MESSAGE.

WHITE HOUSE, _December 3, 1901_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

The Congress assembles this year under the shadow of a great calamity.

On the sixth of September, President McKinley was shot by an anarchist

while attending the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, and died in that

city on the fourteenth of that month.

Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the third who has been

murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is sufficient to justify

grave alarm among all loyal American citizens. Moreover, the

circumstances of this, the third assassination of an American President,

have a peculiarly sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and

President Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortunately not

uncommon in history; President Lincoln falling a victim to the terrible

passions aroused by four years of civil war, and President Garfield

to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed office-seeker. President

McKinley was killed by an utterly depraved criminal belonging to that

body of criminals who object to all governments, good and bad alike,

who are against any form of popular liberty if it is guaranteed by even

the most just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile to the upright

exponent of a free people's sober will as to the tyrannical and

irresponsible despot.

It is not too much to say that at the time of President McKinley's

death he was the most widely loved man in all the United States; while

we have never had any public man of his position who has been so wholly

free from the bitter animosities incident to public life. His political

opponents were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute

to the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and gentleness of

character which so endeared him to his close associates. To a standard

of lofty integrity in public life he united the tender affections and

home virtues which are all-important in the make-up of national

character. A gallant soldier in the great war for the Union, he also

shone as an example to all our people because of his conduct in the most

sacred and intimate of home relations. There could be no personal hatred

of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration for the welfare

of others. No one could fail to respect him who knew him in public or

private life. The defenders of those murderous criminals who seek to

excuse their criminality by asserting that it is exercised for political

ends, inveigh against wealth and irresponsible power. But for this

assassination even this base apology cannot be urged.

President McKinley was a man of moderate means, a man whose stock sprang

from the sturdy tillers of the soil, who had himself belonged among the

wage-workers, who had entered the Army as a private soldier. Wealth was

not struck at when the President was assassinated, but the honest toil

which is content with moderate gains after a lifetime of unremitting

labor, largely in the service of the public. Still less was power struck

at in the sense that power is irresponsible or centered in the hands of

any one individual. The blow was not aimed at tyranny or wealth. It was

aimed at one of the strongest champions the wage-worker has ever had; at

one of the most faithful representatives of the system of public rights

and representative government who has ever risen to public office.

President McKinley filled that political office for which the entire

people vote, and no President--not even Lincoln himself--was ever more

earnestly anxious to represent the well thought-out wishes of the

people; his one anxiety in every crisis was to keep in closest touch

with the people--to find out what they thought and to endeavor to give

expression to their thought, after having endeavored to guide that

thought aright. He had just been re-elected to the Presidency because

the majority of our citizens, the majority of our farmers and

wage-workers, believed that he had faithfully upheld their interests for

four years. They felt themselves in close and intimate touch with him.

They felt that he represented so well and so honorably all their ideals

and aspirations that they wished him to continue for another four years

to represent them.

And this was the man at whom the assassin struck! That there might be

nothing lacking to complete the Judas-like infamy of his act, he took

advantage of an occasion when the President was meeting the people

generally; and advancing as if to take the hand out-stretched to him

in kindly and brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and generous

confidence of the victim into an opportunity to strike the fatal blow.

There is no baser deed in all the annals of crime.

The shock, the grief of the country, are bitter in the minds of all

who saw the dark days, while the President yet hovered between life and

death. At last the light was stilled in the kindly eyes and the breath

went from the lips that even in mortal agony uttered no words save of

forgiveness to his murderer, of love for his friends, and of unfaltering

trust in the will of the Most High. Such a death, crowning the glory of

such a life, leaves us with infinite sorrow, but with such pride in what

he had accomplished and in his own personal character, that we feel the

blow not as struck at him, but as struck at the Nation. We mourn a good

and great President who is dead; but while we mourn we are lifted up by

the splendid achievements of his life and the grand heroism with which

he met his death.

When we turn from the man to the Nation, the harm done is so great as

to excite our gravest apprehensions and to demand our wisest and most

resolute action. This criminal was a professed anarchist, inflamed by

the teachings of professed anarchists, and probably also by the reckless

utterances of those who, on the stump and in the public press, appeal to

the dark and evil spirits of malice and greed, envy and sullen hatred.

The wind is sowed by the men who preach such doctrines, and they cannot

escape their share of responsibility for the whirlwind that is reaped.

This applies alike to the deliberate demagogue, to the exploiter of

sensationalism, and to the crude and foolish visionary who, for whatever

reason, apologizes for crime or excites aimless discontent.

The blow was aimed not at this President, but at all Presidents; at

every symbol of government. President McKinley was as emphatically the

embodiment of the popular will of the Nation expressed through the

forms of law as a New England town meeting is in similar fashion the

embodiment of the law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of the

town. On no conceivable theory could the murder of the President be

accepted as due to protest against "inequalities in the social order,"

save as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a town meeting could

be accepted as a protest against that social inequality which puts a

malefactor in jail. Anarchy is no more an expression of "social

discontent" than picking pockets or wife-beating.

The anarchist, and especially the anarchist in the United States, is

merely one type of criminal, more dangerous than any other because he

represents the same depravity in a greater degree. The man who advocates

anarchy directly or indirectly, in any shape or fashion, or the man

who apologizes for anarchists and their deeds, makes himself morally

accessory to murder before the fact. The anarchist is a criminal whose

perverted instincts lead him to prefer confusion and chaos to the most

beneficent form of social order. His protest of concern for workingmen

is outrageous in its impudent falsity; for if the political institutions

of this country do not afford opportunity to every honest and

intelligent son of toil, then the door of hope is forever closed against

him. The anarchist is everywhere not merely the enemy of system and of

progress, but the deadly foe of liberty. If ever anarchy is triumphant,

its triumph will last for but one red moment, to be succeeded for ages

by the gloomy night of despotism.

For the anarchist himself, whether he preaches or practices his

doctrines, we need not have one particle more concern than for any

ordinary murderer. He is not the victim of social or political

injustice. There are no wrongs to remedy in his case. The cause of his

criminality is to be found in his own evil passions and in the evil

conduct of those who urge him on, not in any failure by others or by the

State to do justice to him or his. He is a malefactor and nothing else.

He is in no sense, in no shape or way, a "product of social conditions,"

save as a highwayman is "produced" by the fact than an unarmed man

happens to have a purse. It is a travesty upon the great and holy names

of liberty and freedom to permit them to be invoked in such a cause.

No man or body of men preaching anarchistic doctrines should be allowed

at large any more than if preaching the murder of some specified private

individual. Anarchistic speeches, writings, and meetings are essentially

seditious and treasonable.

I earnestly recommend to the Congress that in the exercise of its wise

discretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country

of anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all government

and justifying the murder of those placed in authority. Such individuals

as those who not long ago gathered in open meeting to glorify the murder

of King Humbert of Italy perpetrate a crime, and the law should ensure

their rigorous punishment. They and those like them should be kept out

of this country; and if found here they should be promptly deported to

the country whence they came; and far-reaching provision should be made

for the punishment of those who stay. No matter calls more urgently for

the wisest thought of the Congress.

The Federal courts should be given jurisdiction over any man who kills

or attempts to kill the President or any man who by the Constitution or

by law is in line of succession for the Presidency, while the punishment

for an unsuccessful attempt should be proportioned to the enormity of

the offense against our institutions.

Anarchy is a crime against the whole human race; and all mankind should

band against the anarchist. His crime should be made an offense against

the law of nations, like piracy and that form of man-stealing known as

the slave trade; for it is of far blacker infamy than either. It should

be so declared by treaties among all civilized powers. Such treaties

would give to the Federal Government the power of dealing with the

crime.

A grim commentary upon the folly of the anarchist position was afforded

by the attitude of the law toward this very criminal who had just taken

the life of the President. The people would have torn him limb from limb

if it had not been that the law he defied was at once invoked in his

behalf. So far from his deed being committed on behalf of the people

against the Government, the Government was obliged at once to exert its

full police power to save him from instant death at the hands of the

people. Moreover, his deed worked not the slightest dislocation in our

governmental system, and the danger of a recurrence of such deeds, no

matter how great it might grow, would work only in the direction of

strengthening and giving harshness to the forces of order. No man

will ever be restrained from becoming President by any fear as to his

personal safety. If the risk to the President's life became great, it

would mean that the office would more and more come to be filled by men

of a spirit which would make them resolute and merciless in dealing

with every friend of disorder. This great country will not fall into

anarchy, and if anarchists should ever become a serious menace to its

institutions, they would not merely be stamped out, but would involve in

their own ruin every active or passive sympathizer with their doctrines.

The American people are slow to wrath, but when their wrath is once

kindled it burns like a consuming flame.

During the last five years business confidence has been restored,

and the nation is to be congratulated because of its present abounding

prosperity. Such prosperity can never be created by law alone, although

it is easy enough to destroy it by mischievous laws. If the hand of the

Lord is heavy upon any country, if flood or drought comes, human wisdom

is powerless to avert the calamity. Moreover, no law can guard us

against the consequences of our own folly. The men who are idle or

credulous, the men who seek gains not by genuine work with head or hand

but by gambling in any form, are always a source of menace not only

to themselves but to others. If the business world loses its head,

it loses what legislation cannot supply. Fundamentally the welfare of

each citizen, and therefore the welfare of the aggregate of citizens

which makes the nation, must rest upon individual thrift and energy,

resolution, and intelligence. Nothing can take the place of this

individual capacity; but wise legislation and honest and intelligent

administration can give it the fullest scope, the largest opportunity

to work to good effect.

The tremendous and highly complex industrial development which went on

with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter half of the nineteenth

century brings us face to face, at the beginning of the twentieth, with

very serious social problems. The old laws, and the old customs which

had almost the binding force of law, were once quite sufficient to

regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the

industrial changes which have so enormously increased the productive

power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient.

The growth of cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the

growth of the country, and the upbuilding of the great industrial

centers has meant a startling increase, not merely in the aggregate of

wealth, but in the number of very large individual, and especially of

very large corporate, fortunes. The creation of these great corporate

fortunes has not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental

action, but to natural causes in the business world, operating in other

countries as they operate in our own.

The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of which is wholly

without warrant. It is not true that as the rich have grown richer the

poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has the average

man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the small trader, been so well off

as in this country and at the present time. There have been abuses

connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true that a

fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be accumulated by the

person specially benefited only on condition of conferring immense

incidental benefits upon others. Successful enterprise, of the type

which benefits all mankind, can only exist if the conditions are such

as to offer great prizes as the rewards of success.

