CHAPTER XVI.

(M699)

The death of Edward VI took place on the 6th July, 1553, although it was

not generally known until two days afterwards. By his father's will the

Princess Mary became heiress to the throne. Northumberland was aware of

this. He was equally aware that if Mary succeeded to her brother's crown

matters might go hard with him. He therefore persuaded Edward to follow

the precedent set by his father and re-settle the succession to the crown

by will. He succeeded moreover in getting the late king to name as his

successor the Lady Jane Grey, grand-daughter of Mary Duchess of Suffolk,

the younger sister of Henry VIII, and he took the further precaution of

marrying her to his own son, Lord Guildford Dudley. It was in vain that

the judges and law officers of the Crown pointed out that the Act of

Parliament which authorised Henry to dispose of the crown by will, in the

case of his children dying without heirs, did not apply to Edward.

Councillors and judges, and even Cranmer himself, were forced to signify

their assent by subscribing to the will, which was dated (21 June) a

fortnight only before Edward's death.

Northumberland well knew the advantage to be got by securing the

co-operation of the city in prosecuting his scheme, so he persuaded the

mayor (Sir George Barnes), a number of aldermen (including Sir John

Gresham, Sir Andrew Judd, Thomas Offley and Sir Richard Dobbs), and

several of the leading merchants of the city to append their signatures to

the will.(1362) The king had been already dead two days before

Northumberland sent for them to Greenwich and acquainted them of the fact,

exhorting them at the same time to sign the document.(1363)

(M700)

On the 10th July the Lady Jane was brought from Richmond and lodged in the

Tower, and that same evening was proclaimed queen at the Cross in Chepe.

The mayor took no part in the ceremony, and only one of the sheriffs

(William Gerard or Garrard) attended the heralds. If Northumberland

thought that the citizens would favour Lady Jane merely because she was a

Protestant he was mistaken. The proclamation was received with undisguised

coldness, and "few or none said God save her."(1364) Nor was it better

received by the country at large. The eastern counties rose and in a few

days Mary was at the head of 30,000 men. No time was to be lost, and

Northumberland at once set out from London to meet her. As he passed

through the city he noticed that none wished him "God speed."

(M701)

No sooner was his back turned than the lords of the council, seeing how

matters were going, and eager to throw off the yoke which the duke had

placed on their necks, determined upon proclaiming Mary queen. It was

necessary, however, that the City should first be informed of their

intention, and that, too, without creating too much attention. One of

their number therefore took the opportunity of the mayor riding abroad on

Wednesday, the 19th July, to accost him privately and bid him and the

sheriffs, and such of the aldermen as he could get together at short

notice, to meet the lords of the council within an hour at the Earl of

Pembroke's place at Castle Baynard. The mayor hurried back, sent for the

Recorder and some of the aldermen, and with them proceeded to the place

appointed, where they found the council assembled. They were informed of

the intention of the lords, and the mayor was bidden to accompany them to

Cheapside for the purpose of proclaiming Queen Mary. Their object soon got

wind; a crowd followed them to Cheapside, and when the proclamation was

made there was such a throwing up of caps and such cries of "God save

Queen Mary" that nothing else could be heard. The civic authorities, as

well as the lords of the council, thereupon proceeded to St. Paul's to

hear a _Te Deum_; after which the lords withdrew from the city, leaving

orders, however, for Queen Mary to be proclaimed in other parts of the

city according to custom. The next day (20 July) they returned and dined

with the mayor, sitting in council, after dinner, until four o'clock in

the afternoon, whilst the church bells rang all day long.(1365)

(M702)

As soon as Northumberland heard of the turn affairs had taken, he caused

Mary to be proclaimed at Cambridge, where he happened to be quartered,

"castinge up his capp after as if he had bene joyfull of it." His

simulated enthusiasm, however, availed him nothing, and orders were issued

for his arrest. Special precautions were taken to avoid disturbance on the

day (25 July) that he passed through the city on his way to the Tower,

every householder in the several wards through which he and his fellow

prisoners were to pass being instructed to hold himself in readiness

within doors with a clean halberd, and a bill or "pollox" for such service

as the alderman might appoint.(1366) No disturbance took place, the

populace contenting itself with cursing the duke and calling him traitor,

and making him take off his hat as he passed through Bishopsgate and

continue his journey bareheaded.(1367)

(M703)

