OF THE FISHERIES AND MANUFACTORY AT LOWESTOFT.
THE principal commerce subsisting at Lowestoft is derived from its
herring-fishery. The town most probably, received its very existence
from the convenient situation of its coast for fishermen to exercise the
several occupations of a life dependent on those employments; which in
the more early ages, extended, very likely, to every kind of fish that
the coast afforded; though now, in these more recent times, it is chiefly
confined to the herring fishery. The herrings appear on the coast of
Shetland in the month of June, and from thence they proceed to the coast
of Scotland; but being interrupted in their passage by the Island of
Great Britain, they separate into two divisions, one of which divisions,
after steering west, or south west, and leaving the Isles of Orkney and
Shetland on the north, pass by the western isles, and proceed to Ireland;
and there receiving a second retardation, they subdivide, and one part
keeps the coast and shore of Britain and passing down St. George’s
Channel as far as the mouth of the Severn, where they unite again with
their former friends, and the second part of the same division, who had
edged off to the west and south-west, and sheering along the western
shore of the coast of Ireland, and then proceeding south and south-east,
were also entered into St. George’s Channel. The second part of the
first division, which was separated off the north part of Scotland having
directed their course to the south and south-east, entered the German
ocean; and continuing their progress along the coast of Scotland, they
proceed to the south, and rounding the high shore of Berwick and St.
Abb’s, are not seen any more till they arrive upon the Yorkshire coast,
and not in any great quantities till they appear off Yarmouth and
Lowestoft; where, after continuing a few weeks, and leaving an immense
quantity of spawn, they pass through the German ocean, and entering the
straights of Dover continue to proceed along the coasts of Sussex,
Hampshire, etc., to the Land’s End, where the two divisions forming a
junction, they enter the vast Atlantic ocean.
Herrings have been seen on the shores of North America, though not in
such large quantities as have appeared on the coasts of Britain; neither
are they seen in America any farther south than South Carolina. But
whether these herrings be part of that enormous shoal which first
approach the north of Scotland, and instead of confining their progress
to the British Isles, extend it to the coast of America; or whether they
be part of that vast collection, who, after forming a junction on the
coast of Cornwall, launch into the Atlantic ocean, is difficult to
determine with certainty. It may, perhaps, be no improbable conjecture
to suppose, that the herrings which appear on the American coast are only
such as have deserted from the main body of the fish during their
continuance in the western ocean. And as it is evident that these fish
are never seen in any considerable quantity upon the coast of the more
southern parts of Europe, such as Spain, or Portugal, or the southern
parts of France, neither in the Mediterranean, or coast of Africa; but,
after they have entered the Atlantic ocean, are seen no more till the
succeeding summer, on the coast of Shetland. We may conclude, that after
the herrings have appeared early in the summer on the northern coasts,
and proceeded on the eastern and western sides of the British Isles,
discharging their roes, and having formed a conjunction at their general
rendezvous near the Land’s End, and launched into the Atlantic ocean, and
continued there the remainder of the winter, that they afterwards proceed
to the north; and assembling together near the coasts of Greenland, in
the Spring they continued their progress from those parts to the south,
and in the summer appear again on the north of Shetland and Scotland,
thereby performing, in the course of a year, one entire revolution round
the islands of Great Britain and Ireland; so that the herring may,
without impropriety, be termed a fish of passage.
The convenient situation of the eastern parts of this kingdom for the
advantageous prosecution of the herring fishery, and the great benefit
which the nation derives in consequence thereof, have much excited the
envy of our maritime neighbours, the Dutch; and have frequently induced
them to infringe on the liberties which this kingdom is indisputably
entitled to, by approaching too near the British coasts, in view either
to usurp the whole of this fishery to themselves, or to monopolise a
considerable share of it: but the policy of these rivals has hitherto
been such, that whenever they perceived that their illegal proceedings
were complained of, and threatened to be opposed, they always endeavoured
to pacify our resentment, either by compounding for the trespass, or by
relinquishing their pretensions, and afterwards having recourse to a more
legal mode of conducting their fishery. {39}
It is highly probable, that the herring fishery on this part of the coast
originated at Lowestoft, and, in some measure, afterwards transferred
itself to Yarmouth: for in the early ages, before Yarmouth was founded,
Lowestoft appears to have been the general rendezvous of the northern and
western fishers employed in the herring fishery: but when the sand upon
which Yarmouth was afterwards built, appeared above the surface of the
water, and became dry land, it was then that the fishermen from different
parts of England, especially the cinque ports—who were antiently the
principal fishermen of England—resorted thither annually to catch
herrings; where, finding this sand to be unoccupied, and its situation
extremely convenient both for drying their nets, manufacturing their
fish, and exhibiting it to sale, they began to erect temporary booths or
tents, as their several circumstances required, either to secure
themselves from the irruptions of an enemy, or as a shelter from the
inclemency of the weather. And for the better keeping the peace and
securing to every owner his respective property, the barons of the cinque
ports deputed several officers, called bailiffs, to attend this fishery
the space of forty days, viz., from Michaelmas to Martinmas, the
principal time of the herring season; as it would have been dangerous
both to private interest, as well as public tranquility, to have
permitted such a mixed multitude of natives and foreigners to have
assembled in one place without having a person with proper authority to
preside over them, in order to preserve subordination and regularity; and
in this manner the herring fishery continued for some time after its
commencement at this place, which, probably, happened soon after the
landing of Cerdick, the Saxon, in the year 495, as above related; and
from which circumstance it was called the Cerdick sand. {40a}
Some years after, as soon as it appeared that the herring fishery was
established upon a permanent foundation, and the sand became safe and
commodious to reside upon, some of the inhabitants on the western shore,
and others from different parts of the kingdom, began to build houses
thereon, and for their mutual support and defence founded a town there,
from whence arose the origin of Yarmouth; whereby it appears that the
founders of Great Yarmouth were chiefly portsmen, or natives of the
cinque ports. These portsmen continued to frequent the place for several
centuries afterwards, and many of them chose to reside here, and became
seized of lands and tenements, some portion whereof, at their deaths they
would bequeath to their countrymen of the cinque ports, in order to
signify to posterity from whence they came. But as soon as the burgesses
of Yarmouth had a charter of liberties granted them by King John, and the
barons of the cinque ports having also certain liberties granted them at
Yarmouth by the same king, or rather confirmed what they held before by
prescriptive {40b} right,—the liberties which were granted to the cinque
ports, by interfering with those newly granted to the burgesses of
Yarmouth gave rise to the most violent disputes and animosities, such as
are not to be paralleled, perhaps, between any other two places in the
British dominions; for the riots and depredations which arose from these
disputes became at last so very outrageous as to be not only extremely
injurious to the contending parties, but even to alarm the whole kingdom.