The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems across

this continent, who have built up our commerce, who have developed our

manufactures, have on the whole done great good to our people. Without

them the material development of which we are so justly proud could

never have taken place. Moreover, we should recognize the immense

importance of this material development of leaving as unhampered as is

compatible with the public good the strong and forceful men upon whom

the success of business operations inevitably rests. The slightest study

of business conditions will satisfy anyone capable of forming a judgment

that the personal equation is the most important factor in a business

operation; that the business ability of the man at the head of any

business concern, big or little, is usually the factor which fixes

the gulf between striking success and hopeless failure.

An additional reason for caution in dealing with corporations is to be

found in the international commercial conditions of today. The same

business conditions which have produced the great aggregations of

corporate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors

in international commercial competition. Business concerns which have

the largest means at their disposal and are managed by the ablest men

are naturally those which take the lead in the strife for commercial

supremacy among the nations of the world. America has only just begun

to assume that commanding position in the international business world

which we believe will more and more be hers. It is of the utmost

importance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time

when the overflowing abundance of our own natural resources and the

skill, business energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people make

foreign markets essential. Under such conditions it would be most

unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our Nation.

Moreover, it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with

ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost inevitably

endangers the interests of all. The fundamental rule in our national

life--the rule which underlies all others--is that, on the whole, and in

the long run, we shall go up or down together. There are exceptions;

and in times of prosperity some will prosper far more, and in times

of adversity, some will suffer far more, than others; but speaking

generally, a period of good times means that all share more or less in

them, and in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a greater or

less degree. It surely ought not to be necessary to enter into any proof

of this statement; the memory of the lean years which began in 1893 is

still vivid, and we can contrast them with the conditions in this very

year which is now closing. Disaster to great business enterprises

can never have its effects limited to the men at the top. It spreads

through-out, and while it is bad for everybody, it is worst for those

farthest down. The capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries; but the

wage-worker may be deprived of even bare necessities.

The mechanism of modern business is so delicate that extreme care must

be taken not to interfere with it in a spirit of rashness or ignorance.

Many of those who have made it their vocation to denounce the great

industrial combinations which are popularly, although with technical

inaccuracy, known as "trusts," appeal especially to hatred and fear.

These are precisely the two emotions, particularly when combined with

ignorance, which unfit men for the exercise of cool and steady judgment.

In facing new industrial conditions, the whole history of the world

shows that legislation will generally be both unwise and ineffective

unless undertaken after calm inquiry and with sober self-restraint.

Much of the legislation directed at the trusts would have been

exceedingly mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective.

In accordance with a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or

reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of the evils

which he has been nominally opposing. In dealing with business

interests, for the Government to undertake by crude and ill-considered

legislation to do what may turn out to be bad, would be to incur the

risk of such far-reaching national disaster that it would be preferable

to undertake nothing at all. The men who demand the impossible or the

undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with which they are

nominally at war, for they hamper those who would endeavor to find out

in rational fashion what the wrongs really are and to what extent and

in what manner it is practicable to apply remedies.

All this is true; and yet it is also true that there are real and grave

evils, one of the chief being over-capitalization because of its many

baleful consequences; and a resolute and practical effort must be made

to correct these evils.

There is a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people

that the great corporations known as trusts are in certain of their

features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare. This springs

from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor lack of pride in the

great industrial achievements that have placed this country at the head

of the nations struggling for commercial supremacy. It does not rest

upon a lack of intelligent appreciation of the necessity of meeting

changing and changed conditions of trade with new methods, nor upon

ignorance of the fact that combination of capital in the effort to

accomplish great things is necessary when the world's progress demands

that great things be done. It is based upon sincere conviction that

combination and concentration should be, not prohibited, but supervised

and within reasonable limits controlled; and in my judgment this

conviction is right.

It is no limitation upon property rights or freedom of contract to

require that when men receive from Government the privilege of doing

business under corporate form, which frees them from individual

responsibility, and enables them to call into their enterprises the

capital of the public, they shall do so upon absolutely truthful

representations as to the value of the property in which the capital is

to be invested. Corporations engaged in interstate commerce should be

regulated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public

injury. It should be as much the aim of those who seek for social

betterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the

entire body politic of crimes of violence. Great corporations exist only

because they are created and safeguarded by our institutions; and it is

therefore our right and our duty to see that they work in harmony with

these institutions.

The first essential in determining how to deal with the great industrial

combinations is knowledge of the facts--publicity. In the interest of

the public, the Government should have the right to inspect and examine

the workings of the great corporations engaged in interstate business.

Publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now invoke. What further

remedies are needed in the way of governmental regulation, or taxation,

can only be determined after publicity has been obtained, by process

of law, and in the course of administration. The first requisite is

knowledge, full and complete--knowledge which may be made public to

the world.

Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint stock or other

associations, depending upon any statutory law for their existence or

privileges, should be subject to proper governmental supervision, and

full and accurate information as to their operations should be made

public regularly at reasonable intervals.

The large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized in

one State, always do business in many States, often doing very little

business in the State where they are incorporated. There is utter lack

of uniformity in the State laws about them; and as no State has any

exclusive interest in or power over their acts, it has in practice

proved impossible to get adequate regulation through State action.

Therefore, in the interest of the whole people, the Nation should,

without interfering with the power of the States in the matter itself,

also assume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations

doing an interstate business. This is especially true where the

corporation derives a portion of its wealth from the existence of some

monopolistic element or tendency in its business. There would be no

hardship in such supervision; banks are subject to it, and in their case

it is now accepted as a simple matter of course. Indeed, it is probable

that supervision of corporations by the National Government need not go

so far as is now the case with the supervision exercised over them by

so conservative a State as Massachusetts, in order to produce excellent

results.

When the Constitution was adopted, at the end of the eighteenth

century, no human wisdom could foretell the sweeping changes, alike in

industrial and political conditions, which were to take place by the

beginning of the twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a

matter of course that the several States were the proper authorities to

regulate, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively insignificant

and strictly localized corporate bodies of the day. The conditions are

now wholly different and wholly different action is called for. I believe

that a law can be framed which will enable the National Government

to exercise control along the lines above indicated; profiting by

the experience gained through the passage and administration of the

Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, the judgment of the Congress

is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass such an act, then

a constitutional amendment should be submitted to confer the power.

There should be created a Cabinet officer, to be known as Secretary of

Commerce and Industries, as provided in the bill introduced at the last

session of the Congress. It should be his province to deal with commerce

in its broadest sense; including among many other things whatever

concerns labor and all matters affecting the great business corporations

and our merchant marine.

The course proposed is one phase of what should be a comprehensive

and far-reaching scheme of constructive statesmanship for the purpose

of broadening our markets, securing our business interests on a safe

basis, and making firm our new position in the international industrial

world; while scrupulously safeguarding the rights of wage-worker and

capitalist, of investor and private citizen, so as to secure equity as

between man and man in this Republic.

With the sole exception of the farming interest, no one matter

is of such vital moment to our whole people as the welfare of the

wage-workers. If the farmer and the wage-worker are well off, it is

absolutely certain that all others will be well off too. It Is therefore

a matter for hearty congratulation that on the whole wages are higher

to-day in the United States than ever before in our history, and far

higher than in any other country. The standard of living is also higher

than ever before. Every effort of legislator and administrator should

be bent to secure the permanency of this condition of things and its

improvement wherever possible. Not only must our labor be protected by

the tariff, but it should also be protected so far as it is possible

from the presence in this country of any laborers brought over by

contract, or of those who, coming freely, yet represent a standard of

living so depressed that they can undersell our men in the labor market

and drag them to a lower level. I regard it as necessary, with this end

in view, to re-enact immediately the law excluding Chinese laborers and

to strengthen it wherever necessary in order to make its enforcement

entirely effective.

The National Government should demand the highest quality of service

from its employees; and in return it should be a good employer. If

possible legislation should be passed, in connection with the Interstate

Commerce Law, which will render effective the efforts of different

States to do away with the competition of convict contract labor in

the open labor market. So far as practicable under the conditions of

Government work, provision should be made to render the enforcement

of the eight-hour law easy and certain. In all industries carried on

directly or indirectly for the United States Government women and

children should be protected from excessive hours of labor, from night

work, and from work under unsanitary conditions. The Government should

provide in its contracts that all work should be done under "fair"

conditions, and in addition to setting a high standard should uphold

it by proper inspection, extending if necessary to the subcontractors.

The Government should forbid all night work for women and children, as

well as excessive overtime. For the District of Columbia a good factory

law should be passed; and, as a powerful indirect aid to such laws,

provision should be made to turn the inhabited alleys, the existence of

which is a reproach to our Capital city, into minor streets, where the

inhabitants can live under conditions favorable to health and morals.

American wage-workers work with their heads as well as their hands.

Moreover, they take a keen pride in what they are doing; so that,

independent of the reward, they wish to turn out a perfect job. This is

the great secret of our success in competition with the labor of foreign

countries.

The most vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the

whole civilized world, has to deal, is the problem which has for one

side the betterment of social conditions, moral and physical, in large

cities, and for another side the effort to deal with that tangle of

far-reaching questions which we group together when we speak of "labor."

The chief factor in the success of each man--wage-worker, farmer, and

capitalist alike--must ever be the sum total of his own individual

qualities and abilities. Second only to this comes the power of acting

in combination or association with others. Very great good has been and

will be accomplished by associations or unions of wage-workers, when

managed with forethought, and when they combine insistence upon their

own rights with law-abiding respect for the rights of others. The

display of these qualities in such bodies is a duty to the nation no

less than to the associations themselves. Finally, there must also in

many cases be action by the Government in order to safeguard the rights

and interests of all. Under our Constitution there is much more scope

for such action by the State and the municipality than by the nation.

But on points such as those touched on above the National Government

can act.

When all is said and done, the rule of brotherhood remains as the

indispensable prerequisite to success in the kind of national life for

which we strive. Each man must work for himself, and unless he so works

no outside help can avail him; but each man must remember also that he

is indeed his brother's keeper, and that while no man who refuses to

walk can be carried with advantage to himself or anyone else, yet that

each at times stumbles or halts, that each at times needs to have the

helping hand outstretched to him. To be permanently effective, aid must

always take the form of helping a man to help himself; and we can all

best help ourselves by joining together in the work that is of common

interest to all.