On the evening of the 3rd August Queen Mary made her first entry into the

city, accompanied by her sister Elizabeth. She had come from Newhall, in

Essex, where a few days before she had been presented with the sum of L500

in gold by a deputation of the Court of Aldermen accompanied by the

Recorder.(1368) On the 2nd August it was decided that the lord mayor and

his brethren should ride out the next afternoon to meet her majesty at the

Bars without Aldgate, and taking their places appointed by the

herald-of-arms, should accompany the royal procession.(1369) The reception

which the new queen met with in the city must have been gratifying. The

mayor, on approaching her, handed to her the civic sword, which was given

to the Earl of Arundel to carry before her. The mayor himself bore the

mace. By express permission of the Court of Aldermen a number of

Florentine and other merchant strangers were allowed to attend on

horseback, and to erect a pageant at Leadenhall.(1370) The whole length of

the streets through which the queen had to pass on her way to the Tower

had been lavishly decorated, and was lined with members of the various

civic companies in their livery gowns. Nothing was omitted that could

please the eye or ear.(1371)

A touching scene took place as Mary was about to enter the Tower. The

widow of the Duke of Somerset, to whose policy as protector Mary had

offered a steady opposition, met the queen at the Tower gate, and in

company with the Duke of Norfolk, Stephen Gardiner and others, who had

been confined in the Tower in the late reign, knelt down and saluted her.

Mary, in a charitable mood, kissed each of them, claimed them as her own

prisoners, and shortly afterwards granted them their liberty.(1372)

(M704)

A week later (10 Aug.) the remains of the late king were carried from

Whitehall to Westminster and laid in Henry the Seventh's Chapel, the

service being conducted wholly in English, the communion taking the place

of the mass, and the priests being vested in a surplice only, in

accordance with the provisions of the Book of Common Prayer. For a short

time after Mary's accession it was thought that she would be content if

the Church were restored to the position it was in at the time when Henry

VIII died. It was not long before the new queen shewed this opinion to be

erroneous. The Prayer Book of King Edward VI was set aside, the high

altars that had been removed were restored, and mass was restored. Ridley

was sent to the Tower and Bonner brought out from the Marshalsea and

reinstated in the bishophric of London. Gardiner, who had been deprived of

his see of Winchester and kept prisoner in the Tower, not only recovered

his freedom and his see, but was made the queen's chancellor. On the other

hand, Cranmer and "Mr. Latimer" were sent to the Tower.

(M705)

The change that was being wrought caused some little disturbance in the

city. When Doctor Bourne, who had been put up by the queen to preach at

Paul's Cross one Sunday in August, began to pray for the dead, and to

refer to Bonner's late imprisonment, one of his hearers threw a knife at

him whilst others called the preacher a liar. The queen was so angry at

this that she sent for the mayor and aldermen and told them plainly that

she would deprive the city of its liberties if they could not better

preserve peace and good order within its walls.(1373)

A few days later she issued a proclamation in which, whilst making no

secret of her wish that everyone would conform to the religion "which all

men knew she had of long tyme observed, and ment, God willing, to contynue

the same," she deprecated men calling each other heretic or papist, but

willed that everyone should follow the religion he thought best until

further orders were taken.(1374) The mayor in the meantime had also issued

his precept against any sermon or lecture being read other than the Divine

Service appointed until the queen's further pleasure should be made

known.(1375)

Lest any disturbance should arise on the following Sunday (20 Aug.), when

Bishop Gardiner's chaplain was to preach at Paul's Cross, the queen sent

the captain of the guard with 200 men, who surrounded the pulpit, halberd

in hand. The mayor, too, had ordered the livery companies to be present

"to herken yf any leude or sedicious persons made any rumors"--a precaution

which much pleased the queen.(1376)

(M706)

When Michaelmas-day (the day on which the election of the new mayor for

the ensuing year was to take place) came round, the choice of the citizens

fell upon Sir Thomas White.(1377) In accordance with the new order of

things, the election was preceded by the celebration of mass in the

Guildhall Chapel as of old.

(M707)

The day after the election of the new mayor the queen passed through the

city from the Tower to Whitehall for her coronation. The streets presented

their usual gay appearance on this occasion, and the queen was made the

recipient of the "accustomed" gift of 1,000 marks on behalf of the

city.(1378) On the day of the coronation (1 Oct.) the daily service at St.

Paul's had to be suspended because all the priests not under censure for

Protestantism or for having married were summoned to assist at

Westminster.(1379)

(M708)

When Mary appeared before her first parliament(1380) she found her

subjects in many points opposed to her. They were willing to restore the

worship and practice of the Church as they existed before the death of

Henry VIII, but they showed a determination neither to submit to Rome nor

to restore to the Church the property of which it had been deprived. They

knew, moreover, of her anxious wish to marry Philip, son of the emperor

Charles V, and yet did not hesitate to present to her a petition against a

foreign marriage. It was a bold step for parliament to take in those days,

and showed that it was determined to win back its ancient rights and no

longer to be the tool of the crown. Mary was not one likely to yield in a

matter on which she had once set her heart. Rather than take its advice

she dissolved parliament. The result was an insurrection.

