(M552)
One of the first acts of the new king was to grant Letters Patent
absolving the City of all trespasses committed before the date of his
accession,(1026) and to offer restitution to all who had suffered at the
hands of Empson and Dudley or their agents. Empson and Dudley were
themselves committed to the Tower and afterwards executed. In the meantime
an enquiry was opened in the city as to recent proceedings against Capel
and others.
It was found that six men, whose names were John Derby, _alias_ Wright, a
bowyer, Richard Smyth, a carpenter, William Sympson, a fuller, Henry
Stokton, a fishmonger, Thomas Yong, a saddler, and Robert Jakes, a
shearman--all of whom had more than once been convicted of perjury, and on
that account been struck off inquests--had contrived to get themselves
replaced on the panel, and had been the chief movers in the recent actions
against the late mayor and other officers of the city. They had, moreover,
taken bribes for concealment of offences of forestalling and regrating.
Being found guilty, on their own confession, of having brought false
charges against many of the aldermen, the Court of Common Council adjudged
the whole of the accused to be disfranchised. Three of them, who were
found more guilty than the rest, were sentenced to be taken from prison on
the next market day, on horseback, without saddles, and with their faces
turned towards the horses' tails, to the pillory on Cornhill. There they
were to be set "their heddes in the holys" until proclamation of their
crime and sentence was read. The lesser offenders were spared the pillory,
but were condemned to attend on horseback at Cornhill, whence all the
offenders were conducted to the Standard in Fleet Street "by the most high
ways," where the proclamation was again read. The culprits were then taken
back to prison and made to abjure the city on pain of imprisonment at the
pleasure of the mayor and aldermen.(1027) Among the charges brought
against Derby was one to the effect that being on a jury he had received
the sum of ten shillings and "a quarter of ffisshe for his howsehold," a
bribe which a suitor had tendered by the advice and counsel of Thomas
Yong, saddler, who was apparently acting as Derby's accomplice.(1028)
(M553)
On the occasion of the king's coronation, which took place on
Midsummer-day soon after his marriage with Catherine of Aragon, his
brother's widow, the citizens presented the king and queen with the sum of
L1,000 or 1,500 marks. Two-thirds of the gift was given expressly to the
king, the remaining one-third being a tribute of respect to the queen. The
money was to be raised in the city by way of a fifteenth, but the poor
were not to be assessed.(1029) The procession from the Tower to
Westminster was equal to, if it did not surpass, any spectacle that had
yet been witnessed in the city for its gorgeousness and pomp. The streets
were railed and barred from Gracechurch Street to Cheapside at the expense
of the livery companies who lined the way,(1030) "beginning with base and
meane occupations and so ascending to the worshipful crafts." The
Goldsmiths of London were especially conspicuous for their marks of
loyalty on that day. Their stalls, which were situate by the Old Change at
the west end of Chepe, were occupied by fair maidens dressed in white and
holding tapers of white wax, whilst priests in their robes stood by with
censers of silver and incensed the king and queen as they passed.(1031)
(M554)
After three years of indolent and luxurious ease Henry became embroiled in
continental troubles. In 1511 a holy league had been formed for the
purpose of driving the French out of the Milanese, and Henry's
co-operation was desired. A parliament was summoned to meet early in the
following year.(1032) After granting supplies(1033) it unanimously agreed
that war should be proclaimed against France. The campaign of 1512 ended
ingloriously, and the French king threatened to turn the tables on Henry
and to invade England. Henry rose to the occasion and at once set about
strengthening his navy. On the 30th January, 1513, he addressed a letter
to the Corporation of London desiring them to furnish him with 300 men,
the same to be at Greenwich by the 15th February at the latest.(1034)
Proclamation was thereupon made in the city for all persons who were
prepared to join the war to appear at the Guildhall any time before the
10th February, where, if approved, they would be furnished with sufficient
harness and weapons, without any charge, and also with sufficient wages at
the king's cost.(1035)
The city was suffering at the time from great scarcity of wheat, and each
alderman was called upon to contribute the sum of L5 towards alleviating
the distress which prevailed. A contract was made with certain Hanse
merchants to furnish the city with 2,000 quarters of wheat and rye
respectively by Midsummer-day, whilst the royal purveyors were forbidden
to lay hands on wheat, malt or grain entering the port of London.(1036)
Under the circumstances it could have been no great hardship, but rather
an advantage to rid the city of 300 mouths. On the 1st February, 1513, the
aldermen were instructed to enquire in their respective wards as to the
number of men each ward could furnish, and two days later the livery
companies were ordered to find the sum of L300 to defray the expense
connected with fitting out the men. If more than L300 were needed they
were to draw on the Chamber, but any money not expended out of that sum
was to be paid into the Chamber.(1037) The companies raised the sum of
L405, the Mercers contributing L35, the Grocers, Drapers, Fishmongers and
Goldsmiths respectively L30, and the rest sums of smaller amount.(1038)
There was some difference of opinion as to the nature of the uniform to be
worn by the city's contingent. At length it was settled that the soldiers'
coats should be white, with a St. George's cross and sword, together with
a rose, at the back and the same before. Their shoes were to be left to
the discretion of the muster-masters.(1039)
(M555)
Henry himself now crossed over to France. The campaign proved more
successful than the last, for the French being attacked at Guinegate, were
seized with so great a panic that Henry achieved a bloodless victory. From
the hasty flight of the French cavalry, the engagement came to be known as
the Battle of Spurs. This victory secured the fall of Terouenne and was
followed shortly afterwards by the capture of Tournay.
(M556)
Notwithstanding these successes, however, Henry found it necessary to make
peace in the following year. His allies had got what they wanted, and the
conquest of France was as far off as ever. It remained only to make as
good a bargain as he could. The French king consented to the payment of a
large sum of money, in return for which he was given Henry's sister Mary
in marriage, although she was already affianced, if not married, to Prince
Charles of Castile. This was the work of the king's new minister, Wolsey.
(M557)
To the apostles of the New Learning--as the revival of letters which
commenced in the last reign came to be called--to Erasmus, to Archbishop
Warham, to More and to Colet, the war at its outset had been eminently
distasteful. With the accession of Henry VIII to the throne they had hoped
for better things. War was to be for ever banished and a "new order" was
to prevail.
