THE DEVELOPMENT OF PARENT SUBSTITUTES
Our last two chapters have again been something in the nature of a
digression--a digression however which, we will hope, has not been
altogether unprofitable, inasmuch as it has opened to our view some of
the wider aspects of our problem, and afforded us a glimpse of the extent
to which the aspects of family life which are forcing themselves on the
attention of psychologists at the present day, are the same as those which
have exercised the greatest influence upon mankind in all places and of
all degrees of culture, and have manifested themselves everywhere in human
beliefs and institutions. It is now time, however, to resume our previous
problem--the study of the influence of the family upon the development of
the individual in its more remote, indirect and abnormal aspects.
[Sidenote: Varieties and abnormalities as regards the displacement of
parent-regarding tendencies]
In the failures and abnormalities of development with which we were
concerned in Chapters VI and VII, the principal characteristic was the
persistence of, or return to, an infantile or childlike relationship
towards the _parents_. In normal development, as we have seen, this
relationship is outgrown largely by the help of the mechanism of
Displacement, in virtue of which the emotional attitude towards the
parents is transferred to other persons, who (at any rate in the early
stages of the process) are connected with the parents by some associative
link. Supposing development to have proceeded normally along these lines
for a certain period, it is still possible for an arrest or regression to
occur, as a result of which any of these later stages may become permanent
instead of transitory, in precisely the same manner as in the case of the
earlier stages in which the emotions and feelings are still directly
related to the parents themselves.
From one point of view abnormalities occurring in these later stages
are perhaps less serious than those which we considered in the earlier
chapters, inasmuch as the regression is less complete; some degree
of psychical emancipation from the parents being still preserved.
Nevertheless these abnormalities may constitute a very grave hindrance
to the general development and mental health of the individual and, in
the case of the displacement of very intense affects, may give rise to
consequences of a distinctly pathological order; while, on their more
sublimated side, they have contributed much to some of the most important
aspects of social life and culture.
[Sidenote: Insufficient Displacement]
[Sidenote: Displacement depending on family relationship]
[Sidenote: Brother and sister]
We have already in Chapter III studied some of the ways in which the
displacement of the original love from parents to other persons takes
place. If the displacement remains at a stage in which the associative
link between the original and the later object of love is a very firm or
close one, we may say that the development is incomplete, inasmuch as the
individual's love is still to an undue extent on an infantile fixation.
Of the various associative links which we have enumerated as being those
of most frequent occurrence--mental or physical characteristics, age,
circumstances of life, past history, family relationship etc., the last
named is apt to play an especially important part in cases of arrested
or regressive development. The displacement of love from parent to
brother or sister may probably, as we have seen, be regarded as a normal
transitory phase. The intensity of the attachment frequently aroused and
the sexual nature which it often retains in the Unconscious right on into
adolescent and adult life are vouched for, on the negative side, by the
strength of the repressions raised against incestuous tendencies of this
kind--repressions which are scarcely less severe than those directed
against parent incest. Similarly, on the positive side, the true nature
of the brother-sister relationship is often startlingly revealed by the
process of psycho-analysis and is also shown by the study of legend, of
literature and of the habits and customs of primitive peoples.
[Sidenote: Cases where brother-sister incest has been permitted]
We have already seen (p. 86) that on occasions of special licence
connection between brother and sister, though otherwise strictly tabooed,
may be temporarily permitted. It seems to be pretty generally agreed among
anthropologists that these occasions are of the nature of reversions
to a condition of affairs that was once comparatively frequent, if not
indeed quite general[86]. There are in fact numerous indications that such
brother-sister connections were, among certain peoples at any rate, the
rule rather than the exception. H. L. Morgan, to whose credit lies the
discovery of the so-called classificatory system of relationship, thinks
indeed that a group marriage between own brothers and sisters was the
earliest kind of restriction upon absolute promiscuity and constituted the
basis of the oldest form of the human family[87]. The evidence for the
really primitive character of any such family has been seriously disputed
in more recent writings[88]; but the frequent occurrence of temporary or
permanent brother-sister unions among both primitive and more advanced
peoples would seem to be beyond dispute. Thus the incest of brother and
sister is said to be, or to have been, common among the Antambahoaka of
South East Madagascar[89], among many tribes of Brazil[90], in Cali[91]
(Colombia), Tenasserim[92] (Burma), Mexico[93] and many other places.