(M709)

In the meanwhile the aged Cranmer and the youthful Lady Jane Grey--she

"that wolde a been qwene"--her husband and two of her husband's brothers

had been brought to trial at the Guildhall (13 Nov). The axe was borne

before them on their way from the Tower, as if in anticipation of the

verdict. The Lady Jane is described as clad in a black gown, with velvet

cap and black hood, having a black velvet book hanging at her girdle,

whilst she carried another in her hand.(1381) Each of the accused pleaded

guilty, and sentence of death was passed; its execution was, however,

delayed owing to the outbreak known as Wyatt's Rebellion.

(M710)

The ostensible cause of the rebellion was the queen's determination at all

hazards to marry Philip, whose ambassadors arrived at the opening of the

new year (1554). The civic authorities had been warned to treat them

handsomely, a warning which was scarcely necessary, for the citizens have

never allowed political differences to interfere with their hospitality;

and accordingly one of the ambassadors was lodged at Durham Place, near

Charing Cross, another at the Duke of Suffolk's house hard by, whilst a

third shared apartments with the chancellor "Nigro" (Philip Negri) in Sir

Richard Sackville's house at the conduit in Fleet Street. To each and all

of the guests the City sent presents of wax, torches, flour and every kind

of meat, game and poultry.(1382) Formal announcement of the intended match

was made by the chancellor on the 14th January, but it was received with

every sign of discontent and misgiving, "yea and therat allmost eche man

was abashed, loking daylie for worse mattiers to growe shortly

after."(1383) The following day (15 Jan.)--the day on which the rebellion

under Wyatt broke out in Kent, to be followed by risings in Devonshire and

Norfolk--the mayor and aldermen were summoned to court and ordered to bring

with them forty of the chief commoners of the city, when the lord

chancellor informed them of the queen's intention, and exhorted them as

obedient subjects to accept her grace's pleasure and to remain content and

quiet. He warned them, at the same time, to see that the queen's wishes

respecting religious services in the city were strictly carried out, on

pain of incurring her high indignation.(1384)

(M711)

Steps were taken for putting the city into a proper state of defence. The

civic companies were ordered to set watches as on similar critical

occasions, and no gunpowder, weapons or other munitions of war were

allowed to be sent out of the city. Chains were set up at the bridge-foot

and at the corner of New Fish Street. The borough of Southwark was called

upon to provide eighty tall and able men, well harnessed and weaponed, for

the safeguard of the queen's person and of the city,(1385) whilst the

livery companies at a few hours' notice furnished a force of 500 men to be

speedily despatched by water to Gravesend.(1386)

(M712)

Whatever faults Queen Mary had, she was by no means deficient in courage.

On the same day (1 Feb.) that Wyatt appeared with his forces at Southwark,

she came to the Guildhall(1387) and there addressed a spirited harangue to

the assembled citizens.(1388) She plainly told them that her proposed

marriage was but a Spanish cloak to cover the real purpose of the

rebellion, which was aimed against her religion. She was their queen, and

they had sworn allegiance to her; they surely would not allow her to fall

into the hands of so vile a traitor as Wyatt was. As for her marriage, it

had been arranged with the full knowledge of the lords of the council, as

one of expediency for the realm. Passion had no part in the matter. She

had hitherto, she thanked God, lived a virgin, and doubted not she could,

if necessary, live so still. At the close of her speech, which, we are

told, was delivered in a loud voice so that all might hear, she bade the

citizens to pluck up heart and not to fear the rebels any more than she

did. She then quitted the hall and went up into the aldermen's council

chamber and there refreshed herself, after which she rode through

Bucklersbury to the Vintry, where she took barge to Westminster.

In the meantime the Spanish ambassadors had taken fright at Wyatt's

approach and had "sped themselves awaie by water, and that with all

hast."(1389) Many inhabitants of the city had also deserted their fellow

burgesses at this critical time, and their names were submitted to the

Court of Aldermen for subsequent enquiry.(1390) They were, according to

Foxe, afraid of being entrapped by the queen and perhaps put to death.