These violent quarrels and commotions continued to agitate the respective
parties, with little permission, until the reign of Queen Elizabeth, when
a proposal was made for compromising their differences and establishing a
durable reconciliation, by making Yarmouth a member of the cinque ports;
but this attempt, however laudable in its intention, proved wholly
ineffectual in its execution: nevertheless, we find, that in the year
1576, every circumstance which had afforded matter of dispute was
amicably adjusted, and finally settled to the mutual satisfaction of the
respective parties: and accordingly an award was published, which
contained the following article, namely, “That whereas for every fishing
vessel coming to the said free fair, in ancient times, fourpence for toll
or custom was paid to the bailiffs of the cinque ports, which afterwards,
by composition was reduced to a certain sum of six pounds yearly: but for
the sake of restoring peace and quiet it was hereby agreed that the
bailiffs of Yarmouth should pay to the bailiffs of the barons of the
cinque ports, at their departure from Yarmouth, three pounds and ten
shillings only, in recompense and full satisfaction for the said toll.”
After the conclusion of this agreement, the several parties maintained a
more peaceable and friendly correspondence with each other than had
subsisted for many years before; and persevered in this amicable
intercourse until the year 1662, when the annual composition of three
pounds and ten shilling being either refused or neglected to be paid by
the burgesses of Yarmouth to the bailiffs of the ports, the said bailiffs
never repaired to Yarmouth any more in a public capacity. {41a}
The town of Yarmouth having thus driven away the bailiffs of the cinque
ports, that place became the general rendezvous of all such vessels as
were employed in the herring fishery; and thereby monopolised, in a great
measure, the whole fishery to themselves, by confining to the narrow
limits of their own haven, the purchasing of all such herrings as were
not caught by the boats belonging to the neighbouring towns, and where
they were compelled to pay the custom demanded by the town of Yarmouth:
for the town of Lowestoft, and all other towns on the coast, an
indisputable right to fit out what number of vessels they pleased from
their own towns, for the purpose of catching herrings, without being
subject to any customs payable to Yarmouth, and also to purchase herrings
at sea from certain vessels called ketchmen; but if they could not be
sufficiently supplied with herrings by these means, they were then under
the necessity of repairing to Kirkley road or Yarmouth haven, where they
became subject to the customs due to the town of Yarmouth; for the right
of the burgesses of Yarmouth to levy these customs was confined solely to
the haven and Kirkley road; and therefore the ketchmen, who sold herrings
at sea, thereby evaded the customs and injured the town of Yarmouth;
which formerly had occasioned many disputes, particularly in the reign of
queen Elizabeth, and probably was the principal motive which induced the
burgesses of Yarmouth to force away the portsmen.
The town of Yarmouth, not being satisfied with their late acquisitions,
began to extend their views much farther, even so far as to endeavour to
exclude the town of Lowestoft from having any share in the herring
fishery; and in order to give their designs the greater appearance of
justice, they pleaded the Charter, 46 Edward III., for uniting Kirkley
road to Yarmouth haven; and pretended that the seven leuks, inserted in
that charter as the boundary of their liberties, were not miles, but
leagues; and also, that the said leuks were not to be measured from the
key of Yarmouth, but from the mouth of the haven which at this time had
extended far to the south, and formerly as far as Corton; thereby
expecting to extend their liberties beyond the roads of Lowestoft, and
consequently wholly to exclude the merchants of that place from a
privilege which they had enjoyed from time immemorial, viz., that of
purchasing herrings near their own town.
Corton is situated about a mile to the north of Lowestoft, and
comprehends upwards of a thousand acres, chiefly cultivated, and prettily
diversified with rising grounds and some woods; and contains about
thirty-eight dwelling houses, mostly situated in a street, tolerably
compact, on a high cliff that commands an extensive prospect of the sea.
This parish is a vicarage, and the impropriation, before the dissolution
of the monasteries, belonged to the abbey of Leystone, in Suffolk. {41b}
It was granted by Henry VIII. to Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, and
has passed through various hands since to the present owner, John Ives,
of Yarmouth, Esq. The advowson of the vicarage formerly belonged to the
proprietors of the impropriation; but, by some neglect or other, has been
suffered to lapse to the Crown.
The body of the Church is now dilapidated, and the chancel is the only
part of it appropriated to divine service. The ruins which are now
remaining give evident proof that the building was of considerable
dimensions; and the handsome tower, which is still perfect, strongly
denotes its original elegance.