The ancient Persians seem to have permitted incest of this kind, though
Herodotus remarks with reference to the marriage of Cambyses to his
sister that this was not a usual procedure[94]. In Egypt, however,
such connections were not only admitted but approved, marriage between
brother and sister being there regarded as the "best of marriages" and
acquiring "an ineffable degree of sanctity when the brother and sister
who contracted it were themselves born of a brother and sister, who had
in their turn also sprung from a union of the same sort"[95]. Even in
Greece a similar practice does not seem to have been unusual, for, if we
may believe Cornelius Nepos[96], no disgrace attached to Cimon's marriage
with his sister Elpinice, since his fellow-citizens had the same custom.
Among the Jews too, the prophet Ezekiel[97] complains of the occurrence of
this form of incest. Primitive customs, it is now generally agreed, are
apt to persist in the case of royal families long after they have ceased
to be observed by the common people; and the persistent brother and sister
marriages among the Ptolemies of Egypt and the Incas of Peru, as well as
the existence of similar practices among reigning families in primitive
peoples of recent times[98], afford further evidence of the former
widespread occurrence of brother-sister unions.
[Sidenote: Repression of, and desire for such incest]
On the negative side too, there is evidence to be gained from the nature
of the taboos and institutions erected against incest. According to
Frazer[99] the exogamous systems of the Australian aborigines seem to have
originated in the first place as a means of preventing connections between
brother and sister, the prohibition of marriage between other relatives
having been brought about by subsequent developments and elaborations of
the primitive two class system, instituted for the purpose of avoiding
brother-sister marriages. The abhorrence of brother-sister incest is
indeed very marked in many primitive communities, and that this abhorrence
represents the repression of a genuine desire for incest of this kind is
shown by the remarks of travellers that the "avoidances" and other methods
of enforcing the prohibitions are often "very necessary"[100] and by the
fact, already referred to, that as soon as the customary restrictions are
relaxed, the otherwise forbidden connections are freely indulged in. To
this evidence from anthropology there might be added the scarcely less
convincing data from mythology and literature, which has been studied in
such detail by Rank[101] and which perhaps, for this reason, we need not
stop to dwell on here; it being sufficient to remind the reader in passing
of such well known mythological cases as the unions of Zeus and Hera
and of Osiris and Isis, or, as regards literature, to refer him to such
recent examples as Artzibasheff's "Sanine" or d'Annunzio's "City of the
Dead" where the existence of erotic feeling between brother and sister is
treated in an open manner.
[Sidenote: Displacement of parent--regarding tendencies on to more distant
relatives]
As a further stage of development the original parent love may be
displaced, not on to a brother or sister, but on to some more distant
relative, such as a cousin (a brother or sister substitute) or an uncle
or aunt (more directly parent substitutes)[102]. Cousin marriage is,
among ourselves, passing through the stage of being legally permissible
though still regarded with some degree of moral disapproval or suspicion.
In other times and places it has, like brother-sister marriage, been
the object both of sternest prohibition[103] and of warm approval[104].
Any kind of sexual relationship between nephews and aunts or between
nieces and uncles seems to have been, too, reminiscent of the repressed
tendencies to parent-incest to have received sanction either legally
or morally, but unions of this kind have nevertheless sometimes been
found among primitive peoples[105], and are not infrequently present as
objects of desire in the unconscious mind of those who live in civilised
communities to-day.