(M713)

In response to the queen's speech the citizens at once set to work to

raise a force of 1,000 men for the defence of the city, the mayor and

aldermen each in his own ward taking a muster. So busy was everyone on

Candlemas-day (2 Feb.) that the civic authorities omitted to attend the

afternoon service at St. Paul's, and the mayor's serving-men waited upon

him at dinner ready harnessed.(1391) Even the lawyers at Westminster

"pleaded in harness."(1392)

(M714) (M715)

The defensive precautions taken by the mayor and aldermen were sufficient

to prevent Wyatt making good his entry into the city by Southwark and

London Bridge. Foiled in this direction he sought to approach the city

from another side, but had to march as far as Kingston before he could

cross the Thames. Many of his followers in the meantime deserted

him.(1393) Nevertheless he continued to make his way, with but little

opposition, to Ludgate, which, contrary to his expectation, he found shut

in his face. He had been recognised by a tailor of Watling Street, who

seeing the force approaching cried, "I know that theys be Wyettes

ancienttes," and forthwith closed the gate.(1394) That Wyatt had

supporters in the city may be gathered from the half-hearted opposition

that he met with in Southwark, as well as from the fact that many of the

soldiers raised in the city and neighbourhood deserted to Wyatt at the

outset of the rebellion.(1395) Wyatt himself exhibited no little

disappointment at finding Ludgate closed against him instead of the aid

which he evidently had expected. "I have kept touch" said he, as he turned

his back on the city.(1396) He had scarcely reached Temple Bar before he

was overcome by a superior force and yielded himself a prisoner. After a

short stay at Whitehall he was removed to the Tower.

(M716)

The failure of the revolt was fatal to Lady Jane Grey, and she was

beheaded within the Tower (12 Feb.) almost at the same time that her

husband was being executed outside on Tower Hill. By the strange irony of

fortune, it fell to the lot of Thomas Offley to perform the duties of

sheriff at Dudley's execution, although he had himself been one of the

supporters of the Lady Jane in her claim to the crown. For the next few

days the city presented a sad spectacle; whichever way one turned there

was to be seen a gibbet with its wretched burden, whilst the city's gates

bristled with human heads.(1397) Wyatt himself was one of the last to

suffer, being brought to the block on Tower Hill on the 11th April. His

head and a portion of his body, after being exposed on gallows, were taken

away by his friends for decent burial.(1398)

(M717)

On the 17th February proclamation was made for all strangers to leave the

realm, on the ground that they sowed the seeds of their "malycyouse

doctryne and lewde conversacioun" among the queen's good subjects;(1399)

and this had been followed in the city by precepts to each alderman to

call before him all the householders of his ward, both rich and poor, on

Wednesday the 7th March, at six o'clock in the morning, and strictly

charge them that they, their wives, their children and servants behave

themselves in all things and more especially in matters of religion,

following the example of the queen herself. All offenders were to be

reported forthwith.(1400)

(M718)

A report having got abroad in the city that the lords of the council had

endeavoured to extract a confession from Wyatt implicating the Princess

Elizabeth in the late rebellion, the mayor was ordered by Bishop Gardiner

to bring up the originator of the rumour before the Star Chamber. When Sir

Thomas White appeared with the culprit, one Richard Cut by name, a servant

to a grocer in the city, he was soundly rated by Gardiner for not having

himself punished the offender, and when he replied that the party was

there present for the Star Chamber to deal with according to its pleasure,

was again rebuked:--"My lord, take heed to your charge, the Citie of London

is a whirlepoole and a sinke of evill rumors, there they be bred, and from

thence spred into all parts of the realme."(1401) Cut paid the penalty for

his love of gossip by being made to stand two days in the pillory and by

the loss of his ears.(1402)

(M719)

The suppression of the revolt left Mary at liberty to carry out her

matrimonial design. But before accomplishing this she was determined to

place such a garrison in or near London as should prevent similar

outbreaks in future. For this purpose she applied to the citizens for a

sum of 6,000 marks. Thus called upon to supply a rod for their own backs,

the citizens demurred. They at first proposed to offer the sum of 1,000

marks, or at the most L1,000; they afterwards agreed to contribute double

the first mentioned sum,(1403) and this was accepted. The money was raised

by contributions from the different livery companies, the Merchant

Taylors, the Mercers, the Grocers, the Drapers, the Fishmongers, the

Goldsmiths, and the Haberdashers being called upon to subscribe the sum of

L100 respectively, whilst the rest of the companies paid sums varying from

L80 to forty shillings.(1404) No sooner had the citizens satisfied the

queen in this respect than they were called upon to send 200 soldiers to

Gillingham, in Kent, there to be embarked for foreign service under the

Lord Admiral. The City again demurred, and asked to be excused the

necessity of forwarding the men beyond Billingsgate or the Tower Wharf and

also of providing them with accoutrements. It was to no purpose, both men

and accoutrements had to be found.(1405) On the 10th April the chamberlain

received orders to see that the city's artillery was in readiness and to

increase the store of gunpowder.(1406) Wyatt was to be executed the next

day, and these orders were probably given in anticipation of a

disturbance.