(M558)
Of its connection with More and Colet the City is justly proud. At the
opening of Henry's reign the future lord chancellor was executing the
duties of the comparatively unimportant post of under-sheriff or judge of
the Poultry Compter, a post which he continued to hold until 1517.(1040)
He had received his education in the city at St. Antony's School in
Threadneedle Street, a school which had already achieved a great
reputation and afterwards reckoned among its pupils the famous Whitgift.
Later in life he shut himself up for four years in the Charterhouse of
London, living a life of devotion and prayer, but without taking any
vow.(1041)
(M559)
The father of John Colet, Dean of St. Paul's, had taken an active part in
municipal life. Henry Colet had been alderman first of Farringdon Ward
Without and afterwards of the Wards of Castle Baynard and Cornhill,(1042)
and as alderman of the last mentioned ward he had died towards the close
of 1505. He had served as sheriff in 1477 and as mayor in 1486.
(M560)
Up to the time of Henry VI education had been carried on in the city
chiefly by means of schools attached to the various city churches and
religious houses. By order of Henry VI, and at the instigation of four
city ministers,(1043) grammar schools were established in several
parishes. The school of St. Antony attached to the hospital of the same
name, of which Dr. John Carpenter was at the time master, received an
endowment from Henry VI for the maintenance of scholars at Oxford. The
school continued to flourish some time after the dissolution of the
hospital. There was also a school attached to the hospital of St. Thomas
of Acon, as famous in its day as that of St. Antony, but of which little
is known until after the suppression of the religious houses by Henry
VIII, when it passed into the hands of the Mercers' Company and became
known, as it is to this day, as the Mercers' School.
(M561)
The Dr. John Carpenter just mentioned must not be confounded with the Town
Clerk of that name, the compiler of the famous _Liber Albus_ and the
founder of the City of London School. There is little known of the
foundation of this latter school beyond the statement made by Stow a
century and a-half later, that he "gave tenements to the city for the
finding and bringing up of four poor men's children with meat, drink,
apparel, learning at the schools in the universities, etc., until they be
preferred, and then others in their places for ever."(1044) Within the
last few years the City Chamberlain's accounts--touching "the lands of Mr.
John Carpenter, sometyme commen clarke of this cittie"--have been brought
to light, and serve to supplement in a small way Stow's meagre but
valuable statement. The rental or amount with which the Chamberlain
charged himself for the year 1565 or 1566 is there set down as L41 0_s._
4_d._, and the discharge--embracing a quit rent due to the Dean and Chapter
of Westminster, and expenses incurred in overseeing, clothing and feeding
four poor children "being founde at scoole and lerning by the bequeste of
the sayde Master Carpenter"--amounted to L19 12_s._ 8_d._, leaving a
balance to the City of L21 7_s._ 8_d._(1045) From so modest a beginning
arose the school which, situate on the Thames Embankment, now numbers over
700 scholars.
(M562)
There was a school attached to St. Paul's long before Colet's day, just as
there is one now, independent of the school of Colet's foundation, and
devoted mainly to the instruction of the Cathedral choristers. Soon after
Colet's appointment to the Deanery in 1505 he experienced no little
dissatisfaction with the Cathedral School, where great laxity prevailed,
more especially in the religious education of the "children of Paul's,"
and so, about the year 1509--the year of Henry's accession--having recently
come into a considerable estate by the death of his father, he set about
acquiring a small property situate at the east end of St. Paul's Church
for the purpose of establishing another school which would better realise
his own ideal of what a school should be than the existing Cathedral
School. Colet's School grew apace. In 1511 he was in negotiation with the
Court of Aldermen for the purchase "of a certen grounde of the citie for
an entre to be hadde into his new gramer scole."(1046) By January of the
next year (1512) he had succeeded in obtaining the assent both of the
Court of Aldermen and Common Council to the purchase by him of a "certen
grounde in the Olde Chaunge for the inlargyng of his gramer scole in
Powly's Churcheyerd" for the sum of L30.(1047) The property was conveyed
to him by deed, dated the 27th September, which deed was sealed with the
common seal on the 7th October following.(1048) The question as to whom he
should entrust the management of his school caused Colet no little
anxiety. He eventually decided to confide its revenues and management
entirely to the Mercers' Company, and when asked the reason for his so
doing replied that "though there was nothing certain in human affairs he
yet found the least corruption in them."(1049)
Considerable rivalry existed among the various grammar schools of the
city, more especially between the boys of Colet's School and the boys of
the more ancient foundation of St. Antony, which, for a long time, had the
reputation for turning out the best scholars. Public disputations were
held in the open air. The St. Paul's boys meeting St. Antony's boys would
derisively call them St. Antony's pigs, that saint being generally
represented with a pig following him, and challenge them to a disputation;
the latter would retaliate by styling their rivals "pigeons of St.
Paul's," from the bird which then, as now, frequented St. Paul's
Churchyard. From questions of grammar, writes Stow,(1050) they usually
fell to blows "with their satchels full of books, many times in great
heaps, that they troubled the streets and passengers." After the decay of
St. Antony's School the rivalry was taken up, but in a more friendly way,
by the later foundation of the Merchant Taylors' School.
(M563)
But the citizens of London did not limit their efforts in the cause of
education to their own city. Throughout the country there are to be found
grammar schools which owe their establishment to the liberal-mindedness
and open-handed generosity of the city merchant.(1051) Their existence
bears testimony to the kindly feeling which men who had grown rich in
London still bore to the provincial town or village which gave them birth
and which they had left in early life to seek their fortune in the great
metropolis.
To take but a few instances: Sir John Percival, a merchant-tailor, who in
1487 filled the subordinate office of Lord Mayor's carver, performing his
duties so well that the mayor, Sir Henry Colet, nominated him one of the
sheriffs for the year ensuing by the time honoured custom of drinking to
him at a public dinner, founded a school at Macclesfield. Stephen Jenyns,
another merchant-tailor, did the same thing at Wolverhampton. Sir Thomas
White, another member of the same company, founded two schools in the
provinces, one at Reading and another at Bristol, besides the College of
St. John at Oxford. Sir William Harper, yet another merchant-tailor,
established a school at Bedford.
