=Copyright, 1897, by THE GREAT ROUND WORLD Publishing Company.=
* * * * *
This has been an exciting week for Cuban matters.
We told you that we might expect to hear more from Mr. Taylor's article
on Cuba in _The North American Review_.
We were quite right in our supposition.
The Madrid papers took the matter up indignantly, and it has been the
main point of interest during the last few days.
If you remember, we told you that Mr. Taylor said, in his article, that
Spain did not seem able to settle the difficult Cuban question, and that
in his opinion it was clearly our duty to interfere.
One of the Spanish Senators, Señor Salvani, wrote an angry letter to the
Madrid papers, in which he said that when Mr. Taylor was minister to
Spain he appeared most anxious to preserve the friendliest relations
between the two countries, and that he repeatedly declared that there
was no fear that the United States would interfere with Cuba.
On seeing this letter, Mr. Taylor wrote one on his own account to the
American papers.
In it he said that his experience had been that the Spanish authorities
were unreliable, and according to his way of thinking the only way to
put an end to the war, which was costing this country so much from
destruction to commerce, was for the Government to take a firm stand
with Spain, and insist that if the war wasn't ended by a certain fixed
date we would end it for her.
To prove the truth of his assertion that Spain was unreliable, he stated
that during the term of his official service in Madrid he had become
convinced that Cuba would never yield, but would fight till her last
drop of blood had been spilled.
Thinking it a great pity to allow such a valuable property as Cuba to be
allowed to go to ruin, he decided to make an effort to bring the war to
a close.
He was acquainted with Señor Castelar, who was a close friend of
Canovas, the late Premier. Señor Castelar was President of Spain when it
was a republic, before the young King's father was put on the throne by
the aid of Canovas. At an informal dinner-party at Señor Castelar's, Mr.
Taylor begged the Señor to talk to Canovas, and convince him that the
war in Cuba was only a cruel waste of life and useless waste of money,
as the Cubans would not submit. He asked Señor Castelar to suggest to
Canovas that an attempt to pacify the island should be made by offering
them liberal Home Rule.
Señor Castelar agreed with Mr. Taylor, and promised to speak to Canovas.
A few days later he sent word to Mr. Taylor that he had brought Canovas
around to his way of thinking, and that Cuba was to be given Home Rule.
Mr. Taylor was very happy over the result of his efforts, and shortly
after an offer of Home Rule was made to the Cubans.
It proved, however, to be Home Rule only in name. Spain was to keep
control of the army, the navy, and the courts; the only privilege given
to the Cubans was to be that of paying taxes to support the Government.
This offer was not acceptable to Cuba, and nothing further came of it.
When Mr. Taylor found that this was all the Home Rule Spain meant to
offer the Cubans, he became discouraged, and concluded that Spain did
not mean to do anything for Cuba, and that the offer was not sincerely
made, but merely to gain time in the hope that the Cubans would run
short of ammunition and be obliged to surrender.
Mr. Taylor has been severely criticised for making these statements.
The Government in Washington feared that serious trouble might result
therefrom. What Mr. Taylor knew of the matter was learned while he was
acting as an officer of the Government, and it has been thought that he
should not have made his knowledge public.
The most alarming rumors grew out of the disclosures. People feared that
war would be the result, and for a few hours there was a war scare.
Prices of stocks fell, and one enterprising paper got out a "special,"
stating that war had been declared, because Spain had claimed the right
to search American vessels on the high seas for arms, or what is called
contraband of war.
The spread of the alarm was increased by a report that the Chamber of
Commerce had once again issued a warning to the Government that the
harbor defences of New York city were not strong enough, and had asked
that they be strengthened.
Twice before in the history of our country that body has warned
Congress: once before the outbreak of the Revolution, and again just
before the Civil War.
As the members of the Chamber of Commerce had been right on both of the
previous occasions, the people looked on them as prophets, and a war
scare spread over the country, which caused the greatest uneasiness.
The feelings of the people were, however, calmed by an announcement from
Washington that there was not the slightest cause for alarm. The
governments in Washington and Madrid understood each other perfectly,
and President McKinley intended to allow the promised reforms time to
take effect before he even considered the idea of interference. In the
announcement it was added that the warning from the Chamber of Commerce
would be taken into consideration, but that there was in it nothing to
throw the country into a panic.
The sudden fall in stocks was declared to be a trick on the part of some
Wall Street speculators, and to mean nothing more serious than that a
few sharp men had made money out of a good many foolish ones.