(M720)

That Wyatt still had friends in the city is shown by the bold attitude

taken up by the jury in the trial (17 April) of one of his accomplices,

Nicholas Throckmorton, against whom they brought in a verdict of not

guilty.(1407) For this they were bound over to appear before the Star

Chamber. Four of the twelve made submission; the rest, among whom were

Thomas Whetstone, a haberdasher, and Emanuel Lucar, a merchant tailor,

were committed some to the Tower and the rest to the Fleet, where they

remained for six months. In the meantime the Court of Aldermen wrote (19

July) to the council in their favour, but with little success.(1408) A

month later (19 August) a deputation waited on the Court of Aldermen for

advice as to what future steps had best be taken for obtaining the release

of their brethren in the Fleet, when they were told that the wives of the

prisoners or the prisoners' friends should first make suit to the council

for their release, after which the court would see what they could

do.(1409) At length the prisoners were summoned once more (26 Oct.) before

the Star Chamber, when they one and all declared that they had only acted

in accordance with their conscience, whilst Lucar, more outspoken than the

rest, asserted that "they had done in the matter like honest men and true

and faithful subjects." Such plain speaking ill suited the judges, who

thereupon condemned the offenders to a fine of 1,000 marks apiece and

imprisonment until further order. Eventually five out of the eight were

discharged (12 December) on payment of a fine of L220, and ten days later

the rest regained their liberty on payment of L60 apiece.(1410)

(M721)

A parliament which met in April (1554)(1411) gave its consent to Mary's

marriage with Philip, but refused to re-enact the old statutes for the

persecution of heretics. On the 19th July Philip landed at Southampton,

and on the 21st Mary herself notified the event to the citizens of

London,(1412) who for some time past had been making preparations for

giving both queen and king a fitting reception, and who immediately on

receipt of the news of Philip's landing caused bonfires to be lighted in

the streets.(1413)

(M722)

Mary rode down to Winchester to meet Philip,(1414) and on the 25th became

his wife. It was not until the 17th August that the royal pair approached

the city. On that day they came by water from Richmond to Southwark, the

king in one barge, the queen in another. After taking refreshment at the

Bishop of Winchester's palace, and killing a buck or two in the bishop's

park, they retired to rest.(1415) Special orders were given to the

aldermen to keep a good and substantial double watch in the city from nine

o'clock in the evening (17 Aug.) until five o'clock the next morning, such

watch to continue until further notice.(1416) The authorities differ

widely as to the precise day on which the royal party passed through the

city. The city's own records point to the afternoon of Sunday the 19th

August as the day. On the morning of that day the Court of Aldermen sat,

and a letter from the queen commending them for their forwardness in

"making shewes of honour and gladnes" for the occasion was read to the

wardens of all the companies for them to communicate to the members. The

wardens were further enjoined to give strict orders to the members of

their several companies to honestly use and entreat the Spaniards in all

things, both at their coming in with the king and queen and ever

afterwards. The same morning a speech which the Recorder had prepared for

the occasion in English was handed over to the master of St. Paul's School

to be turned into Latin. None too much time was allowed the worthy

pedagogue for the purpose, for he was to give it back that same afternoon

so that the Recorder might "make and pronounce yt to the kinges majesty at

his comynge in."(1417)

A curious incident is related in connection with the royal procession

through the city. The conduit in Gracious Church Street, which had been

newly painted and gilded, bore representations of the "nine worthies," and

among them Henry the Eighth and Edward the Sixth. Instead of carrying a

sword or mace like the rest, Henry had been portrayed with a sceptre in

one hand and a book bearing the inscription _Verbum Dei_ in the other.