The Mercers' Company rivalled the Merchant-Taylors' in the number of
schools established in the country through the liberality of its members.
Sir John Gresham founded one at Holt, in Norfolk; Sir Rowland Hill, an
ancestor of the originator of the Penny Postal scheme, another at Drayton,
in Shropshire; whilst schools at Horsham, in Sussex, and West Lavington,
in Wiltshire, were erected by two other mercers, Richard Collier and
William Dauntsey. There exist at the present day at least four schools
which owe their foundation to wealthy members of the Grocers' Company, the
well known school at Oundle, co. Northampton, upon which the Company have
expended on capital account the sum of L35,000, having been founded by Sir
William Laxton; another at Sevenoaks, in Kent, by William Sevenoke, a
native of the place, who rose from very humble circumstances to the chief
magistracy of the city; another at Witney, in Oxfordshire, by Henry Box,
and another at Colwall, co. Hereford, by Humphry Walwyn. Sir Andrew Judd,
a member of the Skinners' Company, established a school at Tonbridge,
whilst Sir Wolstan Dixie, another skinner, performed the same charitable
act at Market Bosworth. Lastly, Sir George Monoux and Thomas Russell, both
of them members of the Drapers' Company, founded schools at Walthamstow
and at Barton-under-Needwood, co. Stafford, respectively.
(M564)
On the Feast of St. Matthew (21 Sept.), 1515, a messenger arrived in the
city from Wolsey desiring the mayor and aldermen to attend that evening at
St. Paul's to return thanks to Almighty God for the queen, who was quick
with child. The summons was obeyed,(1052) and in the following February
(1516) the Princess Mary was born.
(M565)
By this time Wolsey had risen to be a great power in the State. In 1514 he
had been made Archbishop of York, and in the following year a cardinal.
His high position as a prince of the Church, as well as his authority with
the king, rendered it desirable for the citizens to keep well with him. On
the 6th March, 1516, it was resolved to send a deputation to the cardinal
for the purpose of securing his favour. No expense was to be spared in the
matter, and all costs and charges were to be paid by the Chamber.(1053) In
the following June the cardinal handed to the mayor a list of abuses in
the city which required reform. Sedition was rife there; the commons were
disobedient, the statute of apparel was ignored, vagabonds and masterless
folk resorted there and unlawful games were allowed in houses. The king's
council required an answer on these points within a few days, and an
answer was accordingly given, but the purport of it is not recorded,
although it was read to the Court of Aldermen before being
despatched.(1054)
In November of the same year (1516) the City was in difficulties with the
recently erected Court of Star Chamber, and Wolsey, who practically kept
the whole business of government in his own hands, came to the City's
assistance with advice. It appears that a subsidy was due on the 21st of
this month and the City had not paid its quota. The mayor and aldermen
were cited to appear before the cardinal and other lords of the council in
the Star Chamber at Westminster. Being asked if they had "sworne for their
assayng," to the king's subsidy, the Recorder answered on their behalf
that such procedure was contrary to Act of Parliament. The cardinal
thereupon advised them to agree to give the king L2,000 in order to be
discharged of their oaths "or ells every of theym to be sworn of and uppon
the true value of their substance within the sum of 100 marks." This took
place on Saturday, the 22nd, and the mayor and aldermen were to give an
answer to the Star Chamber by the following Wednesday. On Tuesday, the
25th, the Court of Aldermen met to consider what was best to be done under
the circumstances. The decision they arrived at was that as the present
assessment was less than the last, they would, in consideration of the
king's letters, make up the sum then payable so that it should equal the
last assessment.(1055)
(M566)
The seditious "brutes" or riots of which Wolsey had complained as daily
occurring in the city were soon to assume a serious form. They were
occasioned for the most part by the jealousy with which everybody who was
not a freeman of the city was looked upon by the free citizen. The influx
of strangers and foreigners has been daily increasing, notwithstanding the
limitations and restrictions placed upon their residence and mode of
trading,(1056) whilst the tendency of freemen had been to leave the city
for the country.(1057)
Whilst the civic authorities were doing all they could to prevent the
possibility of a disturbance arising on the coming May-day(1058)--a day
kept as a general holiday in the city--occasion was taken by a minister of
the church, whose duty it was to preach the usual Spital sermon on Easter
Tuesday (14 April), to incite the freemen to rise up against the foreigner
and stranger.(1059) When the 1st May arrived all might have been well, had
not a city alderman allowed his zeal to outrun his discretion. It happened
that John Mundy,(1060) Alderman of Queenhithe Ward, came across some
youngsters playing "at the bucklers" at a time when by a recent order they
should have been within doors, and he commanded them to desist. This they
showed no disposition to do, and when force was threatened raised the cry
for 'prentices and clubs. A large crowd quickly assembled and the alderman
had to beat a hasty retreat. The mob, now thoroughly roused, proceeded to
set free the prisoners in Newgate and the compters, and to attack the
strangers and foreigners quartered at Blanchappleton(1061) and elsewhere.