Tradition informs us that when the church became ruinous, the
parishioners, finding themselves unequal to the task of repairing it, and
at the same time thinking it unnecessary, petitioned the bishop of the
diocese for his license to suffer it to remain as it was, on condition
that, at their own charge, they would fit up and maintain the chancel as
a place of public worship, which was granted them, and the chancel was
made very adequate to the purpose. But in a long series of years, either
by means of the inability, or through the inattention of the people, this
too was suffered to fall into decay, insomuch, that in the year 1776, the
lead admitted the rain in various places, and pulpit, the desk, gallery,
etc., were rotten, and ready to fall down. Under these circumstances,
the Rev. Francis Bowness, then vicar, thought it expedient to coincide
with the wishes of the generality of the parishioners, to apply to the
diocesan for a faculty to dispose of the lead, and lay out the money
arising from the sale of it, in the reparation of the building; and
notwithstanding much opposition, the perseverance of the vicar prevailed,
and he obtained, from the candour of Bishop Younge, a full power to sell
not only the lead, but also, if it should be necessary, a large bell,
which hung in the porch of the old church. He availed himself of no more
than the former part of the license; and with a very small rate added to
the produce of the lead, the chancel was again put into complete good
order, and divine service is now regularly performed there, and decently
attended.
In justice to the merits of the worthy vicar, I hope it will not be
thought impertinent to add, that he has been an equal benefactor to the
church and the living; that he lives in great harmony with his
parishioners, and receives from them that respect, which a constant
endeavour to be useful seldom fails to inspire. He was instituted in
1758. The church is dedicated to St. Bartholomew. The vicarage, though
of late years much improved by the increased cultivation of the parish,
is yet inconsiderable.
The same difficulty which we have to encounter with respecting the origin
of Lowestoft Church, presents itself in our enquiry concerning this at
Corton, viz.: How so small and inconvenient a village as this seems
always to have been, should ever have been able, from any resources of
its own, to erect so stately a structure; and if unable of itself, from
what other sources did it derive its assistances? In solving this
difficulty we must have recourse to the same mode of reasoning as we
shall urge hereafter respecting Lowestoft Church, which is, that as the
church at Corton was part of the endowment of Leystone Abbey, it is
highly probable that this church was first erected and afterwards kept in
repair through the assistance of the Abbey, as Lowestoft Church was by
the priory of St. Bartholomew, in London.
After the dissolution of the monasteries, when no further assistance
could be received from those institutions, and the parish being unable of
itself to keep such structure in repair, the building fell to ruin. And
the case would have been the same with respect to Lowestoft Church,
notwithstanding it was a much larger parish, had not a benefaction of
lands, expressly given for repairing and ornamenting the same, been
happily recovered at the dissolution of the priory, and prevented the
like misfortune.
It is supposed that the village of Corton, in former times, was much
larger than it is at present. It is certain there were two churches in
the parish, or, at least, a chapel of ease to the mother church; the
small remains, still visible at a place called the Gate, tend to confirm
the latter opinion, as the old foundations of houses discovered in
different parts of the parish, lead to evince the former. Probably the
parish had arrived at its most opulent state about the 13th century, when
the mouth of Yarmouth haven had extended almost to this place; which
added to the adjoining situation of Kirkley road, must occasion a great
resort of fishermen, from different parts of the kingdom, to this
village.
Some centuries ago there was, contiguous to Corton, another parish called
Newton, of which scarce any other vestiges are now remaining, than a
stone which supported a cross, called Newton cross, and a small piece of
ground, called Newton green; almost every other part of this parish being
swallowed up by the sea.
It appears, that in the year 1408, 10th of Henry IV., Yarmouth haven made
near Newton Cross; and Swinden informs us, “that the charges and monies
bestowed and spente in and aboute repairenge of the haven of the towne of
Yarmouthe, and of the fortfienge the same with two greate mayne peeres,
which at the firste was cutte a-newe and digged out, into the sea right
over agenst the parsonage of Gorleston, and the same haven then runninge
alongeste the cliffe as farr as Newton Crosse, was agenst the parsonage
stopped up, and there forced to runne into the sea; which was done in the
yere of our Saviour 1559. After which tyme, in few yeres, the said
haven, for want of two peeres, did eate, and seeke towardes the south,
for preventenge of whose olde evell and accustomed course, the towne did
begenne this charge, by the advice of a verrye conninge workman, sent for
from beyond the sea.”
In 1306 John de Herling, a family of great antiquity in the parish of
East Herling, in Norfolk, had free warren allowed him in the manors of
Newton and Corton, and died seized of these manors and many others; and
left them to his eldest son and heir, Sir John de Herling, Knight, whose
brother Robert—a great warrior who followed Henry V. into France, and was
killed in 1436—had an estate in Newton and Newton and Corton, as had also
Thomas, another brother, at Lounde. The manors of Corton, Newton,
Lounde, and Blundeston, together with Lounde advowson, and some others,
were in the Herling family, and possessed by lady Anne, daughter and sole
heiress of the above Sir Robert, 1408. Soon after she married her third
husband, lord Scroop, of Bolton, and was afterwards a great benefactress
to Gonvile (afterwards Caius) college, Cambridge; her mother being the
heiress of the Gonvile family.
The Yarmouth men attempted also further to prove that that part of the
sea called Kirkley Road was opposite to the parish of Kirkley, which is
situated about a mile to the south of Lowestoft, notwithstanding the real
name of the sea at that place is Pakefield bay.
Kirkley parish lies so contiguous to Pakefield (being separated from it
only by the common highway) that it forms a considerable part of what is
generally understood by that town. It is situated to the west of
Pakefield and on the north side of it lies the lake of Lothing, from
whence runs a small inlet, called Kirkley Ham; which, probably, was made
use of formerly as a haven for the fishing craft employed by this parish,
at the time when the communication between this lake and the sea retained
such a sufficient depth of water as to admit vessels of small draught.