[Sidenote: Relatives by marriage]
Of particular interest in this connection is the displacement of feelings
originally directed to the parents towards _relatives in law._ Since by
marriage one partner in the marriage is supposed to have entered into
the family of the other, and, in virtue of the partial identification
of the two partners through common ties of interest and affection, may
really be said to have in some measure effected such an entrance, it is
not altogether surprising to find much the same conflict of tendencies
centering about the new relatives acquired by marriage as that which
formerly centred round the relatives by blood. Thus on the one hand we
find among primitive peoples the same taboos and avoidances practised in
the one case as in the other. In some places, for instance, a man may have
no dealings with some or all of the members of his wife's family, nor
a wife with those of her husband's[106]. On the other hand a number of
practices indicate that connections of an intimate kind between relatives
by marriage are, under certain circumstances at any rate, regarded as
permissible and appropriate. Such, for instance, is the widespread custom
of the Levirate[107], whereby a man is expected to take unto himself
his deceased brother's wife or the scarcely less frequent usage of the
Sororate[108] whereby a man marries his deceased wife's sister--practices
which seem to have made their influence felt (negatively) in our own table
of relatives with whom wedlock is forbidden, including, as this does, not
only blood relatives but relatives by marriage[109].
[Sidenote: Parent-in-law and child-in-law]
[Sidenote: Difficulties caused by parent fixation on the part of husband
or wife]
In recent times the relationship by marriage which has attracted most
attention is that of parent-in-law and child-in-law. In view of the
complex nature of the relations between parent and child and of the
elaborate process of re-adjustment in these relations which takes place
in the course of normal development, it is only to be expected that,
when a person suddenly acquires, as it were, new parents by the act
of marriage, he should experience some difficulty in establishing a
satisfactory relationship with these new parents, with whom, unlike his
own original parents, he may have had but little time or opportunity to
grow acquainted. To this general cause tending to make the relationship
between children-in-law and parents-in-law one of difficulty, there are
often added at least three further special sources of embarrassment, to
the consideration of which we may perhaps profitably devote a few words
here. In the first place, husbands and wives are not free to adjust their
relations to their parents-in-law according to the inclinations of the
two parties directly concerned, but must (if they are to be successful)
also bring these relations into some degree of harmony with those of their
partners in marriage towards these same parents (in this case parents by
blood): this is often far from easy, especially if, as so often happens,
either husband or wife or both have not entirely freed themselves from
their original infantile attitude towards their parents. Thus let us
suppose that a young woman at the time of her marriage still retains a
large amount of veneration and (unconscious) love towards her father.
This may cause her even after marriage to look to her father rather than
her husband as the source of her ideals and aspirations, to mould her
life according to his, rather than her husband's, precept and example,
and generally to adopt an attitude towards her father, which her husband
(who does not altogether share her--probably exaggerated--views as to
her father's admirable qualities) can scarcely be expected to imitate or
to approve. A very similar difficulty may be brought about in the case
of daughter-in-law and mother-in-law, where a son has retained an unduly
infantile attitude towards his mother; while in still other cases the
trouble may be due to an exaggerated dependence of husband or wife upon
the parent of his or her own sex, _i. e._, the husband upon his father,
or the wife upon her mother respectively. It is obvious that a fixation
of this kind on the side of either partner in a marriage may (quite apart
from its influence on the harmony of the marriage itself) be sufficient to
bring about a very considerable degree of difficulty in the relationship
between one partner and the parents of the other.