Our present immigration laws are unsatisfactory. We need every honest

and efficient immigrant fitted to become an American citizen, every

immigrant who comes here to stay, who brings here a strong body, a stout

heart, a good head, and a resolute purpose to do his duty well in every

way and to bring up his children as law-abiding and God-fearing members

of the community. But there should be a comprehensive law enacted with

the object of working a threefold improvement over our present system.

First, we should aim to exclude absolutely not only all persons who

are known to be believers in anarchistic principles or members of

anarchistic societies, but also all persons who are of a low moral

tendency or of unsavory reputation. This means that we should require

a more thorough system of inspection abroad and a more rigid system

of examination at our immigration ports, the former being especially

necessary.

The second object of a proper immigration law ought to be to secure by

a careful and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent

capacity to appreciate American institutions and act sanely as American

citizens. This would not keep out all anarchists, for many of them

belong to the intelligent criminal class. But it would do what is also

in point, that is, tend to decrease the sum of ignorance, so potent in

producing the envy, suspicion, malignant passion, and hatred of order,

out of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Finally, all

persons should be excluded who are below a certain standard of economic

fitness to enter our industrial field as competitors with American

labor. There should be proper proof of personal capacity to earn an

American living and enough money to insure a decent start under American

conditions. This would stop the influx of cheap labor, and the resulting

competition which gives rise to so much of bitterness in American

industrial life; and it would dry up the springs of the pestilential

social conditions in our great cities, where anarchistic organizations

have their greatest possibility of growth.

Both the educational and economic tests in a wise immigration law should

be designed to protect and elevate the general body politic and social.

A very close supervision should be exercised over the steamship

companies which mainly bring over the immigrants, and they should be

held to a strict accountability for any infraction of the law.

There is general acquiescence in our present tariff system as a

national policy. The first requisite to our prosperity is the continuity

and stability of this economic policy. Nothing could be more unwise than

to disturb the business interests of the country by any general tariff

change at this time. Doubt, apprehension, uncertainty are exactly what

we most wish to avoid in the interest of our commercial and material

well-being. Our experience in the past has shown that sweeping revisions

of the tariff are apt to produce conditions closely approaching panic

in the business world. Yet it is not only possible, but eminently

desirable, to combine with the stability of our economic system a

supplementary system of reciprocal benefit and obligation with other

nations. Such reciprocity is an incident and result of the firm

establishment and preservation of our present economic policy.

It was specially provided for in the present tariff law.

Reciprocity must be treated as the handmaiden of protection. Our first

duty is to see that the protection granted by the tariff in every case

where it is needed is maintained, and that reciprocity be sought for so

far as it can safely be done without injury to our home industries. Just

how far this is must be determined according to the individual case,

remembering always that every application of our tariff policy to meet

our shifting national needs must be conditioned upon the cardinal fact

that the duties must never be reduced below the point that will cover

the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. The well-being

of the wage-worker is a prime consideration of our entire policy of

economic legislation.

Subject to this proviso of the proper protection necessary to our

industrial well-being at home, the principle of reciprocity must command

our hearty support. The phenomenal growth of our export trade emphasizes

the urgency of the need for wider markets and for a liberal policy in

dealing with foreign nations. Whatever is merely petty and vexatious

in the way of trade restrictions should be avoided. The customers to

whom we dispose of our surplus products in the long run, directly or

indirectly, purchase those surplus products by giving us something in

return. Their ability to purchase our products should as far as possible

be secured by so arranging our tariff as to enable us to take from them

those products which we can use without harm to our own industries and

labor, or the use of which will be of marked benefit to us.

It is most important that we should maintain the high level of our

present prosperity. We have now reached the point in the development of

our interests where we are not only able to supply our own markets but

to produce a constantly growing surplus for which we must find markets

abroad. To secure these markets we can utilize existing duties in any

case where they are no longer needed for the purpose of protection,

or in any case where the article is not produced here and the duty is

no longer necessary for revenue, as giving us something to offer in

exchange for what we ask. The cordial relations with other nations which

are so desirable will naturally be promoted by the course thus required

by our own interests.

The natural line of development for a policy of reciprocity will be in

connection with those of our productions which no longer require all of

the support once needed to establish them upon a sound basis, and with

those others where either because of natural or of economic causes we

are beyond the reach of successful competition.

I ask the attention of the Senate to the reciprocity treaties laid

before it by my predecessor.

The condition of the American merchant marine is such as to call for

immediate remedial action by the Congress. It is discreditable to us

as a Nation that our merchant marine should be utterly insignificant in

comparison to that of other nations which we overtop in other forms of

business. We should not longer submit to conditions under which only

a trifling portion of our great commerce is carried in our own ships.

To remedy this state of things would not merely serve to build up our

shipping interests, but it would also result in benefit to all who are

interested in the permanent establishment of a wider market for American

products, and would provide an auxiliary force for the Navy. Ships

work for their own countries just as railroads work for their terminal

points. Shipping lines, if established to the principal countries with

which we have dealings, would be of political as well as commercial

benefit. From every standpoint it is unwise for the United States

to continue to rely upon the ships of competing nations for the

distribution of our goods. It should be made advantageous to carry

American goods in American-built ships.

At present American shipping is under certain great disadvantages when

put in competition with the shipping of foreign countries. Many of the

fast foreign steamships, at a speed of fourteen knots or above, are

subsidized; and all our ships, sailing vessels and steamers alike, cargo

carriers of slow speed and mail carriers of high speed, have to meet the

fact that the original cost of building American ships is greater than

is the case abroad; that the wages paid American officers and seamen

are very much higher than those paid the officers and seamen of foreign

competing countries; and that the standard of living on our ships is

far superior to the standard of living on the ships of our commercial

rivals.

Our Government should take such action as will remedy these

inequalities. The American merchant marine should be restored to

the ocean.

The Act of March 14, 1900, intended unequivocally to establish gold as

the standard money and to maintain at a parity therewith all forms of

money medium in use with us, has been shown to be timely and judicious.

The price of our Government bonds in the world's market, when compared

with the price of similar obligations issued by other nations, is a

flattering tribute to our public credit. This condition it is evidently

desirable to maintain

In many respects the National Banking Law furnishes sufficient liberty

for the proper exercise of the banking function; but there seems to be

need of better safeguards against the deranging influence of commercial

crises and financial panics. Moreover, the currency of the country

should be made responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and

commerce.

The collections from duties on imports and internal taxes continue to

exceed the ordinary expenditures of the Government, thanks mainly to the

reduced army expenditures. The utmost care should be taken not to reduce

the revenues so that there will be any possibility of a deficit; but,

after providing against any such contingency, means should be adopted

which will bring the revenues more nearly within the limit of our actual

needs. In his report to the Congress the Secretary of the Treasury

considers all these questions at length, and I ask your attention to the

report and recommendations.

I call special attention to the need of strict economy in expenditures.

The fact that our national needs forbid us to be niggardly in providing

whatever is actually necessary to our well-being, should make us doubly

careful to husband our national resources, as each of us husbands his

private resources, by scrupulous avoidance of anything like wasteful or

reckless expenditure. Only by avoidance of spending money on what is

needless or unjustifiable can we legitimately keep our income to the

point required to meet our needs that are genuine.

In 1887 a measure was enacted for the regulation of interstate railways,

commonly known as the Interstate Commerce Act. The cardinal provisions

of that act were that railway rates should be just and reasonable and

that all shippers, localities, and commodities should be accorded equal

treatment. A commission was created and endowed with what were supposed

to be the necessary powers to execute the provisions of this act.

That law was largely an experiment. Experience has shewn the wisdom of

its purposes, but has also shown, possibly that some of its requirements

are wrong, certainly that the means devised for the enforcement of its

provisions are defective. Those who complain of the management of the

railways allege that established rates are not maintained; that rebates

and similar devices are habitually resorted to; that these preferences

are usually in favor of the large shipper; that they drive out of

business the smaller competitor; that while many rates are too low, many

others are excessive; and that gross preferences are made, affecting

both localities and commodities. Upon the other hand, the railways

assert that the law by its very terms tends to produce many of these

illegal practices by depriving carriers of that right of concerted

action which they claim is necessary to establish and maintain

non-discriminating rates.

The act should be amended. The railway is a public servant. Its rates

should be just to and open to all shippers alike. The Government should

see to it that within its jurisdiction this is so and should provide a

speedy, inexpensive, and effective remedy to that end. At the same time

it must not be forgotten that our railways are the arteries through

which the commercial lifeblood of this Nation flows. Nothing could be

more foolish than the enactment of legislation which would unnecessarily

interfere with the development and operation of these commercial

agencies. The subject is one of great importance and calls for the

earnest attention of the Congress.

The Department of Agriculture during the past fifteen years has steadily

broadened its work on economic lines, and has accomplished results of

real value in upbuilding domestic and foreign trade. It has gone into

new fields until it is now in touch with all sections of our country

and with two of the island groups that have lately come under our

jurisdiction, whose people must look to agriculture as a livelihood.

It is searching the world for grains, grasses, fruits, and vegetables

specially fitted for introduction into localities in the several States

and Territories where they may add materially to our resources. By

scientific attention to soil survey and possible new crops, to breeding

of new varieties of plants, to experimental shipments, to animal

industry and applied chemistry, very practical aid has been given our

farming and stock-growing interests. The products of the farm have taken

an unprecedented place in our export trade during the year that has just

closed.

Public opinion throughout the United States has moved steadily toward a

just appreciation of the value of forests, whether planted or of natural

growth. The great part played by them in the creation and maintenance of

the national wealth is now more fully realized than ever before.

Wise forest protection does not mean the withdrawal of forest resources,

whether of wood, water, or grass, from contributing their full share to

the welfare of the people, but, on the contrary, gives the assurance of

larger and more certain supplies. The fundamental idea of forestry is

the perpetuation of forests by use. Forest protection is not an end

of itself; it is a means to increase and sustain the resources of our

country and the industries which depend upon them. The preservation of

our forests is an imperative business necessity. We have come to see

clearly that whatever destroys the forest, except to make way for

agriculture, threatens our well being.

The practical usefulness of the national forest reserves to the mining,

grazing, irrigation, and other interests of the regions in which the

reserves lie has led to a widespread demand by the people of the West

for their protection and extension. The forest reserves will inevitably

be of still greater use in the future than in the past. Additions should

be made to them whenever practicable, and their usefulness should be

increased by a thoroughly business-like management.