The chief support of this village, as well as that of Pakefield, arises
principally from their fisheries, which formerly were considerable, but
are now much declined. It appeared, from an account of the inhabitants
of this parish, taken in the year 1676, in pursuance of the penal laws
then in force against religious dissenters, that the number amounted to
103, from sixteen years of age and upwards; of which number, 18 were
dissenters. Since that time the number of inhabitants has rather
increased, whilst that of dissenters has decreased; the former may be
owing to the herring fishery being a little revived there; the latter to
the toleration which they have since enjoyed; it being evident that the
exercise of rigorous measures against religious sects, instead of
exterminating them, tends to increase them; probably therefore the
relaxing those severities may be the cause of the number decreasing. The
church is dedicated to St. Peter, and valued in the King’s books £15
10s.; and till the year 1749 was dilapidated: but this misfortune was in
some measure compensated by the minister of Kirkley having permission to
make use of the church at Pakefield one part of the Sunday, and the
minister of Pakefield to use it on the other part. In this manner both
these parishes were supplied for many years, but at length they were
parted again. After this separation the incumbent of Kirkley not only
declined performing divine service in Pakefield church any longer, but
also refused to allow anything to the incumbent of Pakefield for
officiating on both parts of the Lord’s day; alledging that he could not
legally be compelled to it. The Rev. Mr. Tanner, vicar of Lowestoft, was
at that time commissary and official in the archdeaconry of Suffolk; and
he failed not to use all the mild persuasive arguments in his power, to
prevail on the incumbent of Kirkley to make an allowance, but to no
purpose; so that finding him inflexible in his resolution he left him
with this threat:—“Sir, if you will not officiate in Pakefield Church I
will build you a church at Kirkley, and in that you _shall_ officiate.”
Mr. Tanner was as good as his word; for partly at his own expense, and
partly with the assistance of his friends and acquaintance, he shortly
erected the present church at Kirkley; and divine service has accordingly
been performed there ever since. Mr. Tanner collected money from house
to house at Lowestoft, and contributed himself twenty guineas. He also
preached the first sermon there in the summer, 1750. The old church
consisted of two aisles; the north aisle still continues in ruins, and it
is only the aisle which constitutes the new church. The steeple is about
72 feet in height, is a good tower, and an excellent sea-mark; but is now
somewhat in decay. It contains only one bell. December 5th, 1749, when
they began to clear away the rubbish from the ruins of the old church,
they discovered (eighteen feet from the east wall, and six from the
north) a stone with a brass label containing the following
inscription:—“Orate, Pana Thome Melle Clarisi, nup. Rectore, deKerkley,
q’ obijit XVIº die augustij Aº do mº VcXXVI cui (ane ppinet des) ame.”
That is, “Pray for the soul of Thomas Melle, clerk, late rector of
Kirkley, who died 16th day of August, anno. dom. 1526. For whose soul
may God provide. Amen.”
And on another label, found in the north isle, a like inscription for
one, John Boodherd, who died in August, 1486.
There were several other brass-plated stones taken out of the body of the
church and north isle; but were all disrobed, and laid promiscuously
under the pews, etc., of the new building.
The old font was broken to pieces, probably by accident, and was left
amongst the ruins of the north isle. The font now used in the new
church, was brought from the church of Saint —, lately taken down at
Gillingham.
Kirkele, Suff, Edmundus de Wymundhale Clamat habere liberam Warennam
in Dominicis terris Suis in Kirkele, etc. Et profert Curtam Dri
Henrici Regis, patris Dri Regis Nunc, que hoc testatur, etc. Plita
Corone, A°. 14° E. I E 4t°. Vide Wymundhale.
Kirkele 33 E I Inter Robertum Rist de North Jernemuth Quer. et Godefr
le Ludham de Mag. Jernemuth, et Constantiam Ux: ejus Imped, de I
Mess. 45 acr. terr et v acr turbar in Kirkele. Pagefelde south
Carlton, Mutford Jus Roberti. Fin: Suff: A°. 33. E. I. Lig 3. No.
151.
Kirkele 1560. Henricus Hobart de Loddon in Com Norf: Arm: Cond:
Testam 17 Oct: 1560 etc. Habuit inter Alia Maneriu de Kirkly, voc:
K. Hall. Terras & Tenemta in K. et alibi in Hundredo de Mutford
perquisit de Antonio Rouse Armigo cum Advoc: Ecclie de Kirkley pred:
etc, probat, 3 May 1561. Ex libro Bircham Regr: Norwic. (Le Neve,
from T. Martin’s Suffolk papers.)
The ascertaining the true situation of Kirkley road, and determining
whether the seven miles which terminated the liberties of Yarmouth, were
to be measured from the key or the haven’s mouth, occasioned the great
law suit between that burgh and Lowestoft.
Pakefield is a considerable large parish about a mile to the south of
Lowestoft. Under the general name Pakefield is commonly comprehended not
only what is properly called by that name, but also the adjoining parish
of Kirkley; and though to a common observer they appear as only one town,
yet, in reality, they are distinct parishes, and under different
regulations respecting all the branches of parochial government. The
town is situated to the east of Kirkley, and extends to the very summit
of the cliffs which form its eastern boundary. The German ocean by
frequently dashing against the bases of these cliffs, has often received
large portions of those ponderous masses, together with the buildings
they supported into its voracious bosom. When a raging tide has
occasioned an extraordinary fall of the cliffs either here, or at Corton,
or Kessingland, the curiosity of the antiquarian is frequently gratified
by the discovery of many ancient coins, etc.