Rioting continued throughout the night, but early the following morning
they were met by a large force which the mayor in the meantime had
collected, and 300 of them were made prisoners, so that by the time that
assistance arrived from the court quiet had been restored. A commission of
Oyer and Terminer was opened at the Guildhall to try the offenders. John
Lincoln, who had not so long ago been appointed surveyor of goods bought
and sold by foreigners,(1062) was charged with being the instigator of the
riot, and being found guilty was hanged in Cheapside, whilst twelve others
were hanged on gallows in different parts of the city. Others received the
king's pardon with halters round their necks in token of the fate they
deserved.(1063)
(M567)
The civic authorities were not unnaturally anxious to make their peace
with the king, and to disclaim any complicity in the late outbreak. The
Court of Aldermen met on the 11th May to consider how best to approach his
majesty on so delicate a subject. It was decided to send a deputation to
the lord cardinal to "feel his mind" as to the number of persons that
should appear before the king. The next day eight aldermen and the
Recorder were nominated by the court "to go the Kinges grace and to knowe
his plesure when the Mayr and Aldremen and diverse of the substancyall
commoners of this citie shall sue to beseche his grace to be good and
gracious lord un to theym and to accept theym nowe beyng most sorrowful
and hevye for thees late attemptates doon ayeynst their wylles."(1064)
(M568) (M569) (M570)
The deputation forthwith proceeded, clothed in gowns of black, to
Greenwich, whither the king had gone on the 11th May. The Recorder as
usual acted as spokesman, and humbly prayed the royal forgiveness for the
negligence displayed by the mayor in not keeping the king's peace within
the city. The king in reply told them plainly his opinion that the civic
authorities had winked at the whole business, and referred them to
Cardinal Wolsey, his chancellor, who would declare to them his
pleasure.(1065) With this answer the deputation withdrew and reported what
had taken place to the mayor, who had wisely kept away. It was clear that
above all things the favour of the cardinal had to be obtained. For this
purpose a committee was appointed, whose duty it was to "devise what
thinges of plesur shalbe geven to my lord Cardynall and to other of the
lordes as they shall thynk convenient for their benevolences doon
concernyng this last Insurreccioun."(1066) By the 22nd May matters had
evidently been accommodated. On that date the king sat at Westminster Hall
in great state, surrounded by the lords of his council and attended by the
cardinal. The mayor and aldermen and chief commoners of the city, chosen
from the leading civic companies,(1067) had arrived by nine o'clock in the
morning clad in their best liveries, "according as the cardinal had
commanded them."(1068) Wolsey knew the king's weakness for theatrical
display. At Henry's command all the prisoners were brought into his
presence. They appeared, to the number of 400 men and eleven women, all
with ropes round their necks. After the cardinal had administered a rebuke
to the civic authorities for their negligence, and had declared that the
prisoners had deserved death, a formal pardon was proclaimed by the king,
the cardinal exhorting all present to loyalty and obedience. It was some
time before the effects of the late outbreak disappeared. Compensation for
losses had to be made;(1069) some were bound over to keep the peace;(1070)
and counsel were employed to draw up a statement of the points of
grievance between the citizens and merchant strangers for submission to
the king.(1071) In September there were rumours of another outbreak, but
the civic authorities were better prepared than formerly, and effectually
stopt any such attempt by putting suspected persons into prison.
Lest any unfavourable report should reach the cardinal, the Recorder and
another were ordered to ride in all haste to Sion, where Wolsey was
thought to be, and if they failed to find him there, to follow him to
Windsor and to report to him the active measures that had been taken to
prevent any further insurrection in the city.(1072) "Evil May-day" was
long remembered by the citizens, who raised objection to Thomas Semer or
Seymer, who had been sheriff at the time, being elected mayor ten years
later.(1073) In May, 1547, all householders were straitly charged not to
permit their servants any more to go maying, but to keep them within
doors.(1074)
(M571)
With gibbets all over the city, each bearing a ghastly freight, and the
summer approaching, it is scarcely surprising that the city should soon
again be visited with an epidemic. "At the city gates," wrote an
eye-witness, "one sees nothing but gibbets and the quarters of these
wretches"--the wretches who had been hanged for complicity in the late
disturbance--"so that it is horrible to pass near them."(1075) The
"sweating sickness," which had again made its appearance in 1516, and had
never really quitted the city (except for a few weeks in winter), now
raged more violently than ever, accompanied by measles and small-pox. The
king ordered all inhabitants of infected houses to keep indoors and hang
out wisps of straw, and when compelled to walk abroad to carry white
rods.(1076) This order, however, was badly received in the city and gave
rise to much murmuring and dissatisfaction.(1077) The civic authorities
did what they could to mitigate the evil by driving out beggars and
vagabonds, and removing slaughter-houses outside the city walls,(1078) as
well as by administering relief to the poorer classes by the distribution
of tokens or licences to solicit alms. These tokens consisted of round
"beedes" of white tin, bearing the City's arms in the centre, to be worn
on the right shoulder.(1079) In the midst of so much real suffering, there
were not wanting those who took advantage of the charitable feeling which
the crisis called forth and were not ashamed to gain a livelihood by
simulating illness. Such a one was Miles Rose, who on the 11th March,
1518, openly confessed before the Court of Aldermen that he had frequently
dissembled the sickness of the "fallyng evyle" (or epilepsy) in divers
parish churches in the city, on which occasions "jemewes" of silver,
called cramp rings, would as often as not be placed on his fingers by
charitable passers-by, with which he would quickly make off, pocketing at
the same time many a twopence which had been bestowed upon him.(1080)
(M572)
The city could scarcely have recovered its wonted appearance after the
ravages of the pestilence before its streets were enlivened with one of
those magnificent displays for which London became justly famous, the
occasion being an embassy from the French king sent to negotiate a
marriage treaty between Henry's daughter Mary, a child but two years of
age, and the still younger Dauphin of France. The City Records, strange to
say, appear to be altogether silent on this subject, and yet the embassy,
for magnificent display, was such as had never been seen within its walls
before. We can understand that the embassy was not acceptable to the
thrifty middle-class trading burgess, when we read that it was accompanied
by a swarm of pedlars and petty hucksters who showed an unbecoming anxiety
to do business in hats, caps and other merchandise, which under colour of
the embassy had been smuggled into the country duty free.(1081) The
foreign retail trader was at the best of times an abomination to the free
burgess, and this sharp practice on the part of the Frenchmen, coming so
soon after the recent outburst against strangers on Evil May-day, only
served to accentuate his animosity--"At this dooing mannie an Englishman
grudged, but it availed not."(1082) The ambassadors were lodged at the
Merchant Taylors' Hall, which, owing to the ill-timed action of the French
pedlars, had the look of a mart. On Sunday, the 3rd October, the king,
with a train of 1,000 mounted gentlemen richly dressed, attended by the
legates and foreign ambassadors, went in procession to St. Paul's to hear
mass; after which the king took his oath--a ceremonial which the French
admiral declared to be "too magnificent for description." On the following
Tuesday (5 Oct.) the marriage ceremony--so far as it could be carried out
between such infants--was celebrated at Greenwich, and a tiny gold ring, in
which was a valuable diamond, placed upon Mary's finger.(1083)
(M573)
In the following year (July, 1519) the streets witnessed another scene of
gaiety. This time it was a visit of the legate, Cardinal Campeggio, for
which the civic authorities made great preparations.(1084) In the first
place the mayor and aldermen, in their gowns and cloaks of scarlet, were
ordered to take up their position at 9 o'clock on the morning of Relic
Sunday (_i.e._, the third Sunday after Midsummer Day) at St. Paul's stairs
(_the stayers w__t__in poulys_). Next to them were to stand the Skinners,
then the Mercers and other worshipful crafts in their order, clothed in
their last and best livery. In this manner the street was to be lined on
either side from the west door of St. Paul's down to Baynard's Castle.