[Sidenote: The displacement of affect from parents to parents-in-law]
[Sidenote: Hate]
This tendency is moreover liable to be largely reinforced--or at least
complicated--by the other factors to which we referred above. The
second of these sources of difficulty (the one which is indeed most
intimately connected with our present line of thought) lies in the
fact that the child-in-law himself is frequently unable to regard his
parents-in-law with impartial eyes, but transfers to them some of the
feelings of love or of hatred which he originally directed towards his
own parents. This is perhaps most often and most openly manifest in the
case of hostile emotions; men or women expressing relatively freely
towards a father-in-law or mother-in-law respectively those feelings of
hatred which they had felt (but had perhaps repressed) with reference
to the corresponding parents by blood. The natural identification of
their parents-in-law with their own parents, in virtue of which this
displacement of affect is enabled to take place, is often facilitated
by the operation of the factor we have already considered--a parent
fixation in the case of the other partner to the marriage. Where such a
fixation exists, a father-in-law or mother-in-law may be felt to be in
some sort a sexual rival, in very much the same way as was at one time
the original parent (p. 17). Thus (to return to the example that we just
now used) a husband may feel that his father-in-law unduly influences
his wife and absorbs much of her affection and interest to the detriment
of that devoted to himself: this recalls the earlier situation in which
a similar rival--his own father--exercised a similar influence over the
then object of his affection, his own mother; and as a result of an
unconscious identification of the new situation with the old, the hostile
feeling originally directed towards his own father may be re-awakened
and transferred to the father-in-law. In this way the feeling of enmity
directed towards the latter may be more intense than that which would be
really appropriate to the situation. Any recently aroused (and perhaps to
some extent legitimate) feeling of annoyance is reinforced by the emotions
set free by the stirring up of the still powerful parent complexes of
infancy and childhood.
[Sidenote: Love]
Less liable to open manifestation is the corresponding transfer of
affect from parent to parent-in-law where the emotion concerned is
love rather than hatred. Such a transfer may nevertheless occur in
certain circumstances. In a positive form it may result in a high degree
of veneration or affection for the parents-in-law (or one of them),
which--especially if it should coincide with a high degree of parent
love in the other partner to the marriage--may lead to the existence
of very friendly and intimate relations of the younger couple with the
elder; relations which may, however, in many cases, tend to undermine the
initiative and independence of the younger pair. In a negative form (which
is very liable to occur, since the vigorous repression of the original
incestuous thoughts very easily extends to any fresh tendencies calculated
to arouse them) a transfer of this kind may lead to frequent troubles,
misunderstandings and frictions between the child-in-law and parent-in-law
whom it concerns.
[Sidenote: Corresponding displacement on the part of the parents-in-law
themselves]
The third and last of our three factors which complicate the relations
of children-in-law and parents-in-law consists in a similar displacement
of affect on the part of the parents-in-law, in virtue of which they may
direct towards their children by marriage the affection or hostility which
they originally experienced in relation to their own children; a factor
the significance of which may perhaps be more fully and easily appreciated
after we have discussed the intimate nature of these original feelings
of parents to their own children (_cp._ Ch. XIV below), and with regard
to which perhaps it is therefore best to content ourselves with a mere
passing reference here.
[Sidenote: Son-in-law and Mother-in-law]
The relation between child-in-law and parent-in-law which has become
notoriously the most difficult in recent times is that of son-in-law and
mother-in-law. This relation too has been made the object of some special
study by psycho-analysts[110], who have found in it all the factors which
we have referred to above. Among the most important grounds for the
hostility which so often marks this relationship have been observed the
following:--
1. The conflict between the mother and the husband for the possession
of the daughter and her belongings. The mother having in the majority
of cases in the past enjoyed a greater or less degree of authority over
the daughter, is loth to abandon this source of power, and seeks to
retain it by exercising (through the frequent giving of advice, appeal
to her own greater experience or otherwise) some sort of control over
the daughter's household or mode of life. This interference on the part
of the mother-in-law in the domestic arrangements of the younger couple
is very apt to be resented by the son-in-law, either directly, because
it appears to threaten his own supreme control over his own family, or
indirectly, because he identifies himself with the daughter (his wife)
who in her turn may not unnaturally object to the continuance of maternal
supervision after her marriage. On the other hand, should the daughter
display a marked tendency to be influenced by her mother or a high degree
of veneration or affection for her, the son-in-law will again resent the
interference of the latter, as threatening an encroachment on his wife's
love and respect towards himself.