There is scarce any trade carried on in this town; what little there is
is chiefly in piloting ships to London, catching cods, sprats, etc., and
a small part of the herring fishery.
According to Ecton, the church is dedicated to All Saints; but it seems,
by the inscription on the communion-cup, to be dedicated to St. Margaret.
It is valued in the king’s books at £29 1s. 1d. {45}
It consists of two isles, built nearly uniform; the steeple stands at the
west end of the south isle, and contains five bells.
At the east end of the south isle stands the altar; it is elevated on
three steps of considerable height, and underneath is a charnel house.
A new pulpit was erected a few years since by the late rector, the Rev.
Dr. Leman: the old one was a very ancient piece of architecture; on
several parts of it was the figure of a man in a devout posture, with a
label issuing from his mouth, containing this inscription:—
Misericordia diu in eternu Cantabo.
That is
I will celebrate the divine mercy for ever.
At the upper end of the south isle, on a fair brass-plated stone, is the
following inscription, in Anglo-Saxon characters:—
Here lies master Richard Folcard, formerly rector of a mediety of
this church to the south, who died on St. Martin’s day, in the year
of our Lord, one thousand four hundred.
To whose soul be merciful O God. Amen.
On a brass plate of a man and his wife, with eleven children, in the
north isle, is another inscription, in old Anglo-Saxon characters, to the
memory of one John Bowf or Bowfe, who died anno millo 6666, XVII.
On a flat marble in the north isle is an inscription to the memory of
Philip Richardson, who was rector of Pakefield fifty-one years, and died
October 8th 1748, aged 82.
On the north side of the church is a very ancient parsonage-house, built
with stone.
On a small silver communion cup is the following inscription:—
X PAKEFELDE-SANTE-MARGARET, 1367.
On a silver paten,
PACKEFELDE.
And on a fine Holland communion cloth,
III III . 1640.
This church was lately much repaired and beautified at the expense of its
late rector, the Rev. Dr. Leman; who not only new laid the floor, erected
a new pulpit and desk, and placed over a curious old font, a handsome
model of the tower and spire of Norwich Cathedral, but also embellished
it with many other useful ornaments. He was endued with many excellent
qualities particularly charity and beneficense, which he constantly
exercised with the greatest liberality, both with respect to his
parishioners and to mankind in general; and, consequently, was justly
entitled to the following character, which was given of him at his
decease:—“He was an admired preacher, a strenuous assertor of the rites
and ceremonies of the church of which he was so bright an ornament, and
indefatigable in every other part of the pastoral office.”
There is also a meeting house in this parish for the people called
Quakers, who have held meetings here for 130 years past, though their
number is but small.
Int Rogeru Townesend & Henricum Spilman Quer et Tho: Aslack et Eliz
ux ejus Deforc, Manerij de Elgh als dict Willingham All Saint set
Advoc: Ecclie ejusd: Et Ecclie de Pakefield: Jus Rogeri. Fines Suff.
A.° 10 E. 4 Lig. 1, No. 24.
Edmund Jenney Miles, Cond: Test die Veneris ante fm Nat B. Marr:
Virg. 1522. Habuit int al: Advoc: Ecclie de Pakefield. P.bat 21°
Dec. 1522 ’E libro. (Briggs Regr. Norw. 35 vid. plus in Knodeshall.)
These injuries, and, in a great measure, illegal attempts to exclude the
town of Lowestoft from having any share in the herring fishery occasioned
a most violent rupture between the towns, and who carried their
resentment so far as to fit out armed vessels, to commence hostilities on
each others property, and even to commit bloodshed; the one party
insisting upon the privileges they pretended to be entitled to by their
charter, and the other party as strenuously defending those rights which
for many centuries they had enjoyed, without any other interruption than
paying the custom due to Yarmouth for the purchase of herrings in Kirkley
road. But now it evidently appeared, that an utter exclusion of the
Lowestoft men from the benefit of the herring fishery, was the determined
resolution of the town of Yarmouth; and, therefore it occasioned the most
violent struggles between liberty and oppression that can be well
imagined; which continued so long as to make both the parties, most
probably, weary of the contention, and agreed at last (in order for
settling the dispute) to lay this long-contested affair before the Privy
Council; from thence it was referred to the judges, and at last to a
hearing before the house of Lords, where the case was finally determined
in favour of the town of Lowestoft, as will be more fully shewn in the
following section.
Upon an inquiry into the state of the herring fishery, after this contest
was decided, it was found that the fishery at Lowestoft, and also at the
adjoining towns, was greatly on the decline, occasioned partly by the
disputes with Yarmouth, by the civil war in the reign of Charles I, the
great fire at Lowestoft in 1644, and the war the nation was then engaged
with the Dutch.
In consequence of these distresses, the town of Lowestoft and the
neighbouring towns of Pakefield and Kirkley, presented a petition to both
Houses of Parliament, requesting their lordships to take the unfortunate
state of these towns into consideration, and to grant them relief; and
particularly with respect to enforcing the old statutes relative to the
consumption of fish in this Kingdom, and also by adding such new ones for
that purpose as their lordships might think necessary.