Upon the arrival of the lord cardinal and other lords at the Cathedral the
mayor and aldermen were to head the procession and seat themselves in the
choir to hear _Te Deum_ sung. Bonfires or "pryncypall fyres" were to be
lighted at St. Magnus corner, Gracechurch, Leadenhall, the conduit on
Cornhill, St. Thomas "of Acres," the Standard and little conduit in Cheap,
the Standard in Fleet Street, and in Bishopsgate Street; whilst cresset
lights and small fires "made after the manner of Midsummer-night" were to
add to the gaiety of the scene. Men-at-arms, well harnessed and
apparelled, were to keep certain streets, whilst the aldermen and their
constables were to keep watch and ward in their best array of harness. The
ambassadors, who were to be lodged in Cornhill, were to be escorted home
at night by the aldermen with torches, and to await their commands. There
was one other, perhaps not unnecessary, direction to be followed, which
was to the effect that if by any chance the strangers should be overcome
by the hospitality of the city, or, in the words of the record--"yf eny
oversyght be wt moche drynke of the strangers"--the citizens were to "lett
theym alone and no Englishemen to medyle wt theym."
(M574) (M575)
The legate landed at Deal on the 23rd July, and by slow stages was
conducted with every mark of respect to London. His passage through the
city was associated with an episode of a decidedly comic character if we
are to believe the chronicler. A story is told(1085) that the night before
Campeggio entered London, Wolsey sent him twelve mules with (empty)
coffers, in order to give a semblance of wealth to the legate and his
retinue. In Cheapside one of the mules turned restive and upset the
chests, out of which tumbled old hose, shoes, bread, meat, and eggs, with
"muche vile baggage," at which the street boys cried "See, see my lord
legate's treasure!" The story, however, is on good authority deemed more
malicious than probable.
(M576)
In January, 1519, the Emperor Maximilian died and left the imperial crown
to be contested for by the kings of France and Spain. It eventually fell
to the latter, and Charles V of Spain was elected Emperor Charles I, the
event being celebrated by a solemn mass and _Te Deum_ at St. Paul's,
followed by a banquet at Castle Baynard.(1086)
(M577)
Both France and Germany were eager to secure the co-operation of Henry.
Charles anticipated the meeting which was to take place between Henry and
Francis on the famous Field of the Cloth of Gold by coming over in person
to England (May, 1519) and having a private conference with his uncle. The
young emperor did not visit the city on this occasion; but in 1522, when
war had broken out between him and Francis and he was again in England, he
was escorted to the city with great honour and handsomely lodged in the
palace of Bridewell. Nearly L1,000 was raised to meet the expenses of his
reception and of furnishing a body of 100 bowmen for the king's
service.(1087)
The king and his guest and ally were met at St. George's Bar in Southwark
by John Melborne,(1088) the mayor, accompanied by the high officers of the
city, clothed in gowns of "pewke," each with a chain of gold about his
neck.(1089) A "proposicioun" or address was made by Sir Thomas More, now
under-treasurer of England, who was afterwards presented by the City with
the sum of L10 towards a velvet gown,(1090) whilst other speeches made in
the course of the procession were composed by Master Lilly,(1091) of
Euphues fame, the first high master of Colet's School.
(M578)
Between the first and second visits of the emperor the citizens had
witnessed some strange sights and had gone through much suffering and
privation. The city had scarcely ever been free from sickness, and famine
and pestilence had followed one another in quick succession. In September,
1520, the fellowships or civic companies subscribed over L1,000 for the
purchase of wheat(1092) to be stored at the Bridgehouse, where ovens were
fitted up.(1093) Mills for grinding corn already existed in the Thames
hard by.(1094) The following year the plague raged to such an extent that
every house attacked was ordered to be marked with St. Antony's cross,
"otherwise called the syne of Tav,"(1095) and citizens were forbidden to
attend the fair at Windsor for fear of carrying infection to the
court.(1096)
Again a scarcity of corn was feared, and the Bridge-masters were
authorised by the Court of Common Council to purchase provisions, the
corporation undertaking to give security for the repayment of all monies
advanced by the charitably disposed for the purpose of staving off
famine.(1097) Early in 1522 (15 Jan.) died Fitz-James, Bishop of London,
carried off with many others by "a great death in London and other places
of the realm."(1098)
(M579)
The citizens had also in the meanwhile witnessed the arrest and execution
of the Duke of Buckingham, son of the duke who figured so prominently
before the citizens when the crown was offered to Richard III at Baynard
Castle. He was seized one day whilst landing from his barge at the Hay
Wharf, on a number of charges all more or less frivolous. His attendants
were dismissed to the duke's "Manor of the Rose," in the parish of St.