At present the protection of the forest reserves rests with the General

Land Office, the mapping and description of their timber with the

United States Geological Survey, and the preparation of plans for their

conservative use with the Bureau of Forestry, which is also charged with

the general advancement of practical forestry in the United States.

These various functions should be united in the Bureau of Forestry,

to which they properly belong. The present diffusion of responsibility

is bad from every standpoint. It prevents that effective co-operation

between the Government and the men who utilize the resources of the

reserves, without which the interests of both must suffer. The

scientific bureaus generally should be put under the Department of

Agriculture. The President should have by law the power of transferring

lands for use as forest reserves to the Department of Agriculture. He

already has such power in the case of lands needed by the Departments

of War and the Navy.

The wise administration of the forest reserves will be not less helpful

to the interests which depend on water than to those which depend on

wood and grass. The water supply itself depends upon the forest. In

the arid region it is water, not land, which measures production. The

western half of the United States would sustain a population greater

than that of our whole country to-day if the waters that now run to

waste were saved and used for irrigation. The forest and water problems

are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the United States.

Certain of the forest reserves should also be made preserves for the

wild forest creatures. All of the reserves should be better protected

from fires. Many of them need special protection because of the great

injury done by live stock, above all by sheep. The increase in deer,

elk, and other animals in the Yellowstone Park shows what may be

expected when other mountain forests are properly protected by law and

properly guarded. Some of these areas have been so denuded of surface

vegetation by overgrazing that the ground breeding birds, including

grouse and quail, and many mammals, including deer, have been

exterminated or driven away. At the same time the water-storing capacity

of the surface has been decreased or destroyed, thus promoting floods in

times of rain and diminishing the flow of streams between rains.

In cases where natural conditions have been restored for a few

years, vegetation has again carpeted the ground, birds and deer are

coming back, and hundreds of persons, especially from the immediate

neighborhood, come each summer to enjoy the privilege of camping.

Some at least of the forest reserves should afford perpetual protection

to the native fauna and flora, safe havens of refuge to our rapidly

diminishing wild animals of the larger kinds, and free camping grounds

for the ever-increasing numbers of men and women who have learned

to find rest, health, and recreation in the splendid forests and

flower-clad meadows of our mountains. The forest reserves should be set

apart forever for the use and benefit of our people as a whole and not

sacrificed to the shortsighted greed of a few.

The forests are natural reservoirs. By restraining the streams in flood

and replenishing them in drought they make possible the use of waters

otherwise wasted. They prevent the soil from washing, and so protect the

storage reservoirs from filling up with silt. Forest conservation is

therefore an essential condition of water conservation.

The forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and conserve the

waters of the arid region. Great storage works are necessary to equalize

the flow of streams and to save the flood waters. Their construction

has been conclusively shown to be an undertaking too vast for private

effort. Nor can it be best accomplished by the individual States acting

alone. Far-reaching interstate problems are involved; and the resources

of single States would often be inadequate. It is properly a national

function, at least in some of its features. It is as right for the

National Government to make the streams and rivers of the arid region

useful by engineering works for water storage as to make useful the

rivers and harbors of the humid region by engineering works of another

kind. The storing of the floods in reservoirs at the headwaters of our

rivers is but an enlargement of our present policy of river control,

under which levees are built on the lower reaches of the same streams.

The Government should construct and maintain these reservoirs as it

does other public works. Where their purpose is to regulate the flow of

streams, the water should be turned freely into the channels in the dry

season to take the same course under the same laws as the natural flow.

The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a different

problem. Here it is not enough to regulate the flow of streams. The

object of the Government is to dispose of the land to settlers who will

build homes upon it. To accomplish this object water must be brought

within their reach.

The pioneer settlers on the arid public domain chose their homes along

streams from which they could themselves divert the water to reclaim

their holdings. Such opportunities are practically gone. There remain,

however, vast areas of public land which can be made available for

homestead settlement, but only by reservoirs and main-line canals

impracticable for private enterprise. These irrigation works should be

built by the National Government. The lands reclaimed by them should

be reserved by the Government for actual settlers, and the cost of

construction should so far as possible be repaid by the land reclaimed.

The distribution of the water, the division of the streams among

irrigators, should be left to the settlers themselves in conformity

with State laws and without interference with those laws or with

vested rights. The policy of the National Government should be to aid

irrigation in the several States and Territories in such manner as will

enable the people in the local communities to help themselves, and as

will stimulate needed reforms in the State laws and regulations

governing irrigation.

The reclamation and settlement of the arid lands will enrich every

portion of our country, just as the settlement of the Ohio and

Mississippi valleys brought prosperity to the Atlantic States. The

increased demand for manufactured articles will stimulate industrial

production, while wider home markets and the trade of Asia will consume

the larger food supplies and effectually prevent Western competition

with Eastern agriculture. Indeed, the products of irrigation will be

consumed chiefly in upbuilding local centers of mining and other

industries, which would otherwise not come into existence at all.

Our people as a whole will profit, for successful home-making is but

another name for the upbuilding of the nation.

The necessary foundation has already been laid for the inauguration

of the policy just described. It would be unwise to begin by doing too

much, for a great deal will doubtless be learned, both as to what can

and what cannot be safely attempted, by the early efforts, which must

of necessity be partly experimental in character. At the very beginning

the Government should make clear, beyond shadow of doubt, its intention

to pursue this policy on lines of the broadest public interest. No

reservoir or canal should ever be built to satisfy selfish personal

or local interests; but only in accordance with the advice of trained

experts, after long investigation has shown the locality where all the

conditions combine to make the work most needed and fraught with the

greatest usefulness to the community as a whole. There should be no

extravagance, and the believers in the need of irrigation will most

benefit their cause by seeing to it that it is free from the least

taint of excessive or reckless expenditure of the public moneys.

Whatever the nation does for the extension of irrigation should

harmonize with, and tend to improve, the condition of those now living

on irrigated land. We are not at the starting point of this development.

Over two hundred millions of private capital has already been expended

in the construction of irrigation works, and many million acres of arid

land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise and ability has been shown

in the work itself; but as much cannot be said in reference to the laws

relating thereto. The security and value of the homes created depend

largely on the stability of titles to water; but the majority of these

rest on the uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered in ordinary

suits at law. With a few creditable exceptions, the arid States have

failed to provide for the certain and just division of streams in times

of scarcity. Lax and uncertain laws have made it possible to establish

rights to water in excess of actual uses or necessities, and many

streams have already passed into private ownership, or a control

equivalent to ownership.

Whoever controls a stream practically controls the land it renders

productive, and the doctrine of private ownership of water apart from

land cannot prevail without causing enduring wrong. The recognition of

such ownership, which has been permitted to grow up in the arid regions,

should give way to a more enlightened and larger recognition of the

rights of the public in the control and disposal of the public water

supplies. Laws founded upon conditions obtaining in humid regions, where

water is too abundant to justify hoarding it, have no proper application

in a dry country.

In the arid States the only right to water which should be recognized

is that of use. In irrigation this right should attach to the land

reclaimed and be inseparable therefrom. Granting perpetual water rights

to others than users, without compensation to the public, is open to all

the objections which apply to giving away perpetual franchises to the

public utilities of cities. A few of the Western States have already

recognized this, and have incorporated in their constitutions the

doctrine of perpetual State ownership of water.

The benefits which have followed the unaided development of the past

justify the nation's aid and co-operation in the more difficult and

important work yet to be accomplished. Laws so vitally affecting homes

as those which control the water supply will only be effective when they

have the sanction of the irrigators; reforms can only be final and

satisfactory when they come through the enlightenment of the people most

concerned. The larger development which national aid insures should,

however, awaken in every arid State the determination to make its

irrigation system equal in justice and effectiveness that of any country

in the civilized world. Nothing could be more unwise than for isolated

communities to continue to learn everything experimentally, instead of

profiting by what is already known elsewhere. We are dealing with a new

and momentous question, in the pregnant years while institutions are

forming, and what we do will affect not only the present but future

generations.

Our aim should be not simply to reclaim the largest area of land and

provide homes for the largest number of people, but to create for this

new industry the best possible social and industrial conditions; and

this requires that we not only understand the existing situation, but

avail ourselves of the best experience of the time in the solution of

its problems. A careful study should be made, both by the Nation and

the States, of the irrigation laws and conditions here and abroad.

Ultimately it will probably be necessary for the Nation to co-operate

with the several arid States in proportion as these States by their

legislation and administration show themselves fit to receive it.

In Hawaii our aim must be to develop the Territory on the traditional

American lines. We do not wish a region of large estates tilled by cheap

labor; we wish a healthy American community of men who themselves till

the farms they own. All our legislation for the islands should be shaped

with this end in view; the well-being of the average home-maker must

afford the true test of the healthy development of the islands. The land

policy should as nearly as possible be modeled on our homestead system.

It is a pleasure to say that it is hardly more necessary to report as

to Puerto Rico than as to any State or Territory within our continental

limits. The island is thriving as never before, and it is being

administered efficiently and honestly. Its people are now enjoying

liberty and order under the protection of the United States, and upon

this fact we congratulate them and ourselves. Their material welfare

must be as carefully and jealously considered as the welfare of any

other portion of our country. We have given them the great gift of free

access for their products to the markets of the United States. I ask

the attention of the Congress to the need of legislation concerning the

public lands of Puerto Rico.

In Cuba such progress has been made toward putting the independent

government of the island upon a firm footing that before the present

session of the Congress closes this will be an accomplished fact. Cuba

will then start as her own mistress; and to the beautiful Queen of the

Antilles, as she unfolds this new page of her destiny, we extend our

heartiest greetings and good wishes. Elsewhere I have discussed the

question of reciprocity. In the case of Cuba, however, there are weighty

reasons of morality and of national interest why the policy should be

held to have a peculiar application, and I most earnestly ask your

attention to the wisdom, indeed to the vital need, of providing for a

substantial reduction in the tariff duties on Cuban imports into the

United States. Cuba has in her constitution affirmed what we desired,

that she should stand, in international matters, in closer and more

friendly relations with us than with any other power; and we are bound

by every consideration of honor and expediency to pass commercial

measures in the interest of her material well-being.