To the right honourable the lords and commons in the high courts of
Parliament now assembled,
The humble petition of the fishing adventurers and fishermen of the
townes of Lowestoft, Pakefield, and Kirtlye, in the countye of
Suffolk,
Humbly sheweth,
That your petitioners have ever chieflye subsisted by the fishing
trade, in catching lingg, codds, and herrings, the staple fish of
this Kingdom; and have, before the unhappye difference fell in this
Kingdom, (the civil wars of Charles I) uttered and soulde greate
quantitye of the said fish, which tendered to the welfare and
mainteyneing of these townes, in regard of the sale they found for
the same, (but nowe so it is.) May in please your honours that our
townes are become very poore, and these adventurers in fishing
affaires so undone, that one half of them are taken off, our
fishermen lamentablye impoverished, and if better encouragement be
not given they will fall to nothing; and these fishermen, the
nurserye of seamen, will be enforced to undertake other employments,
which will prove a greate prejudice to the nation; and for want of
expense of the fish, through our adventures therein are soe much
declined, yet that fish which we have cannot be soulde for twoe
thirde of the price it have formerlye yielded, when twice as much
fish have been taken, whereby manye poore faimilyes are utterly
decayed, and these poore townes will be undone; they wholye depending
upon the fishing trade.
Your petitioners therefore, humblye pray your honours will be pleased
to take the premises into consideration, and in your greate wisdomes
make provision for the reveiveing of the ould good lawes, and making
such additional lawes, that from henceforth fish may be more expended
in this Kingdome. That soe your petitioners may be inabled to
adventure in the fisherye as formerlye, and thereby support
themselves, the fishermen, and theire faimilyes.
And your petitioners, as in dutye bound, shall ever pray.
John Youell, vicar, Thomas Tye, John Landifield,
Samuel Pacy, James Reeve, James Sprat,
Peter Durrant, Robert Bell, Simond Spicer,
John Durrant, Thomas Harvey, Richard Drake,
John Wilde, Ar. Jermey, John Drake,
Tho. Uttinge, Thomas Ashby, Robert Bray,
John Gardinar, William Pearson, William Fowler, sen.,
Richard Spendlove, Thomas Felton, John Colby,
Robert Daines, Edward Long, Thomas Fowler,
Robert Ashby, John Longe, William Thurrkettle,
John Gardinar, Robert Botson, William Wood,
Robert Hawes, Francis Botson, William Church,
Thomas Bolton, Cornelles Landifield, Obed Haulsworth,
Francis Mewse, Henry Ward, George Wooden,
Thomas Newton, John Fowler, William Browne,
William Shorting, Thomas Batchelor, John Barber,
Stephen Corfin, James Spicer, John Munds,
John Uttinge, Simon Mewse, William Seagoe,
Thomas Harrould, William Harrould, William Richman,
Matthew Reeve, John Postle, Thomas Church.
John Soane, John Kittrige,
Thomas Mighells, John Bootey,
To this petition were annexed several proposals tending to the
improvement of the herring fishery; and both together were transmitted to
Sir John Pettus, to be by him presented to the committee appointed by
Parliament for drawing up an Act for the further support and advancement
of the herring fisheries, these complaints were so far attended to by
Parliament that the petitioners obtained for the further increase of
their fisheries; and also seamen and shipping; together with other
privileges of considerable importance.
A trewe copy of the severall proposalls sent to London this 24th of
February, to Sir John Pettus, to be offered to the courtte of
Parliament, 1670.
IMPROVEMENTS FOR ADVANCING THE FISHING TRADE.
1st. That the fishers be free from payeing costome or excyse for any
materralls to build, finish, victuall, repayre, and fitt to sea,
their vessells, on their respective voyadges for herring, codd, ling,
or any other fish.
2nd. That the fishers be free to dispose of their fish at all tymes,
in all places for their most advantage, within his majesty’s
dominions and countries, without restraint of corporation, or any
othor place or places whatever. And that noe person or persons be
excluded that trade.
3rd. That one year’s assessment for the pore may be advansed in the
respective parishes in England, to be employed in building convenient
houses in the chefist of their townes; and for stocke for hempe, to
sett the pore and idle persons oute of imployment to work to spinn
twine and make netts.
4th. That when one yeare after such housis be built, stocke of hemp
provided and the pore sett on work to make netts; that all forryne
nets be exhebated, upon payne of forfeiture of the same.
AND FOR THE EXPENCE OF FISH, TO SUPPORT THE FISHERS.
1st. That all persons of abilitie may have a small quantitie of fish
and herrings imposed on them, at the common rate, according to their
qualitie.
2nd. That tooe fish days in the weke be duly observed, and no flesh
spent unless for good reason they be lysensed by the mynister of the
parish.
A BILL FOR CARRYING ON THE FISHING TRADE, AND FOR INCREASE OF SEAMEN
AND SHIPPING.
Whereas the sovereignty of the British seas hath been ever (tyme out
of mind) a flower inherent in the crown of England; and whereas the
principall supporte thereof, as alsoe of the safetye and welfare of
the English nations depend upon multidudes of shipping and seamen.