Laurence Pountney(1099)--on the site of which recently stood Merchant
Taylors' School--whilst he himself was conducted to the Tower (16 April,
1521). An indictment was laid against him at the Guildhall before Sir
John Brugge, lord mayor, and others (8 May). After a trial at Westminster
which lasted some days, he was found guilty of high treason, and condemned
to be hanged, drawn and quartered, and to suffer such other atrocities as
usually accompanied the death of a traitor in those days. The king,
however, satisfied with his condemnation, spared him these indignities,
and the duke was allowed to meet his death at the block. His corpse was
reverently carried from the Tower to the Church of the Austin Friars by
six poor members of that Order.(1100)
The duke had other friends in the city besides these poor religious men,
who thus requited in the only way they could many acts of kindness done to
their Order by Buckingham in his life time, and his death gave rise to
much disaffection and seditious language for some time afterwards.(1101)
(M580)
Before the emperor left England he succeeded in committing Henry to an
invasion of France. In order to carry out his object the king needed
money, and the City was asked to furnish him with the sum of
L100,000.(1102) Ten days later (26 May) the City agreed to advance
L20,000. The livery companies were to be called upon to surrender their
plate, and foreigners as well as citizens were to be made to
contribute.(1103)
(M581)
The question arose whether the aldermen should be jointly assessed with
the commoners or by themselves. The mayor and aldermen were willing to
contribute the sum of L3,000,(1104) but this offer the Common Council
"nothyng regarded," but sent the common sergeant to talk the matter over
with them. After long consultation the mayor and aldermen sent back word
that it was more "convenient" that they should be assessed with the
commoners and not to be severed.(1105)
In the meantime a hasty valuation had been made by the command of Wolsey
of the plate of the livery companies, and of the ready money lying in
their halls, the whole value of which was estimated to be L4,000. This,
together with the sum of L10,000 which the Court of Aldermen purposed
raising among the wealthier class of citizens, was all that the cardinal
was given to expect from the City.(1106) On the 24th May the deputation,
which had ridden with all speed after the cardinal in order to make this
report, returned to the city and reported to the Court of Aldermen that
his grace was in no wise satisfied with the City's offer, and that he
expected the City to furnish the king with at least L30,000, of which
L10,000 was to be ready within three days.(1107) The matter was
compromised by the City consenting to advance L20,000.
In June the Recorder had an interview with Wolsey respecting the security
to be given for repayment of the loan. The cardinal refused to allow that
certain abbots, abbesses and priors, who had been named, should enter into
bond, and the citizens were obliged to be content with the personal
securities of the king and Wolsey himself. Touching the plate of the
halls, the cardinal wished only to take it in case of absolute necessity,
and then only at a fair price. He desired the owners to bring it to the
Tower, "there to be coyned and they [_i.e._, the government] to pay the
seyd money that so shalbe coyned." The result of the Recorder's interview
was reported to the Court of Aldermen the 17th June.(1108) A committee had
already (2 June) to take an account of the plate brought in and to enter
its true weight in a book.(1109)
(M582) (M583)
The recent loan of L20,000 had scarcely been raised(1110) before the
citizens found it necessary to make a further advance of 4,000 marks.
Their liberality was repaid by a gracious letter from Wolsey himself, in
which he promised to see the money repaid in a fortnight,(1111) and to
extend to them his favour. What vexed the citizens more than anything was
being compelled to make oath before the cardinal's deputy sitting in the
Chapter House of St. Paul's as to the amount each was worth in money,
plate, jewels, household goods and merchandise,--a system of inquisition
recently introduced.(1112)
(M584) (M585)
As if all this were not enough Wolsey demanded another loan before the end
of the year. This was too much even for the patient and open-handed London
burgess. The Common Council determined (4 Nov.) to put a stop to these
extortionate demands, and resolved that, "As touchyng the Requeste made by
my lorde cardynalles grace for appreste or aloone of more money to the
kynges grace, they can in no wise agre thereto, but they ar and wilbe well
contendid to be examyned uppon their othes yf it shall please his grace so
to do."(1113) The stand thus made by the citizens against illegal
exactions gave courage to others. The king's commissioners were forcibly
driven out of Kent, and open rebellion was threatened in other
counties.(1114)
(M586)
There was only one course left open to Henry, and that was to summon a
parliament. For nearly eight years no parliament had sat. It was now
summoned to meet on the 15th April, 1523, not at Westminster, but at the
house of the Blackfriars.(1115) The names of the city's representatives
are on record. The aldermen elected one of their body, George Monoux, and
with him was associated "according to ancient customs," the city's
Recorder, William Shelley; whilst the commons elected John Hewster, a
mercer, and William Roche, a draper(1116)
A few days after the election a committee of fourteen members was
nominated to consider what matters should be laid before parliament as
being for the welfare of the city.(1117) Sir Thomas More was chosen
Speaker. The enormous sum of L800,000 was demanded. Expecting some
hesitation on the part of the Commons, Wolsey himself determined to argue
with them, and suddenly made his appearance in state. Finding that his
speech was received in grim silence, he turned to More for a reply. The
Speaker, falling on his knees, declared his inability to make any answer
until he had received the instructions of the House, and intimated that
perhaps the silence of the Commons was due to the cardinal's presence.
Wolsey accordingly departed discomforted.(1118) His attempt to overawe
parliament marks the beginning of his downfall. He still kept well with
the city, however, and rendered it several small services.
(M587)
Emboldened by their recent success the citizens determined to make a stand
against other exactions, and when in May, 1523, another demand was made
for one hundred bowmen, as in the previous year, they sent their charter
to the cardinal and begged that the article touching citizens not being
liable to foreign service might remain in force. A similar demand was made
in the following November, and again the assistance of Wolsey was called
in.(1119) The City on the other hand had recently conferred a favour on
the cardinal by discharging Robert Amadas, his own goldsmith, from serving
as alderman when elected in March of this year.(1120)
(M588)
In June the king and queen of Denmark paid a visit to the city and
attended mass at St. Paul's,(1121) when the Court of Aldermen made them a
present of two hogsheads of wine, one of white and another of claret, and
two "awmes" of Rhenish wine, two fresh salmon, a dozen great pike, four
dozen of "torchettes," and eight dozen of "syses."(1122)
(M589)
The joint attack of Henry and the emperor against France in 1523 proved as
great a failure as that of 1522. In the midst of the campaign Henry was
threatened with danger nearer home. The Scots marched southward, and
created such a panic in the city that a solemn procession, in which
figured Cuthbert Tunstal, Bishop of London (successor to the unfortunate
Fitz-James), the mayor and aldermen, all the king's justices, and all the
sergeants-at-law, took place every day for a week.(1123) After a futile
attack upon Wark Castle the invaders withdrew and all danger was
over.(1124)
(M590)
When the Feast of St. Edward (13 Oct.) came round, George Monoux, alderman
and draper, who had already (1514-15) once filled the office of mayor of
the city, was re-elected; but refusing to accept the call of his
fellow-citizens he was fined L1,000. It was thereupon declared by the
Court of Aldermen that anyone who in future should be elected mayor, and
refused to take up office, should be mulcted in a like sum.(1125) Monoux's
fine was remitted the following year, and he was discharged from
attendance, although keeping his aldermanry, on account of ill health. In
return for this favour he made over to the Corporation his brewhouse
situate near the Bridgehouse in Southwark.(1126)
(M591)
Before the close of the year (3 Dec., 1523) the king pledged himself by
letters patent to repay the loan of L20,000 which the City had advanced
for his defence of the realm and maintenance of the wars against France
and Scotland.(1127)
(M592)
The disappointment experienced by Wolsey in not being selected to fill the
Papal chair on the death of Adrian VI induced him to take measures for
transferring his master's power from the imperial court to the court of
France. In the meantime a league was formed between Henry, the emperor,
and Charles, Duke of Bourbon, for the conquest and partition of France.