In the Philippines our problem is larger. They are very rich tropical

islands, inhabited by many varying tribes, representing widely different

stages of progress toward civilization. Our earnest effort is to help

these people upward along the stony and difficult path that leads to

self-government. We hope to make our administration of the islands

honorable to our Nation by making it of the highest benefit to the

Filipinos themselves; and as an earnest of what we intend to do, we

point to what we have done. Already a greater measure of material

prosperity and of governmental honesty and efficiency has been attained

in the Philippines than ever before in their history.

It is no light task for a nation to achieve the temperamental qualities

without which the institutions of free government are but an empty

mockery. Our people are now successfully governing themselves, because

for more than a thousand years they have been slowly fitting themselves,

sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, toward this end. What

has taken us thirty generations to achieve, we cannot expect to see

another race accomplish out of hand, especially when large portions

of that race start very far behind the point which our ancestors had

reached even thirty generations ago. In dealing with the Philippine

people we must show both patience and strength, forbearance and

steadfast resolution. Our aim is high. We do not desire to do for the

islanders merely what has elsewhere been done for tropic peoples by even

the best foreign governments. We hope to do for them what has never

before been done for any people of the tropics--to make them fit for

self-government after the fashion of the really free nations.

History may safely be challenged to show a single instance in which a

masterful race such as ours, having been forced by the exigencies of war

to take possession of an alien land, has behaved to its inhabitants with

the disinterested zeal for their progress that our people have shown in

the Philippines. To leave the islands at this time would mean that they

would fall into a welter of murderous anarchy. Such desertion of duty on

our part would be a crime against humanity. The character of Governor

Taft and of his associates and subordinates is a proof, if such be

needed, of the sincerity of our effort to give the islanders a

constantly increasing measure of self-government, exactly as fast as

they show themselves fit to exercise it. Since the civil government was

established not an appointment has been made in the islands with any

reference to considerations of political influence, or to aught else

save the fitness of the man and the needs of the service.

In our anxiety for the welfare and progress of the Philippines, it may

be that here and there we have gone too rapidly in giving them local

self-government. It is on this side that our error, if any, has been

committed. No competent observer, sincerely desirous of finding out the

facts and influenced only by a desire for the welfare of the natives,

can assert that we have not gone far enough. We have gone to the very

verge of safety in hastening the process. To have taken a single step

farther or faster in advance would have been folly and weakness, and

might well have been crime. We are extremely anxious that the natives

shall show the power of governing themselves. We are anxious, first for

their sakes, and next, because it relieves us of a great burden. There

need not be the slightest fear of our not continuing to give them all

the liberty for which they are fit.

The only fear is lest in our overanxiety we give them a degree of

independence for which they are unfit, thereby inviting reaction and

disaster. As fast as there is any reasonable hope that in a given

district the people can govern themselves, self-government has

been given in that district. There is not a locality fitted for

self-government which has not received it. But it may well be that in

certain cases it will have to be withdrawn because the inhabitants show

themselves unfit to exercise it; such instances have already occurred.

In other words, there is not the slightest chance of our failing to show

a sufficiently humanitarian spirit. The danger comes in the opposite

direction.

There are still troubles ahead in the islands. The insurrection has

become an affair of local banditti and marauders, who deserve no higher

regard than the brigands of portions of the Old World. Encouragement,

direct or indirect, to these insurrectors stands on the same footing as

encouragement to hostile Indians in the days when we still had Indian

wars. Exactly as our aim is to give to the Indian who remains peaceful

the fullest and amplest consideration, but to have it understood that

we will show no weakness if he goes on the warpath, so we must make it

evident, unless we are false to our own traditions and to the demands of

civilization and humanity, that while we will do everything in our power

for the Filipino who is peaceful, we will take the sternest measures

with the Filipino who follows the path of the insurrecto and the

ladrone.

The heartiest praise is due to large numbers of the natives of the

islands for their steadfast loyalty. The Macabebes have been conspicuous

for their courage and devotion to the flag. I recommend that the

Secretary of War be empowered to take some systematic action in the way

of aiding those of these men who are crippled in the service and the

families of those who are killed.

The time has come when there should be additional legislation for

the Philippines. Nothing better can be done for the islands than to

introduce industrial enterprises. Nothing would benefit them so much as

throwing them open to industrial development. The connection between

idleness and mischief is proverbial, and the opportunity to do

remunerative work is one of the surest preventatives of war. Of course

no business man will go into the Philippines unless it is to his

interest to do so; and it is immensely to the interest of the islands

that he should go in. It is therefore necessary that the Congress should

pass laws by which the resources of the islands can be developed; so

that franchises (for limited terms of years) can be granted to companies

doing business in them, and every encouragement be given to the incoming

of business men of every kind.

Not to permit this is to do a wrong to the Philippines. The franchises

must be granted and the business permitted only under regulations which

will guarantee the islands against any kind of improper exploitation.

But the vast natural wealth of the islands must be developed, and the

capital willing to develop it must be given the opportunity. The field

must be thrown open to individual enterprise, which has been the real

factor in the development of every region over which our flag has flown.

It is urgently necessary to enact suitable laws dealing with general

transportation, mining, banking, currency, homesteads, and the use and

ownership of the lands and timber. These laws will give free play to

industrial enterprise; and the commercial development which will surely

follow will accord to the people of the islands the best proofs of the

sincerity of our desire to aid them.

I call your attention most earnestly to the crying need of a cable to

Hawaii and the Philippines, to be continued from the Philippines to

points in Asia. We should not defer a day longer than necessary the

construction of such a cable. It is demanded not merely for commercial

but for political and military considerations.

Either the Congress should immediately provide for the construction of

a Government cable, or else an arrangement should be made by which like

advantages to those accruing from a Government cable may be secured to

the Government by contract with a private cable company.

No single great material work which remains to be undertaken on this

continent is of such consequence to the American people as the building

of a canal across the Isthmus connecting North and South America. Its

importance to the Nation is by no means limited merely to its material

effects upon our business prosperity; and yet with view to these effects

alone it would be to the last degree important for us immediately to

begin it. While its beneficial effects would perhaps be most marked upon

the Pacific Coast and the Gulf and South Atlantic States, it would also

greatly benefit other sections. It is emphatically a work which it is

for the interest of the entire country to begin and complete as soon as

possible; it is one of those great works which only a great nation can

undertake with prospects of success, and which when done are not only

permanent assets in the nation's material interests, but standing

monuments to its constructive ability.

I am glad to be able to announce to you that our negotiations on this

subject with Great Britain, conducted on both sides in a spirit of

friendliness and mutual good will and respect, have resulted in my being

able to lay before the Senate a treaty which if ratified will enable

us to begin preparations for an Isthmian canal at any time, and which

guarantees to this Nation every right that it has ever asked in

connection with the canal. In this treaty, the old Clayton-Bulwer

treaty, so long recognized as inadequate to supply the base for the

construction and maintenance of a necessarily American ship canal, is

abrogated. It specifically provides that the United States alone shall

do the work of building and assume the responsibility of safeguarding

the canal and shall regulate its neutral use by all nations on terms of

equality without the guaranty or interference of any outside nation from

any quarter. The signed treaty will at once be laid before the Senate,

and if approved the Congress can then proceed to give effect to the

advantages it secures us by providing for the building of the canal.

The true end of every great and free people should be self-respecting

peace; and this Nation most earnestly desires sincere and cordial

friendship with all others. Over the entire world, of recent years, wars

between the great civilized powers have become less and less frequent.

Wars with barbarous or semi-barbarous peoples come in an entirely

different category, being merely a most regrettable but necessary

international police duty which must be performed for the sake of the

welfare of mankind. Peace can only be kept with certainty where both

sides wish to keep it; but more and more the civilized peoples are

realizing the wicked folly of war and are attaining that condition of

just and intelligent regard for the rights of others which will in the

end, as we hope and believe, make world-wide peace possible. The peace

conference at The Hague gave definite expression to this hope and belief

and marked a stride toward their attainment.

This same peace conference acquiesced in our statement of the Monroe

Doctrine as compatible with the purposes and aims of the conference.

The Monroe Doctrine should be the cardinal feature of the foreign policy

of all the nations of the two Americas, as it is of the United States.

Just seventy-eight years have passed since President Monroe in his

Annual Message announced that "The American continents are henceforth

not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European

power." In other words, the Monroe Doctrine is a declaration that there

must be no territorial aggrandizement by any non-American power at

the expense of any American power on American soil. It is in no wise

intended as hostile to any nation in the Old World. Still less is it

intended to give cover to any aggression by one New World power at

the expense of any other. It is simply a step, and a long step, toward

assuring the universal peace of the world by securing the possibility

of permanent peace on this hemisphere.

During the past century other influences have established the permanence

and independence of the smaller states of Europe. Through the Monroe

Doctrine we hope to be able to safeguard like independence and secure

like permanence for the lesser among the New World nations.

This doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of any

American power, save that it in truth allows each of them to form such

as it desires. In other words, it is really a guaranty of the commercial

independence of the Americas. We do not ask under this doctrine for

any exclusive commercial dealings with any other American state. We do

not guarantee any state against punishment if it misconducts itself,

provided that punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of

territory by any non-American power.

Our attitude in Cuba is a sufficient guaranty of our own good faith.

We have not the slightest desire to secure any territory at the expense

of any of our neighbors. We wish to work with them hand in hand, so that

all of us may be uplifted together, and we rejoice over the good fortune

of any of them, we gladly hail their material prosperity and political

stability, and are concerned and alarmed if any of them fall into

industrial or political chaos. We do not wish to see any Old World

military power grow up on this continent, or to be compelled to become

a military power ourselves. The peoples of the Americas can prosper

best if left to work out their own salvation in their own way.

The work of upbuilding the Navy must be steadily continued. No one point

of our policy, foreign or domestic, is more important than this to the

honor and material welfare, and above all to the peace, of our nation in

the future. Whether we desire it or not, we must henceforth recognize

that we have international duties no less than international rights.

Even if our flag were hauled down in the Philippines and Puerto Rico,

even if we decided not to build the Isthmian Canal, we should need a

thoroughly trained Navy of adequate size, or else be prepared definitely

and for all time to abandon the idea that our nation is among those

whose sons go down to the sea in ships. Unless our commerce is always to

be carried in foreign bottoms, we must have war craft to protect it.

Inasmuch, however, as the American people have no thought of abandoning

the path upon which they have entered, and especially in view of the

fact that the building of the Isthmian Canal is fast becoming one of the

matters which the whole people are united in demanding, it is imperative

that our Navy should be put and kept in the highest state of efficiency,

and should be made to answer to our growing needs. So far from being in

any way a provocation to war, an adequate and highly trained navy is

the best guaranty against war, the cheapest and most effective peace

insurance. The cost of building and maintaining such a navy represents

the very lightest premium for insuring peace which this nation can

possibly pay.