2. The husband's fear of losing (through too intimate contact with his
mother-in-law) the sense of sexual attractiveness which his wife possesses
for him. The mother-in-law reminds him of his wife, but is without
her youthful beauty and this is apt to produce in him a dim sense of
apprehension lest, as a result of seeing, as it were, the mother in the
daughter, and of vaguely realising that the daughter may one day come to
resemble the mother, the former may lose for him her charm and his whole
marriage become thereby distasteful.
Of these two motives tending to produce disagreement between mother-in-law
and son-in-law, the first is for the most part situated at or near the
surface of consciousness, while the second can in many cases be brought
to consciousness by the exercise of a little courageous introspection.
Both motives, however (especially the second), are liable to be reinforced
by two further motives, which remain for the most part buried in the
Unconscious.
3. The mother-in-law may re-awaken in the son-in-law, in the manner we
have already indicated, feelings which are incestuous in origin, being
a displacement of those originally directed towards his own mother; the
repression of these feelings of affection then giving place to their
opposite--a feeling of repulsion or hostility--as a means of preventing
the irruption into consciousness of the tabooed incestuous desires. As
some indication of the reality of this factor, apart from the results of
psycho-analysis, may be mentioned the fairly well recognised facts that it
is possible for a man to be attracted to his future mother-in-law before
he falls in love with his future wife, that he may hesitate as to whether
he shall marry mother or daughter, or that he may fall back upon the
mother should the daughter die or fail him in some other way. As further
evidence too--on the negative side--we may refer to the extraordinarily
numerous and widespread taboos and "avoidances" which affect the relations
between son-in-law and mother-in-law among primitive peoples.
4. A corresponding displacement of incestuous desires, leading to a
similar repression and reversal of emotion, may occur in the case of the
mother-in-law herself, who, in virtue of this displacement, identifies
her son-in-law with a son of her own (either real or imaginary); the
one re-awakening in her incestuous tendencies originally aroused in
connection with the other. Or again, the primary motive on the part of
the mother-in-law may be unconscious sexual jealousy of her daughter, to
whom she grudges the superior attractiveness of youth and the pleasures
of dawning sexual life--a life which for the mother may be largely or
entirely at an end. In this case she may unconsciously identify herself
with her daughter, imagining, as it were, that it is she herself, and not
her daughter, that is married to her son-in-law. In either case it is
often the less tender and more sadistic elements of the mother-in-law's
love which are directed to the son-in-law, since these are more easily
reconciled with the maintenance of the requisite degree of repression than
would be the case with the more gentle and affectionate components.
[Sidenote: Step-child and Step-parent]
Only less important than the relations of child-in-law and parent-in-law
are those of step-child and step-parent[111]; and such lesser degree of
importance as these have is due rather to the lesser frequency of their
occurrence than to any lesser significance which they possess for the
individuals actually concerned. The generally outstanding feature of
these relations is the manifestation of a more intense, or at any rate
a more open, form of those feelings and tendencies which would normally
exist between the child and the corresponding blood parent. A boy, for
instance, who may successfully have displaced or repressed his original
feelings of jealousy or hostility towards his own father, may often
prove incapable of carrying out a similar re-adjustment in the case of a
subsequently acquired step-father. The latter may have none of the glamour
which belonged to the former in virtue of his position as head of the
family (and therefore centre of the child's world) during the infancy of
the child (_cp._ p. 55) and which may have helped to inhibit the original
hostility experienced towards him through arousal of the opposite emotions
of love, gratitude or admiration. The step-father, therefore, may easily
re-awaken in his step-son any remnants of the hatred which the latter
may have experienced towards his real father, without re-awakening in
corresponding degree the compensating forces which kept the hate in check.