During the formation of this league some correspondence between England
and the Continent appears to have been lost in a remarkable manner, to
judge from the following proclamation,(1128) made the 10th July, 1524:--
(M593)
_"My lorde the maire streitly chargith and commaundith on the king
or soveraigne lordis behalf that if any maner of person or persons
that have founde a hat with certeyn lettres and other billes and
writinges therin enclosed which lettres been directed to o__r__
said soveraigne lorde from the parties of beyond the see let hym
or theym bryng the said hat lettres and writinges unto my said
lorde the maire in all the hast possible and they shalbe well
rewarded for their labour and that no maner of person kepe the
said hat lettres and writinges nor noon of them after this
proclamacioun made uppon payn of deth and God save the king."_
(M594) (M595)
The news of the defeat and capture of the French king at Pavia (24 Feb.,
1525) was hailed by Henry with great delight. The crown of France was now,
he thought, within his grasp. On Saturday, the 11th March, a triumph was
made in the city to celebrate "the takynge of the Frenche kyng in Bataill
by Themporer and his alies."(1129) Bonfires were lighted at different
places, one being in Saint Paul's Churchyard near the house where lay the
foreign ambassadors. The Chamberlain was ordered to provide a hogshead of
wine at every fire. The city minstrels filled the air with music, and the
parish clerks attended with their singing children, who sat about the
bonfires and sang ballads and "other delectable and joyfull songs." On the
Sunday following the king and queen and officers of state attended a _Te
Deum_ at St. Paul's, the legate himself pronouncing the benediction.(1130)
(M596)
Henry's first impulse was to take advantage of the French king's
misfortune; the cardinal, on the other hand, saw danger in the
predominating influence of Charles in Europe, and would gladly have seen
his master join hands with Francis against the emperor. He was
nevertheless bound to carry out the king's wishes as if they were his own,
and money was necessary for the purpose. Instead of resorting to a
benevolence--a mode of raising money already declared by parliament to be
illegal--he suggested that the people should be asked for what was called
an Amicable Loan, on the old feudal ground that the king was about to lead
an expedition in person. The citizens were among the first to whom Wolsey
made application. Were they of opinion, he asked, that the king should
undertake the expedition to France in person? If so, he could not go
otherwise than beseemed a prince, and this he could not do without the
city's aid. The sum they were asked to subscribe did not, he said, amount
to half their substance, which the king might very well have demanded.
When it was objected that trade had been bad, Wolsey lost his temper and
declared that it was better that some citizens should suffer rather than
that the king should be in want, and that if they refused to pay it might
"fortune to cost some their heddes."(1131) At length the citizens agreed
to grant the king a sixth part of their substance, which Henry graciously
acknowledged by letter (25 April),(1132) saying that it was not his wish
to overburden them, for he valued their prosperity more than ten such
realms as France. The letter was read, by Wolsey's express wish, to the
Common Council on the 28th, when it was agreed to ask for a fortnight's
grace before sending an answer to so important a missive.(1133) A
deputation was forthwith despatched to Hampton Court to solicit the
cardinal's mediation, but not being able to obtain an interview they
returned, and steps were taken to raise the money required.
When the cardinal was informed later on that the alderman of each ward was
holding an enquiry as to the means of the inhabitants he affected to be
very angry. "They had no right to examine anyone," he said; "I am your
commissioner, I will examine you one by one myself." The mayor (Sir
William Bailey) thereupon threw himself at the cardinal's feet beseeching
him that since it was by Act of Common Council that the aldermen had sat
in their respective wards for the purpose of taking the benevolence--a
procedure which he now perceived to be against the law--the Act should by
the Common Council be revoked. "Well," said Wolsey "I am content," and he
then proceeded to ask how much the mayor and aldermen then present were
prepared to give. When the mayor incautiously remarked that if he made any
promise there and then it might perhaps cost him his life, Wolsey again
became furious. What! the mayor's life threatened for obeying the king's
orders! He would see to that.
In the country the loan met with so much opposition that a rebellion was
feared. At length, finding it was impossible to collect the money, Wolsey
sent (19 May) for the mayor and aldermen and informed them that the king
had given up all thoughts of his expedition to France, and that they were
pardoned of all that had been demanded of them.(1134)
(M597) (M598)
Before many weeks elapsed Wolsey saw with satisfaction a truce made
between Henry and the queen regent of France.(1135) Early in 1526 the
French king regained his liberty by virtue of a treaty which he at once
repudiated, and war between him and the emperor was renewed, but England
remained virtually at peace. In the following year (1527) the cardinal
himself paid a visit to the French king and superintended the drawing up
of articles for a permanent peace. By September all was settled, and
Wolsey returned to England. Ambassadors from France shortly afterwards
arrived, and were lodged in the Bishop of London's palace in St. Paul's
Churchyard. The City made them valuable presents at the instance of the
lord cardinal.(1136)
(M599) (M600) (M601) (M602)
The election of Paul Wythypol,(1137) a merchant-tailor, as alderman of the
Ward of Farringdon Within, in 1527, again brought Henry and the citizens
into variance. The king desired Wythypol's discharge, at least for a time.