Probably no other great nation in the world is so anxious for peace

as we are. There is not a single civilized power which has anything

whatever to fear from aggressiveness on our part. All we want is peace;

and toward this end we wish to be able to secure the same respect for

our rights from others which we are eager and anxious to extend to their

rights in return, to insure fair treatment to us commercially, and to

guarantee the safety of the American people.

Our people intend to abide by the Monroe Doctrine and to insist upon it

as the one sure means of securing the peace of the Western Hemisphere.

The Navy offers us the only means of making our insistence upon the

Monroe Doctrine anything but a subject of derision to whatever nation

chooses to disregard it. We desire the peace which comes as of right to

the just man armed; not the peace granted on terms of ignominy to the

craven and the weakling.

It is not possible to improvise a navy after war breaks out. The ships

must be built and the men trained long in advance. Some auxiliary

vessels can be turned into makeshifts which will do in default of any

better for the minor work, and a proportion of raw men can be mixed with

the highly trained, their shortcomings being made good by the skill of

their fellows; but the efficient fighting force of the Navy when pitted

against an equal opponent will be found almost exclusively in the war

ships that have been regularly built and in the officers and men who

through years of faithful performance of sea duty have been trained

to handle their formidable but complex and delicate weapons with the

highest efficiency. In the late war with Spain the ships that dealt the

decisive blows at Manila and Santiago had been launched from two to

fourteen years, and they were able to do as they did because the men in

the conning towers, the gun turrets, and the engine-rooms had through

long years of practice at sea learned how to do their duty.

Our present Navy was begun in 1882. At that period our Navy

consisted of a collection of antiquated wooden ships, already almost as

out of place against modern war vessels as the galleys of Alcibiades

and Hamilcar--certainly as the ships of Tromp and Blake. Nor at that

time did we have men fit to handle a modern man-of-war. Under the wise

legislation of the Congress and the successful administration of a

succession of patriotic Secretaries of the Navy, belonging to both

political parties, the work of upbuilding the Navy went on, and ships

equal to any in the world of their kind were continually added; and what

was even more important, these ships were exercised at sea singly and in

squadrons until the men aboard them were able to get the best possible

service out of them. The result was seen in the short war with Spain,

which was decided with such rapidity because of the infinitely greater

preparedness of our Navy than of the Spanish Navy.

While awarding the fullest honor to the men who actually commanded

and manned the ships which destroyed the Spanish sea forces in the

Philippines and in Cuba, we must not forget that an equal meed of praise

belongs to those without whom neither blow could have been struck. The

Congressmen who voted years in advance the money to lay down the ships,

to build the guns, to buy the armor-plate; the Department officials and

the business men and wage-workers who furnished what the Congress had

authorized; the Secretaries of the Navy who asked for and expended the

appropriations; and finally the officers who, in fair weather and foul,

on actual sea service, trained and disciplined the crews of the ships

when there was no war in sight--all are entitled to a full share in the

glory of Manila and Santiago, and the respect accorded by every true

American to those who wrought such signal triumph for our country.

It was forethought and preparation which secured us the overwhelming

triumph of 1898. If we fail to show forethought and preparation now,

there may come a time when disaster will befall us instead of triumph;

and should this time come, the fault will rest primarily, not upon those

whom the accident of events puts in supreme command at the moment, but

upon those who have failed to prepare in advance.

There should be no cessation in the work of completing our Navy. So far

ingenuity has been wholly unable to devise a substitute for the great

war craft whose hammering guns beat out the mastery of the high seas.

It is unsafe and unwise not to provide this year for several additional

battle ships and heavy armored cruisers, with auxiliary and lighter

craft in proportion; for the exact numbers and character I refer you to

the report of the Secretary of the Navy. But there is something we need

even more than additional ships, and this is additional officers and

men. To provide battle ships and cruisers and then lay them up, with the

expectation of leaving them unmanned until they are needed in actual

war, would be worse than folly; it would be a crime against the Nation.

To send any war ship against a competent enemy unless those aboard it

have been trained by years of actual sea service, including incessant

gunnery practice, would be to invite not merely disaster, but the

bitterest shame and humiliation. Four thousand additional seamen and one

thousand additional marines should be provided; and an increase in the

officers should be provided by making a large addition to the classes

at Annapolis. There is one small matter which should be mentioned in

connection with Annapolis. The pretentious and unmeaning title of "naval

cadet" should be abolished; the title of "midshipman," full of historic

association, should be restored.

Even in time of peace a war ship should be used until it wears out, for

only so can it be kept fit to respond to any emergency. The officers and

men alike should be kept as much as possible on blue water, for it is

there only they can learn their duties as they should be learned. The

big vessels should be manoeuvred in squadrons containing not merely

battle ships, but the necessary proportion of cruisers and scouts. The

torpedo boats should be handled by the younger officers in such manner

as will best fit the latter to take responsibility and meet the

emergencies of actual warfare.

Every detail ashore which can be performed by a civilian should be

so performed, the officer being kept for his special duty in the

sea service. Above all, gunnery practice should be unceasing. It

is important to have our Navy of adequate size, but it is even more

important that ship for ship it should equal in efficiency any navy in

the world. This is possible only with highly drilled crews and officers,

and this in turn imperatively demands continuous and progressive

instruction in target practice, ship handling, squadron tactics, and

general discipline. Our ships must be assembled in squadrons actively

cruising away from harbors and never long at anchor. The resulting wear

upon engines and hulls must be endured; a battle ship worn out in long

training of officers and men is well paid for by the results, while, on

the other hand, no matter in how excellent condition, it is useless if

the crew be not expert.

We now have seventeen battle ships appropriated for, of which nine are

completed and have been commissioned for actual service. The remaining

eight will be ready in from two to four years, but it will take at least

that time to recruit and train the men to fight them. It is of vast

concern that we have trained crews ready for the vessels by the time

they are commissioned. Good ships and good guns are simply good weapons,

and the best weapons are useless save in the hands of men who know how

to fight with them. The men must be trained and drilled under a thorough

and well-planned system of progressive instruction, while the recruiting

must be carried on with still greater vigor. Every effort must be made

to exalt the main function of the officer--the command of men. The

leading graduates of the Naval Academy should be assigned to the

combatant branches, the line and marines.

Many of the essentials of success are already recognized by the General

Board, which, as the central office of a growing staff, is moving

steadily toward a proper war efficiency and a proper efficiency of the

whole Navy, under the Secretary. This General Board, by fostering the

creation of a general staff, is providing for the official and then the

general recognition of our altered conditions as a Nation and of the

true meaning of a great war fleet, which meaning is, first, the best

men, and, second, the best ships.

The Naval Militia forces are State organizations, and are trained for

coast service, and in event of war they will constitute the inner line

of defense. They should receive hearty encouragement from the General

Government.

But in addition we should at once provide for a National Naval Reserve,

organized and trained under the direction of the Navy Department,

and subject to the call of the Chief Executive whenever war becomes

imminent. It should be a real auxiliary to the naval seagoing peace

establishment, and offer material to be drawn on at once for manning

our ships in time of war. It should be composed of graduates of the

Naval Academy, graduates of the Naval Militia, officers and crews of

coast-line steamers, longshore schooners, fishing vessels, and steam

yachts, together with the coast population about such centers as

life-saving stations and light-houses.

The American people must either build and maintain an adequate navy or

else make up their minds definitely to accept a secondary position in

international affairs, not merely in political, but in commercial,

matters. It has been well said that there is no surer way of courting

national disaster than to be "opulent, aggressive, and unarmed."

It is not necessary to increase our Army beyond its present size at this

time. But it is necessary to keep it at the highest point of efficiency.

The individual units who as officers and enlisted men compose this Army,

are, we have good reason to believe, at least as efficient as those of

any other army in the entire world. It is our duty to see that their

training is of a kind to insure the highest possible expression of power

to these units when acting in combination.

The conditions of modern war are such as to make an infinitely heavier

demand than ever before upon the individual character and capacity of

the officer and the enlisted man, and to make it far more difficult for

men to act together with effect. At present the fighting must be done in

extended order, which means that each man must act for himself and at

the same time act in combination with others with whom he is no longer

in the old-fashioned elbow-to-elbow touch. Under such conditions a few

men of the highest excellence are worth more than many men without the

special skill which is only found as the result of special training

applied to men of exceptional physique and morale. But nowadays the most

valuable fighting man and the most difficult to perfect is the rifleman

who is also a skillful and daring rider.

The proportion of our cavalry regiments has wisely been increased.

The American cavalryman, trained to manoeuvre and fight with equal

facility on foot and on horseback, is the best type of soldier for

general purposes now to be found in the world. The ideal cavalryman of

the present day is a man who can fight on foot as effectively as the

best infantryman, and who is in addition unsurpassed in the care and

management of his horse and in his ability to fight on horseback.

A general staff should be created. As for the present staff and supply

departments, they should be filled by details from the line, the men

so detailed returning after a while to their line duties. It is very

undesirable to have the senior grades of the Army composed of men who

have come to fill the positions by the mere fact of seniority. A system

should be adopted by which there shall be an elimination grade by grade

of those who seem unfit to render the best service in the next grade.

Justice to the veterans of the Civil War who are still in the Army would

seem to require that in the matter of retirements they be given by law

the same privileges accorded to their comrades in the Navy.

The process of elimination of the least fit should be conducted in a

manner that would render it practically impossible to apply political

or social pressure on behalf of any candidate, so that each man may be

judged purely on his own merits. Pressure for the promotion of civil

officials for political reasons is bad enough, but it is tenfold worse

where applied on behalf of officers of the Army or Navy. Every promotion

and every detail under the War Department must be made solely with

regard to the good of the service and to the capacity and merit of the

man himself. No pressure, political, social, or personal, of any kind,

will be permitted to exercise the least effect in any question of

promotion or detail; and if there is reason to believe that such

pressure is exercised at the instigation of the officer concerned, it

will be held to militate against him. In our Army we cannot afford to

have rewards or duties distributed save on the simple ground that those

who by their own merits are entitled to the rewards get them, and that

those who are peculiarly fit to do the duties are chosen to perform

them.