This catching the eye of Bishop Gardiner as he passed in the royal train,

he was very wroth and sent for the painter, asked him by whose orders he

had so depicted the king, called him "traitor" and threatened him with the

Fleet prison. The poor painter, who for the first time had been made to

realise the change that was taking place, pleaded that what he had done

had been done in all innocence, and hastened to rectify his mistake by

removing the bible from the picture and substituting in its place a pair

of gloves.(1418)

(M723)

In November (1554) a new parliament(1419) was called, which proved more

ready than the last to comply with the queen's wishes. It re-enacted the

statutes for burning heretics and agreed to a reconciliation of the Church

of England with the See of Rome, but it refused to sanction the surrender

of Church lands. Bonner had already taken steps to purge his diocese of

heresy by issuing a series of articles (14 Sept.) to which every

inhabitant, clerical and lay, was expected to conform.(1420) That there

was room for improvement in matters touching religion and public decorum

there is no doubt, otherwise there would have been no need of

proclamations such as those against the arrest of persons whilst

conducting service in church,(1421) against wrangling over passages of

scripture in common taverns and victualling houses,(1422) or against

carrying of baskets of provisions and leading mules, horses or other

beasts through St. Paul's.(1423)

The mayor and aldermen endeavoured to set a good example by constant

attendance at the services and by joining in processions at St. Paul's as

in former days.(1424) The law forbidding the eating of meat in Lent,

except by special licence, was vigorously enforced.(1425) Ale-houses and

taverns were closed on Sundays and holy days, and interludes were

forbidden.(1426)

(M724)

Nevertheless the attempt to restore the old worship within the city was

often met with scornful mockery, sometimes attended with violence. A dead

cat, for instance, was one day found hanging in Cheapside, its head shorn

in imitation of a priest's tonsure, and its body clothed in a mock

ecclesiastical vestment, with cross before and behind, whilst a piece of

white paper to represent a singing-cake was placed between its forefeet,

which had been tied together. Bonner was very angry at this travesty of

religion, and caused the effigy to be publicly displayed at Paul's Cross

during sermon time. A reward of twenty marks was offered for the discovery

of this atrocious act, but with what success we do not know.(1427)

On another occasion, when the Holy Sacrament was being carried in solemn

procession through Smithfield on Corpus Christi-day (24 May), an attempt

was made to knock the holy elements out of the hands of the priest. The

offender was taken to Newgate, where he feigned to be mad.(1428) Again, on

the following Easter-day a priest was fiercely attacked by a man with a

wood-knife whilst administering the sacrament in the church of St.

Margaret, Westminster. The culprit was seized, and after trial and

conviction paid the penalty of his crime by being burned at the

stake.(1429) A pudding was once offered to a priest whilst walking in a

religious procession,(1430) the offender being afterwards whipt at the

"Post of Reformation," which had been set up in Cheapside in 1553.(1431)

But all this defiance shown to Mary's attempt to restore the old worship

only led her to exercise more drastic methods for accomplishing her

purpose.

(M725)

By the opening of 1555 her own strong personal will had overcome the

conciliatory policy of her husband, who was content to restrain his

fanaticism within the limits of expediency, and the Marian persecution

commenced. On the 25th January a proclamation was issued in the name of

the king and queen, and bearing the signature of William Blackwell, the

town clerk of the city, enjoining the lighting of bonfires that afternoon

in various places in token of great joy and gladness for the abolition of

sundry great sins, errors and heresies which lately had arisen within the

realm of England, and for the quiet renovation and restitution of the true

Catholic faith of Christ and his holy religion.(1432) This proclamation

was but a prelude to other fires lighted for a very different purpose,

which the mind even at this day cannot contemplate without a shudder. The

first victim of the flames for conscience sake was John Rogers, once vicar

of St. Sepulchre's church and prebendary of St. Paul's. He was burnt in

Smithfield "for gret herysy" in February of this year, in which month

Hooper, who had been deprived of his bishopric of Gloucester, suffered the

same fate in his own cathedral city.(1433) In the following May another

city vicar, John Cardmaker, otherwise known as John Taylor of St. Bride's,

who had been a reader at St. Paul's and had publicly lectured against the

real presence, was burnt in Smithfield with John Warne, an "upholder" of

Walbrook.(1434)

Few weeks passed without the fire claiming some human victim either in

London or the provinces. On the 9th February Thomas Tomkins, a godly and

charitable weaver of Shoreditch, and William Hunter, a young London

apprentice, were with four others condemned to the stake. The two named

met their fate in Smithfield, one on the 16th March and the other on the

26th. The rest were removed into Essex and there consigned to the flames,

three of them in March and one in the following June.(1435)

In October Bishops Latimer and Ridley were burnt at Oxford. "Be of good

comfort, Master Ridley, and play the man"--cried Latimer encouragingly to

his fellow sufferer--"we shall this day light such a candle, by God's

grace, in England as I trust shall never be put out." In March of the

following year (1556) Cranmer, after some display of weakness, suffered

the same fate, on the same spot, and with no less fortitude. And thus for

two years more the fires were kept alive in London and in the country; the

Lollard's tower at St. Paul's serving as a prison for heretics,(1436) and

proving more often than not but a step to Smithfield.