And whereas the fishing trade doth above all others breede and
increase seamen and shipping; and alsoe employes greate nombers of
all sortes of impotent and aged people, as well women as children,
above any other trade, in spinning, making and tanning netts, and in
making roapes and sailes; and alsoe in curing, dressing and drying
herrings, pilchards, ling, cod, salmon, and other sortes of fish, and
otherwise. And whereas this soe advantagious and beneficiable trade,
wherein the crowne, strength, and safetye of England is soe much
concerned, and whereby innumerable people of all sorts might be
maintained, is of late years become neglected, and in hazard to be
wholly lost, to the indangering not onlye the soveraignty of the
British seas, but also of the safetye of these three nations, if not
timelye prevented. And whereas it is impossible for the people of
England to attaine unto a share in the taking of herrings, ling, cod,
or other fish, to be pickled or otherwise cured and vented in
forreigne countryes, unless they be in all respects enabled to
builde, furnish and victuall busses and other fishing vessels, to
catch them as cheape as other nations; and that the returnes of the
said fish, more than shall be found usefull for England, may be
brought into England and shipped out againe into any forreigne parts
with as little charge and trouble as merchants, fishermen and others,
in like cases, are put unto other countryes. Be it therefore enacted
by the King’s most excellent maiestie, and by and with the advice and
concern of the lords spirrittuall and temporall and commons in
Parliament assembled, that all materialls and provisions for
building, furnishing, victualling, or repayring of busses or other
fishing vessels, or otherwise, to be imployed or spent in and about
the fishing trade upon certificate of the trueth thereof, shall be
freed from paying the duty of costomes and excise. And be it further
enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that all victuallers, inns,
alehowses, ordinaries, chaundlers, vintners, and coffeehowses,
according as they are better accustomed one then another, be and are
hereby obliged to take of such merchaunt or other person as shall
first tender the same in such porte or other convenient towne or
cittye, upon a river neare unto theire respective habitations (as his
maiestie, by advice of his right honourable privye council shall
appoint) and cause notice thereof, by letters or otherwise in writing
to be left here, and a copy thereof to be left with the cheife
magistrate or chiefe officer, of such cittye, porte, or towne, or
with theire respective officers or servants in that behalfe, one,
two, three, four, or more good and merchantable barrells of herrings
of herrings yearly, at such tymes and prise as his maiestie, by
advice of his right honourable privye councill shall appoint dureing
the term of seven years, to commence immediately after the end of
this present sessions of Parliament, upon penalty of double the said
prise unto the owners of the said herrings soe tendered by due course
of lawe in any of his maiestie’s courts of justice, etc.
The town of Lowestoft soon after presented another petition to the lords
spiritual and temporal, praying to be relieved from paying a duty of two
shillings and sixpence per barrel upon all such beer as should be used in
the herring fishery; which petition was also accordingly granted.
To the right honourable the lords and Commons now assembled in the
high Court of Parliament,
The humble petition of the inhabitants of the towne of Lowestoft, in
the countye of Suffolke,
Sheweth
That your petitioners have ever cheifliest subsisted by the fishing
trade, which for many yeares have much decayed, and your petitioners
greatly impoverished by reason of the late wars and dearness of
tacklin. {48}
That notwithstanding the officers for the excise have required the
duty of twoe shillings and sixpence per barrell upon all fishing
beer, which in noe tyme past have ever bene demanded; and for
non-payment thereoff, have taken some of your petitioners goods,
which doth much add to the decaye of youre poore petitioners trade,
and discurridgement in the pursuite of theire calling; good bread and
beer being theire cheifest comfort.
Wherefore they most humbly pray that your honours would be graciously
pleased to take into your considerations, that the excise uppon
fishing beere, may wholly be taken off, as in your grave wisdomes
shall be thought fitt; that youre poore petitioners may be
incorridged comfortably to followe theire calling.
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, shall ever pray, etc.
It is evident, from the above petitions, that Pakefield and Kirkley,
etc., were involved in a considerable share of the misfortunes which
distressed Lowestoft; and that in petitioning for relief under the
hardship respecting the fishing beer, the towns mutually concurred, as
appears by the following letter:
TO MR. JAMES WILDE, AT LOWESTOFT.
Sir,—By order of Henry Trott, from yourself, these are to certifye
you, that here is belonging unto these townes of Pakefield and
Kirkley, 14 fisher boats; which in their several voyages of one year,
by estimation of us whose names are under-written, may expend nine
tunns of beer each boate, which in the whole, is 126 tunnes, which is
all at present from them that are
Yours at command,
JO. FOWLER and others.
Pakefield, this 9th of January, 1670.
The state of the herring fishery at Lowestoft and the adjoining towns, in
the year 1670, will appear from the following account; together with what
beer they respectively expended that year:—
LOWESTOFT.
Thomas Mighells 3 boats
Thomas Wilde 1 ,,
Robert Barber 1 ,,
John Wilde 2 ,,
Margaret Munds 1 ,,
Richard Church 1 ,,
Richard Jex 1 ,,
Thomas Ashby 2 ,,
William Rising 1 ,,
Joe Wilde 2 ,,
Nicholas Utting 1 ,,
Samuel Pacy 2 ,,
John Landifield 3 ,,
John Utting 1 ,,
Thomas Hayles 1 ,,
Henry Ward 1 ,,
Joe Pacy 1 ,,
Total 25 boats
Twenty-five at nine tuns each, is two hundred and twenty-five tuns.
Pakefield and Kirkley 14 boats.
Southwold, 8 herring boats and 3 Iceland boats 11 ,,
Alborough, 2 herring boats and 3 Iceland boats 5 ,,
Corton 2 ,,
Dunwich 1 ,,
Total 33 boats
These 33 boats from Pakefield and Kirkley, etc., together with 25 boats
from Lowestoft (the towns which joined in the petition), expending nine
tuns each boat, make the consumption of beer, in the whole, to be 522
tuns.
A few years after, the merchants of Lowestoft presented a petition to the
lord-treasurer, praying that they might have the further privilege of
importing coals, and exporting corn and other goods, for the benefit of
the said town; which petition his lordship reported to the lords of the
privy council, who granted the request.
THE ORDER FOR IMPORTING COALS, AND EXPORTING
CORN, ETC., AT LOWESTOFT.
After our hearty commendations—Wee have received your report of the
12th instant upon the petition of the inhabitants of Lowestoft;
praying that corne and coles may be exported and emported there as
well as other goods mentioned in a report by you to the late
lord-treasurer of the 15th of October last. In which report of the
12th instant you gave us your opinion that the petitioners may have
liberty to export corn from Lowestoft, due entryes being first made
at Yarmouth. But not to emport it thither from beyond the seas.