Every effort should be made to bring the Army to a constantly increasing

state of efficiency. When on actual service no work save that directly

in the line of such service should be required. The paper work in the

Army, as in the Navy, should be greatly reduced. What is needed is

proved power of command and capacity to work well in the field. Constant

care is necessary to prevent dry rot in the transportation and

commissary departments.

Our Army is so small and so much scattered that it is very difficult to

give the higher officers (as well as the lower officers and the enlisted

men) a chance to practice manoeuvres in mass and on a comparatively

large scale. In time of need no amount of individual excellence would

avail against the paralysis which would follow inability to work as

a coherent whole, under skillful and daring leadership. The Congress

should provide means whereby it will be possible to have field exercises

by at least a division of regulars, and if possible also a division of

national guardsmen, once a year. These exercises might take the form of

field manoeuvres; or, if on the Gulf Coast or the Pacific or Atlantic

Seaboard, or in the region of the Great Lakes, the army corps when

assembled could be marched from some inland point to some point on the

water, there embarked, disembarked after a couple of days' journey at

some other point, and again marched inland. Only by actual handling and

providing for men in masses while they are marching, camping, embarking,

and disembarking, will it be possible to train the higher officers to

perform their duties well and smoothly.

A great debt is owing from the public to the men of the Army and Navy.

They should be so treated as to enable them to reach the highest point

of efficiency, so that they may be able to respond instantly to any

demand made upon them to sustain the interests of the Nation and the

honor of the flag. The individual American enlisted man is probably on

the whole a more formidable fighting man than the regular of any other

army. Every consideration should be shown him, and in return the highest

standard of usefulness should be exacted from him. It is well worth

while for the Congress to consider whether the pay of enlisted men upon

second and subsequent enlistments should not be increased to correspond

with the increased value of the veteran soldier.

Much good has already come from the act reorganizing the Army, passed

early in the present year. The three prime reforms, all of them of

literally inestimable value, are, first, the substitution of four-year

details from the line for permanent appointments in the so-called staff

divisions; second, the establishment of a corps of artillery with a

chief at the head; third, the establishment of a maximum and minimum

limit for the Army. It would be difficult to overestimate the

improvement in the efficiency of our Army which these three reforms

are making, and have in part already effected.

The reorganization provided for by the act has been substantially

accomplished. The improved conditions in the Philippines have enabled

the War Department materially to reduce the military charge upon our

revenue and to arrange the number of soldiers so as to bring this number

much nearer to the minimum than to the maximum limit established by law.

There is, however, need of supplementary legislation. Thorough military

education must be provided, and in addition to the regulars the

advantages of this education should be given to the officers of the

National Guard and others in civil life who desire intelligently to fit

themselves for possible military duty. The officers should be given the

chance to perfect themselves by study in the higher branches of this

art. At West Point the education should be of the kind most apt to turn

out men who are good in actual field service; too much stress should not

be laid on mathematics, nor should proficiency therein be held to

establish the right of entry to a _corps d'élite_. The typical

American officer of the best kind need not be a good mathematician;

but he must be able to master himself, to control others, and to show

boldness and fertility of resource in every emergency.

Action should be taken in reference to the militia and to the raising

of volunteer forces. Our militia law is obsolete and worthless. The

organization and armament of the National Guard of the several States,

which are treated as militia in the appropriations by the Congress,

should be made identical with those provided for the regular forces. The

obligations and duties of the Guard in time of war should be carefully

defined, and a system established by law under which the method of

procedure of raising volunteer forces should be prescribed in advance.

It is utterly impossible in the excitement and haste of impending war

to do this satisfactorily if the arrangements have not been made

long beforehand. Provision should be made for utilizing in the first

volunteer organizations called out the training of those citizens who

have already had experience under arms, and especially for the selection

in advance of the officers of any force which may be raised; for careful

selection of the kind necessary is impossible after the outbreak of war.

That the Army is not at all a mere instrument of destruction has been

shown during the last three years. In the Philippines, Cuba, and Puerto

Rico it has proved itself a great constructive force, a most potent

implement for the upbuilding of a peaceful civilization.

No other citizens deserve so well of the Republic as the veterans, the

survivors of those who saved the Union. They did the one deed which

if left undone would have meant that all else in our history went for

nothing. But for their steadfast prowess in the greatest crisis of our

history, all our annals would be meaningless, and our great experiment

in popular freedom and self-government a gloomy failure. Moreover, they

not only left us a united Nation, but they left us also as a heritage

the memory of the mighty deeds by which the Nation was kept united. We

are now indeed one Nation, one in fact as well as in name; we are united

in our devotion to the flag which is the symbol of national greatness

and unity; and the very completeness of our union enables us all, in

every part of the country, to glory in the valor shown alike by the sons

of the North and the sons of the South in the times that tried men's

souls.

The men who in the last three years have done so well in the East

and the West Indies and on the mainland of Asia have shown that this

remembrance is not lost. In any serious crisis the United States must

rely for the great mass of its fighting men upon the volunteer soldiery

who do not make a permanent profession of the military career; and

whenever such a crisis arises the deathless memories of the Civil War

will give to Americans the lift of lofty purpose which comes to those

whose fathers have stood valiantly in the forefront of the battle.

The merit system of making appointments is in its essence as

democratic and American as the common school system itself. It simply

means that in clerical and other positions where the duties are entirely

non-political, all applicants should have a fair field and no favor,

each standing on his merits as he is able to show them by practical

test. Written competitive examinations offer the only available means in

many cases for applying this system. In other cases, as where laborers

are employed, a system of registration undoubtedly can be widely

extended. There are, of course, places where the written competitive

examination cannot be applied, and others where it offers by no means

an ideal solution, but where under existing political conditions it is,

though an imperfect means, yet the best present means of getting

satisfactory results.

Wherever the conditions have permitted the application of the merit

system in its fullest and widest sense, the gain to the Government has

been immense. The navy-yards and postal service illustrate, probably

better than any other branches of the Government, the great gain in

economy, efficiency, and honesty due to the enforcement of this

principle.

I recommend the passage of a law which will extend the classified

service to the District of Columbia, or will at least enable the

President thus to extend it. In my judgment all laws providing for the

temporary employment of clerks should hereafter contain a provision that

they be selected under the Civil Service Law.

It is important to have this system obtain at home, but it is even more

important to have it applied rigidly in our insular possessions. Not

an office should be filled in the Philippines or Puerto Rico with any

regard to the man's partisan affiliations or services, with any regard

to the political, social, or personal influence which he may have at his

command; in short, heed should be paid to absolutely nothing save the

man's own character and capacity and the needs of the service.

The administration of these islands should be as wholly free from the

suspicion of partisan politics as the administration of the Army and

Navy. All that we ask from the public servant in the Philippines or

Puerto Rico is that he reflect honor on his country by the way in which

he makes that country's rule a benefit to the peoples who have come

under it. This is all that we should ask, and we cannot afford to be

content with less.

The merit system is simply one method of securing honest and efficient

administration of the Government; and in the long run the sole

justification of any type of government lies in its proving itself both

honest and efficient.

The consular service is now organized under the provisions of a law

passed in 1856, which is entirely inadequate to existing conditions.

The interest shown by so many commercial bodies throughout the country

in the reorganization of the service is heartily commended to your

attention. Several bills providing for a new consular service have in

recent years been submitted to the Congress. They are based upon the

just principle that appointments to the service should be made only

after a practical test of the applicant's fitness, that promotions

should be governed by trustworthiness, adaptability, and zeal in the

performance of duty, and that the tenure of office should be unaffected

by partisan considerations.

The guardianship and fostering of our rapidly expanding foreign

commerce, the protection of American citizens resorting to foreign

countries in lawful pursuit of their affairs, and the maintenance of

the dignity of the nation abroad, combine to make it essential that

our consuls should be men of character, knowledge and enterprise. It is

true that the service is now, in the main, efficient, but a standard of

excellence cannot be permanently maintained until the principles set

forth in the bills heretofore submitted to the Congress on this subject

are enacted into law.

In my judgment the time has arrived when we should definitely make up

our minds to recognize the Indian as an individual and not as a member

of a tribe. The General Allotment Act is a mighty pulverizing engine

to break up the tribal mass. It acts directly upon the family and the

individual. Under its provisions some sixty thousand Indians have

already become citizens of the United States. We should now break up the

tribal funds, doing for them what allotment does for the tribal lands;

that is, they should be divided into individual holdings. There will be

a transition period during which the funds will in many cases have to

be held in trust. This is the case also with the lands. A stop should

be put upon the indiscriminate permission to Indians to lease their

allotments. The effort should be steadily to make the Indian work like

any other man on his own ground. The marriage laws of the Indians should

be made the same as those of the whites.

In the schools the education should be elementary and largely

industrial. The need of higher education among the Indians is very, very

limited. On the reservations care should be taken to try to suit the

teaching to the needs of the particular Indian. There is no use in

attempting to induce agriculture in a country suited only for cattle

raising, where the Indian should be made a stock grower. The ration

system, which is merely the corral and the reservation system, is highly

detrimental to the Indians. It promotes beggary, perpetuates pauperism,

and stifles industry. It is an effectual barrier to progress. It must

continue to a greater or less degree as long as tribes are herded on

reservations and have everything in common. The Indian should be treated

as an individual--like the white man. During the change of treatment

inevitable hardships will occur; every effort should be made to minimize

these hardships; but we should not because of them hesitate to make the

change. There should be a continuous reduction in the number of

agencies.

In dealing with the aboriginal races few things are more important

than to preserve them from the terrible physical and moral degradation

resulting from the liquor traffic. We are doing all we can to save our

own Indian tribes from this evil. Wherever by international agreement

this same end can be attained as regards races where we do not possess

exclusive control, every effort should be made to bring it about.

I bespeak the most cordial support from the Congress and the people for

the St. Louis Exposition to commemorate the One Hundredth Anniversary

of the Louisiana Purchase. This purchase was the greatest instance of

expansion in our history. It definitely decided that we were to become

a great continental republic, by far the foremost power in the Western

Hemisphere. It is one of three or four great landmarks in our

history--the great turning points in our development. It is eminently

fitting that all our people should join with heartiest good will in

commemorating it, and the citizens of St. Louis, of Missouri, of all the

adjacent region, are entitled to every aid in making the celebration a

noteworthy event in our annals. We earnestly hope that foreign nations

will appreciate the deep interest our country takes in this Exposition,

and our view of its importance from every standpoint, and that they will

participate in securing its success. The National Government should be

represented by a full and complete set of exhibits.