The Court of Aldermen hesitated to accede to the request and consulted
Wolsey.(1138) He recommended them an interview with the king at Greenwich.
To Greenwich they accordingly went (24 Feb.) by water, where they arrived
in time to give a formal reception to the cardinal, who landed soon
afterwards from his barge. After a few words had passed between the
cardinal and the municipal officers, the former entered the palace, whilst
the latter waited in the king's great chamber till dinner time. When that
hour arrived they were bidden to go down to the hall, where the mayor was
entertained at the lord steward's mess, and the aldermen received like
attention from the comptroller and other officers of state. The city's
Counsel who had accompanied the mayor and aldermen were entertained at the
table of "master coferer." Dinner over, the company returned to the great
chamber, where they were kept waiting till the evening. At length the
mayor and aldermen were bidden to the king's presence in his secret
chamber. What took place there the writer of the record declares himself
unable to say,(1139) and, although the mayor afterwards made a report of
the matter to the court, no particulars are recorded in the City's
archives. The practical outcome of the interview appears to have been that
Wythypol was left unmolested for a whole twelve-month. When that time had
elapsed he was again summoned before the Court of Aldermen either to
accept office or take the oath prescribed.(1140) Refusing both these
propositions he was committed to Newgate.(1141) This took place on the 6th
February, 1528. On the 3rd March he appeared in person before the Court of
Aldermen and desired a respite from office, or to be allowed to pay a
fine. Being asked the amount of fine he was prepared to pay, he offered
L40, and at the same time asked to be discharged from office for a period
of three years. This offer was declined, and Wythypol was again ordered to
take the oath prescribed for his discharge.(1142) Nearly three months were
allowed to elapse before any further steps were taken, when, on the 22nd
May, the court again ordered Wythypol to appear at its next meeting, and
to take up office, or else take the oath, or pay such fine as should be
assessed by the mayor, aldermen and common council.(1143) It is certain
that he did not take office, so the conclusion must be that he availed
himself of one or other of the alternatives open to him. John Brown was
elected alderman of Farringdon Within shortly afterwards, but he was
discharged by the Common Council, and the aldermanry was subsequently
filled by John Hardy being translated to it from Aldersgate Ward.(1144)
(M603)
In addition to an epidemic of sickness,(1145) the city was threatened the
following year with a famine, notwithstanding the fact that large
quantities of grain had been stored up in various parts of the city by
order of the municipal authorities. The country had suffered recently by
heavy rains, and large tracts of land had been inundated. In anticipation
of trouble, a large stock of wheat had been laid in, but when it came to
the point of disposing of it, the bakers of the city and the bakers of
Stratford-at-Bow declined to take it except at their own price, until
compelled by threats and, in some cases, imprisonment.(1146)
(M604)
For some years past Henry had been meditating a divorce from Catherine of
Aragon, his brother's widow, but it was not until 1529 that the assent of
the Pope was at last obtained to try the validity of the marriage. The
legatine court sat in the city at the house of the Blackfriars, where
every arrangement was made to add dignity to the proceedings. At its head
sat the two cardinals, Campeggio and Wolsey, on chairs covered with cloth
of gold, and on their right sat Henry himself.(1147) The sudden suspension
of all proceedings after the court had sat for some weeks, and the
revocation of the cause to the Court of Rome, led to Wolsey's downfall. In
October the seals were taken from him and given to Sir Thomas More, his
furniture and plate were seized, and he himself ordered to remove from
London.
(M605)
A few days after Wolsey's disgrace a banquet was held at the Guildhall on
the occasion of the swearing in of Ralph Dodmer, the newly-elected mayor.
It is the first lord mayor's banquet of which any particulars have come
down to us, and they are interesting as recording the names of the chief
guests. The mayor's court, the scene of the feast, was boarded and hung
with cloth of Arras for the occasion. One table was set apart for peers of
the realm, at the head of which sat the new lord chancellor and at the
bottom the lords Berkeley and Powis. At either side of the table sat nine
peers, among whom were the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the one being the
treasurer and the other the marshal of England, Sir Thomas Grey, Marquis
of Dorset, the Earl of Oxford, high chamberlain, and the Earl of
Shrewsbury, lord steward of England, Tunstal, Bishop of London, Sir Thomas
Boleyn, Lord Rochford, whose daughter Anne was shortly to experience the
peril of sharing Henry's throne, Lord Audley, and others. At two other
tables, placed between the court of orphans and the mayor's court, were
entertained a number of knights and other gentlemen, whose names are not
recorded.(1148)
(M606)
It was not long before further proceedings were taken against the king's
late minister. On the 3rd November (1529), after the lapse of six years,
parliament met in the city at the palace of Bridewell. The City was
represented by Thomas Seymer, an alderman and ex-mayor, John Baker, the
City's Recorder, John Petyte, grocer, and Paul Wythypol,(1149) the
merchant-tailor whose election as alderman had recently created no little
trouble. Among other members was Thomas Cromwell,(1150) a friend of
Wolsey, and destined soon to take his place as the king's chief adviser. A
bill for disabling the cardinal from being restored to his former
dignities was carried by the Lords and sent down to the Commons (1 Dec.).
There it is said to have met with the strenuous opposition of Cromwell. Of
this, however, there is some doubt, as it is uncertain whether the bill
provoked any discussion, parliament being shortly afterward prorogued (17
Dec.) and the unhappy cardinal left in suspense as to what fate was in
store for him.(1151) At Christmas he fell ill, and the king's heart became
so far softened towards his old favourite that early in the following year
(Feb., 1530) he was restored to the archbishopric of York with all its
possessions except York-place (Whitehall) in Westminster, which Henry
could not bring himself to surrender. His colleges were seized; the
college he had founded at Ipswich was sold; but his college at Oxford,
known as Cardinal College, was afterwards re-established under the name of
Christ Church. He himself was not allowed to rest long in peace. He was
summoned to London on a charge of treason, for which there was little or
no foundation, but the troubles of the last two years had rendered him so
infirm that he died on the way.