[Sidenote: "Hamlet" as a study of this relationship]
Furthermore, the boy's mother only marries the step-father after a period
of widowhood during which the boy may have appeared to possess the sole,
or at any rate the chief, claim upon her interest and affection. By her
re-marriage she will probably seem to the boy's unconscious mind to have
been, in a very real and poignant sense, unfaithful to himself, and
to have rejected his own love for that of an outsider; an idea which
may appear in consciousness in the rationalised form of an imputation
of unfaithfulness towards the mother's previous husband--the boy's
own father. It is a complex of feelings of this kind which, as Ernest
Jones[112] has so convincingly shown, underlies and forms the principal
psychological motive in Shakespeare's tragedy of "Hamlet". It is this
which is the cause of Hamlet's vacillation in regard to the contemplated
murder of his step-father; the latter had only done what Hamlet himself
would fain have done before him, but was inhibited from doing. The
contemplation of Claudius's ill deeds serves dimly to call up the buried
tendencies which at one time prompted Hamlet himself to commit a similar
atrocity--the murder of the king (his father)--for a similar end--the
possession of the queen (his mother)--and the paralysing effect of the
arousal of such feelings makes itself felt as an inability to carry out
the punishment of one with whom he thus has much in common, and whom he
feels to be in a sense no worse than himself, the would-be punisher.
Moreover, in virtue of his marriage with the queen, Claudius now really
stands in the old king's place; in killing him, therefore, Hamlet is to
his own unconscious mind becoming guilty of the very crime of Œdipus which
had tempted him before his father's death; hence the resistance to the
consummation of the act which hatred of the interloper prompts him to
perform.
[Sidenote: The wicked step-mother in fairy tales]
In the case of a girl, corresponding feelings may be called up towards
her step-mother on the re-marriage of her father--feelings which have
found expression in the very numerous and familiar myths and fairy tales
(such as those of Cinderella, Snow White, Mother Holle), of the wicked
step-mother who kills, beats, neglects, falsely accuses, drives out or
otherwise ill-treats her step-daughter[113]. Here the feelings of the
girl, like those of the boy under similar circumstances, are given free
vent towards the step-mother, where they were formerly inhibited by
emotions of an opposite character (or at least repressed by considerations
of general or traditional morality) in the case of the girl's true mother;
the step-mother thus serving as an object capable at once of arousing,
and of becoming the recipient of, hostile and jealous feelings, which had
hitherto successfully been held in check.
[Sidenote: The attitude of step-parents towards their step-children]
These feelings of hostility on the part of children to their step-parents
are of course bound to call up some degree of reciprocal feeling on the
part of the step-parents themselves. The feelings thus aroused, however,
are often reinforced by more direct causes of hostility, such as are
liable to affect in any case the attitude of parent towards child (_Cp._
Ch. XVI). Here, however, the absence of the real bond of parenthood,
with its accompanying incentives to tender feeling, may easily cause
the hostile tendencies to meet with less resistance than usual so that
genuinely cruel or neglectful behaviour is more likely to occur.
[Sidenote: The displacement of love on to step-parents]
Although it is the displacement of hate which manifests itself most openly
and strongly in the relations of step-children to step-parents, the
displacement of love from the original dead parent to the new parent may
also play an important (though nearly always more or less unconscious)
part in these relations[114]. The taboo on incest works less powerfully
in regard to the feelings towards the new parent than it did in regard to
those towards the old. The new parent is, as a rule, no relative by blood,
nor is the surviving real parent felt to have the same exclusive rights
over his or her new partner as over the old; therefore the step-parent,
when of the opposite sex to that of the child, is often made the object
of a displacement of those feelings of tenderness and love which were
formerly directed to the real parent of this sex; this state of affairs
leading of course in the majority of cases to a corresponding re-awakening
of jealousy or bitterness towards the surviving original parent. This
love of step-child to step-parent (and particularly that of step-son to
step-mother) and the contest between both of these and the remaining
parent, is one which has indeed been used for ages as a mild form of
displacement of the tendencies and affects originally aroused when both
the child's parents were alive, and one which has found very frequent
expression in myth, legend and literature[115].
[Sidenote: Re-marriage after divorce]
All that we have here said as regards the feelings of children to their
step-parents holds good to an even greater extent than usual in the case
of the re-marriage of parents after a divorce or on their acquiring a
fresh sexual partner after separation from their lawful husband or wife.