The people of Charleston, with great energy and civic spirit, are

carrying on an Exposition which will continue throughout most of the

present session of the Congress. I heartily commend this Exposition to

the good will of the people. It deserves all the encouragement that can

be given it. The managers of the Charleston Exposition have requested

the Cabinet officers to place thereat the Government exhibits which have

been at Buffalo, promising to pay the necessary expenses. I have taken

the responsibility of directing that this be done, for I feel that it is

due to Charleston to help her in her praiseworthy effort. In my opinion

the management should not be required to pay all these expenses.

I earnestly recommend that the Congress appropriate at once the small

sum necessary for this purpose.

The Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo has just closed. Both from the

industrial and the artistic standpoint this Exposition has been in a

high degree creditable and useful, not merely to Buffalo but to the

United States. The terrible tragedy of the President's assassination

interfered materially with its being a financial success. The Exposition

was peculiarly in harmony with the trend of our public policy, because

it represented an effort to bring into closer touch all the peoples of

the Western Hemisphere, and give them an increasing sense of unity.

Such an effort was a genuine service to the entire American public.

The advancement of the highest interests of national science and

learning and the custody of objects of art and of the valuable results

of scientific expeditions conducted by the United States have been

committed to the Smithsonian Institution. In furtherance of its declared

purpose--for the "increase and diffusion of knowledge among men"--the

Congress has from time to time given it other important functions. Such

trusts have been executed by the Institution with notable fidelity.

There should be no halt in the work of the Institution, in accordance

with the plans which its Secretary has presented, for the preservation

of the vanishing races of great North American animals in the National

Zoological Park. The urgent needs of the National Museum are recommended

to the favorable consideration of the Congress.

Perhaps the most characteristic educational movement of the past fifty

years is that which has created the modern public library and developed

it into broad and active service. There are now over five thousand

public libraries in the United States, the product of this period.

In addition to accumulating material, they are also striving by

organization, by improvement in method, and by co-operation, to give

greater efficiency to the material they hold, to make it more widely

useful, and by avoidance of unnecessary duplication in process to reduce

the cost of its administration.

In these efforts they naturally look for assistance to the Federal

library, which, though still the Library of Congress, and so entitled,

is the one national library of the United States. Already the largest

single collection of books on the Western Hemisphere, and certain

to increase more rapidly than any other through purchase, exchange,

and the operation of the copyright law, this library has a unique

opportunity to render to the libraries of this country--to American

scholarship--service of the highest importance. It is housed in a

building which is the largest and most magnificent yet erected for

library uses. Resources are now being provided which will develop the

collection properly, equip it with the apparatus and service necessary

to its effective use, render its bibliographic work widely available,

and enable it to become, not merely a center of research, but the chief

factor in great co-operative efforts for the diffusion of knowledge and

the advancement of learning.

For the sake of good administration, sound economy, and the advancement

of science, the Census Office as now constituted should be made a

permanent Government bureau. This would insure better, cheaper, and more

satisfactory work, in the interest not only of our business but of

statistic, economic, and social science.

The remarkable growth of the postal service is shown in the fact that

its revenues have doubled and its expenditures have nearly doubled

within twelve years. Its progressive development compels constantly

increasing outlay, but in this period of business energy and prosperity

its receipts grow so much faster than its expenses that the annual

deficit has been steadily reduced from $11,411,779 in 1897 to $3,923,727

in 1901. Among recent postal advances the success of rural free delivery

wherever established has been so marked, and actual experience has made

its benefits so plain, that the demand for its extension is general and

urgent.

It is just that the great agricultural population should share in the

improvement of the service. The number of rural routes now in operation

is 6,009, practically all established within three years, and there are

6,000 applications awaiting action. It is expected that the number in

operation at the close of the current fiscal year will reach 8,600. The

mail will then be daily carried to the doors of 5,700,000 of our people

who have heretofore been dependent upon distant offices, and one-third

of all that portion of the country which is adapted to it will be

covered by this kind of service.

The full measure of postal progress which might be realized has

long been hampered and obstructed by the heavy burden imposed on the

Government through the intrenched and well-understood abuses which have

grown up in connection with second-class mail matter. The extent of this

burden appears when it is stated that while the second-class matter

makes nearly three-fifths of the weight of all the mail, it paid for

the last fiscal year only $4,294,445 of the aggregate postal revenue of

$111,631,193. If the pound rate of postage, which produces the large

loss thus entailed, and which was fixed by the Congress with the purpose

of encouraging the dissemination of public information, were limited

to the legitimate newspapers and periodicals actually contemplated by

the law, no just exception could be taken. That expense would be the

recognized and accepted cost of a liberal public policy deliberately

adopted for a justifiable end. But much of the matter which enjoys the

privileged rate is wholly outside of the intent of the law, and has

secured admission only through an evasion of its requirements or through

lax construction. The proportion of such wrongly included matter is

estimated by postal experts to be one-half of the whole volume of

second-class mail. If it be only one-third or one-quarter, the magnitude

of the burden is apparent. The Post-Office Department has now undertaken

to remove the abuses so far as is possible by a stricter application of

the law; and it should be sustained in its effort.

Owing to the rapid growth of our power and our interests on the Pacific,

whatever happens in China must be of the keenest national concern to us.

The general terms of the settlement of the questions growing out

of the antiforeign uprisings in China of 1900, having been formulated

in a joint note addressed to China by the representatives of the

injured powers in December last, were promptly accepted by the Chinese

Government. After protracted conferences the plenipotentiaries of the

several powers were able to sign a final protocol with the Chinese

plenipotentiaries on the 7th of last September, setting forth the

measures taken by China in compliance with the demands of the joint

note, and expressing their satisfaction therewith. It will be laid

before the Congress, with a report of the plenipotentiary on behalf of

the United States, Mr. William Woodville Rockhill, to whom high praise

is due for the tact, good judgment, and energy he has displayed in

performing an exceptionally difficult and delicate task.

The agreement reached disposes in a manner satisfactory to the powers

of the various grounds of complaint, and will contribute materially to

better future relations between China and the powers. Reparation has

been made by China for the murder of foreigners during the uprising and

punishment has been inflicted on the officials, however high in rank,

recognized as responsible for or having participated in the outbreak.

Official examinations have been forbidden for a period of five years in

all cities in which foreigners have been murdered or cruelly treated,

and edicts have been issued making all officials directly responsible

for the future safety of foreigners and for the suppression of violence

against them.

Provisions have been made for insuring the future safety of the foreign

representatives in Peking by setting aside for their exclusive use a

quarter of the city which the powers can make defensible and in which

they can if necessary maintain permanent military guards; by dismantling

the military works between the capital and the sea; and by allowing the

temporary maintenance of foreign military posts along this line. An

edict has been issued by the Emperor of China prohibiting for two years

the importation of arms and ammunition into China. China has agreed to

pay adequate indemnities to the states, societies, and individuals for

the losses sustained by them and for the expenses of the military

expeditions sent by the various powers to protect life and restore

order.

Under the provisions of the joint note of December, 1900, China has

agreed to revise the treaties of commerce and navigation and to take

such other steps for the purpose of facilitating foreign trade as the

foreign powers may decide to be needed.

The Chinese Government has agreed to participate financially in the

work of bettering the water approaches to Shanghai and to Tientsin,

the centers of foreign trade in central and northern China, and an

international conservancy board, in which the Chinese Government is

largely represented, has been provided for the improvement of the

Shanghai River and the control of its navigation. In the same line of

commercial advantages a revision of the present tariff on imports has

been assented to for the purpose of substituting specific for _ad

valorem_ duties, and an expert has been sent abroad on the part of

the United States to assist in this work. A list of articles to remain

free of duty, including flour, cereals, and rice, gold and silver coin

and bullion, has also been agreed upon in the settlement.

During these troubles our Government has unswervingly advocated

moderation, and has materially aided in bringing about an adjustment

which tends to enhance the welfare of China and to lead to a more

beneficial intercourse between the Empire and the modern world; while

in the critical period of revolt and massacre we did our full share in

safeguarding life and property, restoring order, and vindicating the

national interest and honor. It behooves us to continue in these paths,

doing what lies in our power to foster feelings of good will, and

leaving no effort untried to work out the great policy of full and fair

intercourse between China and the nations, on a footing of equal rights

and advantages to all. We advocate the "open door" with all that it

implies; not merely the procurement of enlarged commercial opportunities

on the coasts, but access to the interior by the waterways with which

China has been so extraordinarily favored. Only by bringing the people

of China into peaceful and friendly community of trade with all the

peoples of the earth can the work now auspiciously begun be carried to

fruition. In the attainment of this purpose we necessarily claim parity

of treatment, under the conventions, throughout the Empire for our trade

and our citizens with those of all other powers.

We view with lively interest and keen hopes of beneficial results the

proceedings of the Pan-American Congress, convoked at the invitation

of Mexico, and now sitting at the Mexican capital. The delegates of the

United States are under the most liberal instructions to co-operate with

their colleagues in all matters promising advantage to the great family

of American commonwealths, as well in their relations among themselves

as in their domestic advancement and in their intercourse with the world

at large.

My predecessor communicated to the Congress the fact that the Weil and

La Abra awards against Mexico have been adjudged by the highest courts

of our country to have been obtained through fraud and perjury on the

part of the claimants, and that in accordance with the acts of the

Congress the money remaining in the hands of the Secretary of State

on these awards has been returned to Mexico. A considerable portion of

the money received from Mexico on these awards had been paid by this

Government to the claimants before the decision of the courts was

rendered. My judgment is that the Congress should return to Mexico

an amount equal to the sums thus already paid to the claimants.

The death of Queen Victoria caused the people of the United States deep

and heartfelt sorrow, to which the Government gave full expression. When

President McKinley died, our Nation in turn received from every quarter

of the British Empire expressions of grief and sympathy no less sincere.

The death of the Empress Dowager Frederick of Germany also aroused the

genuine sympathy of the American people; and this sympathy was cordially

reciprocated by Germany when the President was assassinated. Indeed,

from every quarter of the civilized world we received, at the time of

the President's death, assurances of such grief and regard as to touch

the hearts of our people. In the midst of our affliction we reverently

thank the Almighty that we are at peace with the nations of mankind; and

we firmly intend that our policy shall be such as to continue unbroken

these international relations of mutual respect and good will.