(M726)

Throughout Mary's reign the strife between the citizens and merchant

strangers was renewed. She had herself added to the evil by her marriage

with Philip, causing the city to be flooded with Spaniards, who took up

their abode in the halls of the civic companies.(1437) A rumour got abroad

early in September, 1554, that 12,000 Spaniards were coming over "to fethe

the crown,"(1438) and this accounts for precepts being sent to the several

aldermen of the city on the 27th September enjoining them to make a return

of the number of foreigners that had come to reside in their ward during

the past nine or ten days, and whence they came.(1439) The favour shown by

the Crown to the merchants of the Steelyard was especially annoying to the

freemen of the city.(1440) It was to little purpose that the mayor and

aldermen issued orders from time to time against giving work to foreigners

and prohibiting all such from opening shops within the city.(1441) The

struggle between citizen and stranger still went on. In 1557 the

corporation made an effort to induce the king and queen to revoke the

favours shown to the merchants of the Steelyard in prejudice of the

liberties of the city,(1442) and eventually the privileges were revoked on

the ground that the merchants of the Hanse had not kept faith with the

Crown.(1443) In the same year the exclusiveness entertained by the

citizens towards foreigners made itself felt more particularly against

that class of foreigner which kept open school in the city for teaching

writing. Certain scriveners, freemen of the city, made a complaint before

the Court of Aldermen against foreigners keeping writing-school within the

city and its liberties.(1444) The chamberlain's conduct of shutting in the

shop windows of foreigners teaching children to write was approved by the

mayor and aldermen,(1445) whilst freemen were allowed to keep open school

provided they entered into a bond not to engross deeds.(1446) Occasionally

foreigners were successful in obtaining licences from the civic

authorities for teaching writing, but it was only on condition they kept

their lower windows closed.(1447)

(M727) (M728) (M729)

In the meantime the disposition of the queen towards heretics became more

relentless in proportion as her temper became more soured from ill-health,

by disappointment in not having off-spring, and by the increasing neglect

of her by her husband. Tired of her importunate love and jealousy, Philip

took the first opportunity of quitting her side and crossed over to the

continent (4 Sept., 1555) on a visit to the Emperor Charles. The

abdication of the latter towards the close of 1556 made Philip master of

the richest and most extensive dominions in Europe, and his greatest wish

at the time was to engage England in the war which was kindled between

Spain and France. In this he received the support of Mary, who had in

August (1556) succeeded in obtaining a loan from the city of L6,000.(1448)

The seizure of the castle of Scarborough by Thomas Stafford,(1449) second

son of Lord Stafford, in which he was reported to have received

encouragement from the King of France, was made a _casus belli_, and Henry

was proclaimed an open enemy (7 June, 1557).(1450) French subjects were

allowed forty days to quit the country, and letters of marque were issued

by proclamation on the 9th June.(1451) On the 5th July Philip once more

left England for Flanders,(1452) having succeeded in the object for which

he had come, viz., the declaration of war against France.

(M730)

The citizens of London at once began to take stock of their munitions of

war. On the 22nd June the Chamberlain was instructed to prepare with all

convenient speed four dozen good _splentes_ and as many good _sallettes_

or _sculles_ for the city's use, and to cause a bowyer to "peruse" the

city's bows and to put them in such good order that they might be

serviceable when required.(1453) In the following month a large force

crossed over to France under the leadership of Lords Pembroke, Montagu and

Clinton. To this force the City of London contributed a contingent of 500

men, the best (according to Machyn(1454)) that had ever been sent. They

mustered at the Leadenhall on the 16th July in the presence of Sir Thomas

Offley,(1455) the mayor, the sheriffs and Sir Richard Lee, and were

conveyed thence by water to Gravesend and Rochester under the charge of

ten officers, whose names are duly recorded.(1456)

(M731)

On the last day of July the queen informed the civic authorities by letter

of the departure of her "deerest lord and husband" to pursue the enemy in

France, and desired them to get in readiness 1,000 men, a portion of whom

were to be horsemen, well horsed and armed, and the rest to be archers,

pikes and billmen. The force was to be ready by the 16th August at the

latest, after which date it was to be prepared to set out at a day's

notice. The letter contained a schedule of names of individuals to whom

the queen had made special application, and these were not to be called

upon by the municipal officers to make any contribution, neither were the

tenants of those noblemen and gentlemen already on active service in

France.(1457)

(M732)

The Court of Aldermen was taken aback at such a demand coming so soon

after the setting out of the previous force, and on the 4th August it

instructed the Recorder and one of the sheriffs to repair to the queen's

council "for the good and suer understandyng of her majesty's pleasure" in

the matter. The deputation was further instructed to remind the lords of

the council not only of the ancient liberties and franchises of the city

on the point, but also of the city's lack of power to furnish a number of

men exceeding any it had ever been called upon to furnish before.(1458) It

was all to no purpose; the men had to be provided; and the matter having

been fully explained to the wardens of the several livery companies, they

succeeded in raising the force required.(1459)

(M733)

The defeat of the French king at St. Quentin was celebrated in the city by

a solemn procession to St. Paul's, in which figured the mayor and aldermen

in their scarlet gowns.(1460) The joy of the citizens was shortlived.