In regard to the threatened searching of American vessels--an action
which would certainly oblige us to declare war on Spain--it was stated
by those in authority that Spain does not contemplate any such course.
American vessels have a perfect right to carry arms to Cuba and fulfil
any orders they may receive for such goods, as long as Spain persists in
saying that war does not exist in the island. It is only when men
accompany the arms that Spain has a right to protest; otherwise it is a
mere carrying of merchandise from one port to another.
It is felt that while Spain has cause for anger against the American
sympathisers who have sent over so many filibusters, she has none
against the United States Government, which has done everything in its
power to prevent the despatching of these unlawful expeditions.
* * * * *
Before he left Havana Weyler made a speech in which he is reported to
have made remarks which have annoyed the Spanish Government. This
appears to have created trouble for him.
The Spanish ministers have talked the matter over, and decided to demand
an explanation from the ex-Captain-General.
The commanders of each of the ports in the Spanish kingdom have been
instructed to ask the General what these remarks were the moment he sets
his foot on Spanish soil, wherever that may be. If his statement agrees
with the reports of his speech, he will immediately be arrested and
tried by court-martial.
The particular remark reported which so offended the Government was in
reference to his being certain that no other minister would keep him in
office after the death of Canovas.
General Blanco is endeavoring to establish his government in Havana.
He is not having an easy time of it, however. The Spanish ministers were
led to believe that there were a great number of Cubans who were
desirous of seeing Home Rule established, and who would come to the
assistance of Spain if she attempted to do this.
One of the proposed changes was that certain of the offices should be
filled by Cubans. From the accounts given. General Blanco expected to
find no difficulty in getting the Cubans to serve under him.
To his dismay he has found that the reported strong Home Rule party does
not exist, and that the Cubans decline the honors offered them. He had
to threaten one man with banishment from Cuba before he could persuade
him to take any part in the establishment of the reforms.
* * * * *
The war is being actively pursued all over the island. General Garcia
has, it is said, captured Holguin and Mayari in Santiago de Cuba.
At Pinar del Rio City the insurgents defeated the Spanish troops and
took from them some guns and a large store of ammunition.
It is said that a million dollars, sent over to pay the Spanish army,
has mysteriously disappeared from Havana's treasury, and the soldiers
are extremely indignant over it.
The desperate want of money among the troops is leading to some very
reprehensible acts, if we are to believe what we hear.
It seems that some soldiers brought their colonel word that they knew
where they could lay hands on $14,000, and they said that if they were
allowed to go and seize it they would bring it to the colonel to pay
the regiment, which otherwise would mutiny.
The colonel allowed his men to set off on their shameful expedition, and
learned that sure enough they had obtained the money. What was his
surprise and indignation to find that, instead of bringing it to him,
they had deserted to the Cubans with their booty.
While the promised reforms are being put into practice without delay,
the new Captain-General is, it is said, making active preparations for
war. The winter campaign against the rebels is to begin at once, and it
is believed that severe fighting is ahead.
It remains to be seen whether the soldiers will do better under General
Blanco's leadership than they did under Weyler.
* * * * *
You will be interested to know that the trial of the _Competitor_
prisoners takes place in Havana this week.
The Spanish Government evidently wishes to settle this matter, which has
been a grave source of difficulty between Madrid and Washington.
Under General Weyler's rule it was impossible to get these men tried,
but Blanco has brought orders that they be tried immediately, and it is
rumored that if they are found guilty they will be pardoned on condition
that they leave Cuba and never return to it.
The _Competitor_ case was explained to you in No. 40 of THE GREAT ROUND
WORLD. Briefly, she was a schooner engaged in a filibustering
expedition, and was overhauled and captured by the Spaniards. All the
persons on board escaped but five, three of whom were sailing the ship,
and claimed to be American citizens.
The defence made by these men was that the filibustering party had taken
passage for Florida, and had given no indication of being engaged in any
unlawful pursuit till the vessel was out of sight of land, when they
took possession of her, and forced the captain to carry them over to
Cuba.
[Illustration: Cuba]
This defence was not believed, and the men were sentenced to death. Our
Government interfered on account of their being American citizens. A
protest was sent to Spain, and a new trial was ordered. This was over a
year ago, but by one means or another Weyler always contrived to prevent
it.
It is reported that this _Competitor_ case was one of the main objects
of General Woodford's mission, and that the pardon of these unfortunate
prisoners is in response to the President's request.
