeck, II. 239, English translation.
[6] The Canton Register, 1829, No. 20.
[7] _Jang sëen_ is his Tsze, or title. The numbers which are to be
found on the margin of the translation, refer to the pages of the
Chinese printed text.
[8] The cubit at Canton is 14 inches 625 dec. Morrison, under the word
_Weights_, in his Dictionary, English and Chinese.
[9] We see by this statement that Couplet is wrong in saying
(_Confucius_ Sinarum philosophus. Proemialis declaratio, p. 60):
"Mahometani, qui una cum suis erroribus ante annos fere _septingentos_
(Couplet wrote 1683) magno numero et licentia ingressi in Chinam."
[10] This statement is so extraordinary, that the Translator thought
it necessary to compare many passages where the character _sh[)u]h_
(8384 M.) occurs. Sh[)u]h originally means, according to the _Shw[)o]
w[)a]n_, _near, joining_; and _Sh[)u]h kw[)o]_, are, according to Dr.
Morrison, "small states attached to and dependent on a larger one:
tributary states." The character _sh[)u]h_ is often used in the same
signification in the 57th book of our work. The description of the
Peninsula of Malacca begins (Mem. b. 57, p. 15 r.) with the following
words: "_Mwan l[)a] kea_ (Malacca) is in the southern sea, and was
originally a tributary state (sh[)u]h kw[)o]) of _Sëen lo_, or Siam;
but the officer who there had the command revolted and founded a
distinct kingdom." In the war which the Siamese some years back
carried on against the Sultan of Guedah, they always affirmed that the
King of Siam is, by his own right, the legitimate sovereign of the
whole peninsula of Malacca, and that the Sultan must only be
considered as a rebel against his liege. The statement of the Chinese
author, therefore, corroborates the assertions of the Siamese.
[11] On the _General Map of the Western Sea_ (_Se hae tsung too_) _Lin
yin_ takes the place of Sweden. I cannot conceive what can be the
cause of that denomination. _Lin yin_, perhaps, may mean the island
_Rugen_?
[12] The common word for cloth, _to lo ne_, seems to be of Indian
origin; it is certainly not Chinese. The proper Chinese name is
_jung_.
[13] _Peih ke_ is written with various characters. See Morrison's
Dictionary, under the word Peih, 8509.
[14] The syllable _lo_ is not in the Chinese text, as it is supposed,
by a mistake of the printer.
[15] It may be remarked, that Cosmas, about the middle of the sixth
century, had a better idea concerning the Chinese empire, or the
country of _Tsin_, than the Chinese have even now of Europe. Such an
advantage was it to be born a Greek and not a Chinese. Cosmas seems
very well informed concerning the articles of trade which the Chinese
generally bring to Serendib, or Serendwîpa (Ceylon). He remarks, that
farther than China there exists no other country; that on the east it
is surrounded by the ocean; and that Ceylon is nearly as far from the
Persian gulf as from Tziniza or China. See the description of
Taprobane, taken from the Christian Topography, and printed in
Thévenot, "Relations de divers Voyages," vol. i. pp. 2, 3, and 5. The
Chinese about Canton have a custom of ending every phrase with a long
_a_ (_a_ is pronounced like _a_ in Italian) which is merely euphonic,
like _yay_ (11980) in the Mandarine dialect. If a Chinese should be
asked about his country, he would answer according to the different
dynasties, Tsin-a, Han-a, Tang-a, Ming-a, &c. _Tsin-a_ is probably the
origin of _Tziniza_. It is a little strange that Rennel takes no
notice of the statements of Cosmas. (See the Geographical System of
Herodotus I. 223, Second Edition, London, 1830.) Is it not very
remarkable, that this merchant and monk seems to have also had very
correct information concerning the north-west frontier of China, and
of the conquest which the Huns (in Sanscrit H[=u]na) have made in the
north-west part of Hindostan? He reckons from China, through Tartary
and Bactria to Persia, 150 stations, or days' journies. About the time
of Cosmas, an intercourse commenced between China and Persia.
[16] In prefaces and rhetorical exercises, the Chinese commonly call
the years by the names employed in the well-known cycle of sixty
years. The first cycle is supposed to have begun with the year 2697
before Christ. In the year 1804, the ninth year of Këa kïng, was the
beginning of the thirty-sixth cycle.--Histoire générale de la Chine,
XII. p. 3 and 4.
[17] The _Mei ling_ mountains, which divide the province Kwang tung
from the province Këang se. See Note in the beginning of the History
of the Pirates.
[18] The place where European ships lie at anchor in the river of
Canton, and one of the few spots which foreigners are allowed to
visit.