Philip's caution did not allow him to avail himself of the opportunity

thus offered him of marching on the French capital, and before the end of

the year matters had taken a different turn.

(M734) (M735)

In December a Spaniard named Ferdinando Lygons was commissioned to raise

300 mounted archers in the city of London and county of Middlesex.(1461)

At the opening of the new year (2 Jan., 1558) the queen wrote to the

corporation desiring to be at once furnished with 500 men out of the 1,000

men the city had been ordered to keep in readiness since July. As the

matter was urgent they were not to wait to supply the men with

coats.(1462) The force was required for the defence of Calais, which was

now in a critical position. On the 9th January another letter was sent by

Mary marked, _Hast, Hast Post, Hast, For lief, For lief, For lief, For

lief!_ demanding the full contingent of 1,000 men.(1463) Calais had fallen

two days before,(1464) and Mary was determined not to rest until the town

had been recovered. Diligent search was at once instituted throughout the

city for all persons, strangers as well as freemen, capable of wearing

harness;(1465) and the livery companies and fellowships were called upon

to provide double the number of men they had furnished in July last.(1466)

On the 13th the queen wrote to say that a violent storm, which had

occurred on the night of the 10th January, had so crippled the fleet that

her forces could not be conveyed across the channel; the civic authorities

were therefore to withhold sending their force to the sea-coast until

further orders, but to keep the same in readiness to start at an hour's

notice.(1467) On the 19th January the citizens were informed by letter

that Philip's forces were on their way to Flanders, under the Duke of

Savoy, and that the channel was being kept open by a fleet under Don Luis

Carvaial. One half of the force of 1,000 men, furnished with armour and

weapons and coats of white welted with green and red crosses, was to be

despatched to Dover by the end of the month, thence to sail for Dunkirk

for service under the Earl of Rutland. The City was to take especial care

that the contingent should be chosen from the handsomest and best picked

men, and superior to those last sent.(1468) The force mustered at the

Leadenhall, the 24th January, for inspection by the mayor, and at five

o'clock in the evening were delivered over to the captains for

shipment.(1469) Three days later the lords of the council instructed the

mayor to make a return of the number of foreigners residing still within

the city, and to make proclamation on the next market day that it should

be lawful thenceforth for anyone to seize the persons of Frenchmen who had

not avoided the city pursuant to a previous order, and to confiscate their

goods and chattels to his own proper use.(1470)

(M736)

Mary succeeded in March in raising a loan in the city of L20,000 (she had

asked for 100,000 marks or L75,000(1471)) on the security of the crown

lands. The loan bore interest at the rate of twelve per cent., and a

special dispensation was granted to avoid the penalties of the Usury

Act.(1472) The money was raised by assessment on the livery companies. On

the 16th March the Court of Aldermen summoned the wardens of the twelve

principal companies to attend at the Guildhall at eight o'clock the next

morning, in order that they might learn how much the lords of the council

had "*tottyd*" against each of them towards the loan. The smaller

companies were to attend in the afternoon of the same day in order to be

informed of the sums the Court of Aldermen deemed fit that each should

contribute to assist their wealthier brethren. The total amount subscribed

by the greater companies was L16,983 _6s._ 8_d._, of which the Mercers

contributed L3,275. The lesser companies subscribed L1,310, in sums

varying from L30 to L500.(1473)

(M737)

It is probable that Mary wanted this loan to enable her to prosecute the

war. The country was not disposed, however, to assist her in this

direction. The people were afraid of rendering Philip too powerful.

Disappointed both in her public and domestic life, she fell a victim to

dropsy and died on the 17th November--"wondering why all that she had done,

as she believed on God's behalf, had been followed by failure on every

side--by the desertion of her husband, and the hatred of her subjects." The

loss of Calais so much affected her that she declared that the name of the

town would be found impressed upon her heart after death. On the occasion

of her funeral the City put in its customary claim for black livery cloth,

but more than one application had to be made before the cloth was

forthcoming.(1474)

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