If all we hear is true, the _Competitor_ prisoners will only be a few of
the many persons whom General Blanco has been authorized to pardon. It
is said that all persons prosecuted for rebellion, and all rebels
accused of other crimes, are to be pardoned by the new Captain-General.
This clemency does not, however, meet with the approval of the Cubans.
The pardon states that it is extended to all those whose crimes are
against the state, but not to those criminals who should be punished by
military law. It therefore amounts to little more than the releasing of
the prisoners who are in the jails; the insurgents who have taken up
arms against Spain have all been declared outlaws, and their crimes are
punishable by military law, so the pardon does not apply to the soldiers
who are or have been fighting in the war, and they are liable to be put
to death for outlawry whenever caught.
* * * * *
Reference was made, in THE GREAT ROUND WORLD No. 49, to the disgraceful
proceedings which were taking place in the Austrian Parliament.
Unfortunately the members of that legislature have not yet seen the
shame of their conduct, but have continued to grow more violent and add
to their scandalous behavior in every possible way.
The use of the Czech and Magyar languages by the officials in Bohemia
and Hungary has again been under discussion, and the scenes that have
occurred in the Austrian Parliament day after day are almost beyond
belief.
Instead of discussing the matter in hand, the deputies fell to calling
each other names like a lot of vulgar street-boys, and would eventually
have fought if a few of the cooler-headed members had not forcibly
restrained them.
When the din would reach its highest point, the President would adjourn
the meetings; but frequently the uproar was so great that the deputies
did not know that he had done so.
These scenes have continued for over a week. On one occasion when a
member rose to speak on the Austro-Hungarian compact, which is also
unpopular in the House, Herr Wolff, the young Bohemian who recently
fought a duel with Count Badeni, the Prime Minister, began to pound
loudly on the lid of his desk, and calling his friends to aid him, sang,
shouted, and read from the newspaper at the top of his voice, until,
after an hour and a half of confusion, the member who was trying to
speak gave up the attempt in despair.
At the present moment there are three important matters which have to be
considered by the Parliament, all of which have their bitter opponents.
One is the language question, another the calling to account of the
Prime Minister for the various acts which have displeased the people,
and the third is the important question of renewing the Austro-Hungarian
compact.
We told you in an earlier number that this was an agreement by which
Hungary paid thirty per cent. of the money needed by the Government, and
Austria the remaining seventy per cent.
Before we go any further into this matter, we had perhaps better explain
to you the government that binds Austria and Hungary together.
The two countries are united under the rule of one monarch, who is
known as Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary.
The two countries are linked together by certain common interests, but
each is governed by its own constitution, which is in both cases a
limited monarchy. This means that the power of the sovereign is limited
by certain rules and laws laid down for him in the constitution.
Austria and Hungary each have their separate parliaments, and the
decisions of both these legislatures require the consent of the Emperor
and King before they can be made laws.
Each country has its own Premier and Cabinet, and to manage the affairs
common to both countries there is a third parliament, as it were,
composed of members from Hungary and Austria.
This body is appointed for a year, and meets alternately at Vienna, the
capital of Austria, and Buda Pesth, the twin capital of Hungary, a city
which lies half on one bank of the Danube and half on the other. It is
the duty of these lawgivers to consider the matters that concern the
affairs of both countries equally.
There are three state departments, whose officers are responsible for
their work to the Delegations, as the third body of lawgivers is called.
These officers are the Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Whole
Monarchy, the Minister of War for the Whole Monarchy, and the Minister
of Finance for the Whole Monarchy.
These facts may seem a little hard and uninteresting to you, but it is
as well to try to master them. It looks as if we were going to hear a
great deal about Austria this winter, and it will be so much easier for
us to understand the events as they happen if we have mastered the
peculiar form of government under which these two peoples are joined.
It might perhaps simplify the subject to you if you realize that this
government is really somewhat like our own. Austria and Hungary might be
any two of our own States--say Pennsylvania and New York, for instance.
The Emperor, the two parliaments, and the third body which regulates the
matters in common for both countries, might be our President, the state
legislatures, and Congress. Of course there are points of difference
between the two governments, but to take this as a general plan will
help you to form an idea of what the Government of Austro-Hungary is.
On page 1012 of THE GREAT ROUND WORLD we told you about Turkey and
Austria fighting for Hungary, and how since 1527 Hungary had been a part
of the possessions of the House of Habsburg.[A]