[19] I translate the Chinese words _Wae she_, by _non-official
historian_, in opposition to the _Kw[)o] she_, or _She kwan_, the
official historiographers of the empire. Both _Yuen tsze_, author of
the following History of the Pirates, and _Lan e_, author of the work
which is referred to in the preface, are such _Public historians_, who
write--like most of the historians of Europe--the history of their own
times, without being appointed to or paid for by government.
_Lan e_ gives the history of the civil commotions under Këa king,
which continued from the year 1814 to 1817, in six books; the work is
printed in two small volumes, in the first year of Tao kwang (1820),
and the following contains the greater part of the preface:
"In the spring of the year _Kea su_ (1814), I went with other
people to Peking; reaching the left side of the (Mei ling)
mountains we met with fellow travellers, who joined the army,
and with many military preparations. In the capital I learned
that the robber _Lin_ caused many disturbances; I took great
care to ascertain what was said by the people of the court, and
by the officers of government, and I wrote down what I heard.
But being apprehensive that I might publish truth and falsehood
mixed together, I went in the year _Ting chow_ (1817) again to
the metropolis, and read attentively the imperial account of
the _Pacification of the Robber-bands_, planned the occurrences
according to the time in which they happened, joined to it what
I heard from other sources, and composed out of these various
matters a work in six books, on the truth of which you may
rely."
_Lan e_ begins his work with the history of those rebels called
_T[.e]en le keaou_ (_the Doctrine of Nature_). They were divided into
eight divisions, according to the eight Kwas, and placed under three
captains, or chiefs, of whom the first was called _Lin tsing_--the
same _Lin_ who is mentioned in the preface of _Soo_. These followers
of the doctrine of Nature believed implicitly in an absurd book
written by a robber, in which it was stated, that the Buddha who
should come after Shakia (in Chinese called _Me l[)i]h_, in Sanscrit
_Maëtreya_) is in possession of three seas, the _blue_, the _red_, and
the _white_. These seas are the three Kalpas; we now live in the
_white_ Kalpa. These robbers, therefore, carried _white_ banners.
_Tsing y[)i]h ke_, B. i., p. i.
[20] The Translator thinks it his duty to observe, that this preface,
being printed in characters written in the current hand, he tried in
vain to make out some abbreviations; he is, therefore, not quite
certain if the last phrase beginning with the words: "_Yuen tsze has
overlooked nothing_," &c. be correctly translated.
[21] The names of authors of Prefaces, as well as of works themselves,
which are not authorized by government, are often fictitious. Who
would dare to publish or recommend any thing under his own name, which
could displease any of the officers of the Chinese government? The
author of the following Preface has a high-sounding title: "He, whose
heart is directed towards the people."
[22] _Keun_, or _Tsze_, are only titles, like those of _Master_ and
_Doctor_ in the European languages. _Keun_ is, in the Canton dialect,
pronounced _Kwa_, which, placed behind the family names of the _Hong_,
or _Hing_ (3969) merchants, gives _How qwa_, or _How kwa_, _Mow kwa_,
&c., which literally means "Mr. How, Mr. Mow."
[23] I presume that the author of the Preface alludes to the
_twenty-three_ large historical collections, containing the official
publications regarding history and general literature. I have brought
with me from Canton this vast collection of works, which are now
concluded by the _History of the Ming_. It must be acknowledged that
no other nation has, or had, such immense libraries devoted to history
and geography. The histories of ancient Greece and Rome are pamphlets
in comparison with the _Url shih san she_ of the Chinese.
[24] See the first Note to this preface.
[25] In the original Chinese now follows a sort of Introduction, or
Contents (_Fan le_), which I thought not worth translating. It is
written by the author of the _History of the Pacification of the
Pirates_, who signs by his title _Jang sëen_.
[26] This prince was declared Emperor on the 8th February 1796, by his
father the Emperor Këen lung, who then retired from the management of
public affairs.--Voyage of the Dutch Embassy to China, in 1794-5;
London edition, I. 223. Këa king died on the 2d of September 1820,
being sixty-one years of age. His second son ascended the Imperial
throne six days after the death of his father; the years of his reign
were first called _Yuen hwuy_, but soon changed to _Taou
kwang_--_Illustrious Reason_. Indo-Chinese Gleaner, vol. iii. 41.
[27] Annam (Chinese, Annan) comprehends the country of Cochin-China
and Tung king. There have been many disturbances in these countries
within the last fifty years. The English reader may compare the
interesting historical sketch of modern Cochin-China in Barrow's
_Voyage to Cochin-China_, p. 250.