Here indeed the feelings and emotions aroused are apt to be still further
intensified by the fact that the children have been, in the nature of the
case, more or less compelled to take sides in the previous struggle or
disagreement that has taken place between the parents. A child's feelings
of love and hate towards his parents are usually intensely stirred by all
manifestations on their part of conjugal unhappiness or infidelity and
when the barriers which prevent the full expression of these feelings
towards the child's real parents are removed by the substitution of a
step-parent, this new parent will often receive the full force of the love
or hate which had hitherto been pent up.
In this chapter we have been concerned with the displacement of the
parent-regarding emotions and tendencies on to persons who resemble the
parents in that they are connected with the child by some close tie of
family relationship. In the next chapter we shall proceed to discuss some
of the other associative mechanisms through the operation of which this
displacement may be effected.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 86: See _e. g._ Frazer, "Totemism and Exogamy" II, 145.]
[Footnote 87: Ancient Society, 385 ff.]
[Footnote 88: See especially W. H. R. Rivers, "On the Origin of the
Classificatory System of Relationship." Anthropological Essays, presented
to E. B. Tylor, p. 310 ff.]
[Footnote 89: Frazer, "Totemism and Exogamy," II, 638.]
[Footnote 90: Frazer, _op. cit._ III, 576.]
[Footnote 91: L. Fernandez de Piedrahita, "Historia de las Conquistas del
Nuevo Reyno de Granada," 1688, 113.]
[Footnote 92: _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, VII, 856.]
[Footnote 93: F. S. Clavigero, "The History of Mexico." Trans. 1787, I,
319.]
[Footnote 94: Book. III, 31.]
[Footnote 95: Sir Gaston Maspero, quoted by Miss R. E. White, "Women in
Ptolemaic Egypt", _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, 1898, XVIII, 244. _Cp._
Frazer, "Adonis, Attis and Osiris." II, 214, who also quotes the above.]
[Footnote 96: Cimon.]
[Footnote 97: Ch. XXII, ii.]
[Footnote 98: _Cp. e. g._ W. Ellis. "Tour through Hawaii," 414.]
[Footnote 99: "Totemism and Exogamy," I, 273 ff.]
[Footnote 100: See _e. g._ Frazer, "Totemism and Exogamy," II, 189.]
[Footnote 101: "Das Inzestmotiv in Dichtung und Sage," 443 ff.]
[Footnote 102: See especially K. Abraham, "Die Stelle der Verwandtenehe
in der Psychologie der Neurosen," _Jahrbuch für Psychoanalytische und
Psychopathologische Forschungen_, I, 1909, 110.]
[Footnote 103: See _e. g._ Frazer, "Totemism and Exogamy," I, 346, 439,
449 ff., 475, 483, II, 75 ff., 233 ff., III 552.]
[Footnote 104: See _e. g._ Frazer, "Totemism and Exogamy," I, 180 ff. II
65.]
[Footnote 105: See _e. g._ Frazer, "Totemism and Exogamy," II, 525, III
575, IV 316.]
[Footnote 106: For numerous examples see Frazer. "Totemism and Exogamy."]
[Footnote 107: For numerous examples see Frazer. "Totemism and Exogamy."]
[Footnote 108: For numerous examples see Frazer. "Totemism and Exogamy."]
[Footnote 109: The reader will remember that in England permission to
marry a deceased wife's sister has only recently been granted.]
[Footnote 110: See especially Freud, "Totem and Taboo," 24 ff.]
[Footnote 111: _Cp._ Rank, "Das Inzestmotiv in Dichtung und Sage," 44 ff.]
[Footnote 112: "The Problem of Hamlet," _American Journal of Psychology_,
1910. XXI, 72.]
[Footnote 113: _Cp._ Riklin, "Wishfulfillment and Symbolism in Fairy
Tales".]
[Footnote 114: _Cp._ Otto Rank, "Das Inzestmotiv in Dichtung und Sage," 44
ff.]
[Footnote 115: For numerous examples see Rank, _op. cit._ 119 ff.]