Also that they may emport sea coles thither due entreyes being first
made at Yarmouth; but not to export them from thence to parts beyond
the seas. And that, when the officers at Yarmouth shall see it
necessary, an officer be sent over to Lowestoffe, the petitioners
paying the officer such allowance per diem for his paines as shall be
reasonable. These are therefore to pray and require you to give the
necessary orders and directions for permitting and suffering corne to
be exported, and sea coales to be imported at Lowestoft aforesaid,
provided that due entreyes be made at Yarmouth; and that when the
officer at Yarmouth see it necessary, an officer be sent over to
Lowestoft, and gain for his pains according to the said Regulation by
you proposed. And for soe doing this shall be your warrant.
Whitehall Treasury Chamber, the 24th May, 1679.
To our very loving friends the Commissioners of his majesties
customs.
ESSEX. J. ERULE
ED. DERING
S. GODOLPHIN.
Their lordships also at the same time issued another order to the
commissioners of the customs informing them, that the merchants at
Lowestoft should have liberty to import salt for curing fish, and also to
import all such materials as are generally used for fishing vessels, as
tackling, etc.
After our hearty commendations—Whereas upon a petition presented to
the late lord treasurer, by the inhabitants of Lowestoft, praying
that an officer might be settled in the saide towne for receiving
their entreys with his maiesties customes, and for granting coequetts
for exportation of goods, or that the chiefe officer of his maiesties
customes in Yarmouth, upon the petitioners making honest and just
entreys, may permit the landing theire goods at Lowestoffe. And upon
reference made of the said petition unto you, you did in a report
made to the said late lord-treasurer of the 15th October last, set
forth,—That the petitioners alledge theire having beene of late
denyed to land theire goods at Lowestoft, notwithstanding they have
entered them, and paid his maiesties dutyes at Yarmouth, and profered
to be at the charge of an officer to see the delivery of them, but
are forced to deliver them at Yarmouth, where the towne dutyes are
great, and the charges (in regard of theire distance from the port of
Yarmouth), also greate, especially upon salt for the fishery, which
they cannot carry without greate and apparent loss; for which cause
they were compelled to send their ships last yeare beyond the seas
with theire goods, whereof his maiestie lost his customes, and the
petitioners were much damnified. They likewise alledge that to land
the grosser sort of goods at Yarmouth, it would consume almost a
quarter part of their profitt to get them home. That the said towne
of Lowestoffe is increased in shipping to the number of sixty
vessells which is more considerable than both the townes of Southwold
and Aldeborough, at each of which townes is an officer to receive
entreyes and to grant coequetts. On the other side you set forth,
that Southwold and Aldeborough are members of the port of Yarmouth,
where antiently there hath been established a collector, and the
patent officers of that port are required by law to keep theire
deputyes in the said members; but that Lowestoffe is but a creeke in
the said porte, where the patent officers are not required by law to
have theire deputyes to attend, although it be much increased in
shipping. And that it would be a great charge to his maiestie, and
the patent officers, to make it a port of receipt, and a member
annexed to the said port. That you have also received the report of
Mr. Dumsteir, one of the general surveyors, and the patent officers
and surveyors of the port of Yarmouth upon the said petitions. Wee
are of opinion that it would be to the prejudice of his maiesties
customes, besides a charge to his maiestie, to settle a collector
there. That great frauds have been formerly practised in the Port of
Yarmouth, where with much difficulty things are brought in some good
order. That you are of opinion, that by giving the general liberty
desired by the petitioners, the same frauds would be practised at
Lowestoffe. But as to the importing gross goods, viz., salt, timber,
deale boards, pitch, tarr, rozine, iron, hemp, ropes, cordage, and
pantiles; and as to the exporting butter, cheese, and fish, you think
they may be laden and unladen at Lowestoffe, entreyes being first
duly made at Yarmouth, and an officer being sent over to Lowestoffe,
when the officer at Yarmouth shall see it necessary, they at
Lowestoffe payeing the officer such allowance per diem for his paines
as shall be reasonable. Wee have considered what you have set forth
and proposed as aforesaid in your said report and do accordingly
order and direct that you permitt and suffer the gross goods before
enumerated to be respectively imported and exported at Lowestoffe in
such manner and under such regulations, as you advise in your report
above received, and that you give such directions to the officers
whom it concerns as may be necessary in this behalf; and for soe
doing this shall be your warrant.
Whitehall Treasury Chamber, June 6th, 1679.
To our very loving friends the commissioners of His Maisties
customes.
L. HYDE,
E. D. DERING,
S. GODOLPHIN,
J. ERULE.
The herring season begins on the eastern coast of England about a
fortnight before Michaelmas, and continues till Martinmas. The number of
boats annually employed at Lowestoft in this fishery, upon an average
from the year 1772 to 1781, was about 33; and the quantity of herrings
caught in each of those years, was about 714 lasts, or 21 lasts to a
boat, which makes the quantity of herrings caught by the Lowestoft boats
during that period to be 7140 lasts. These herrings were sold, upon an
average, at about £12 10s. per last, which makes the whole produce
arising from the sale of the said fish to be £89,250. After the year
1781, the number of boats employed in this fishery were rather less,
occasioned by the war with the Dutch and other powers. {51}
At the beginning of the season, the boats sail off to sea about thirteen
leagues north-east from Lowestoft, in order to meet the shoals, or second
part of the first division of the herrings (mentioned in the beginning of
this section), which separated off the north part of Scotland. Being
arrived on the fishing ground, in the evening (the proper time for
fishing) they shoot their nets, extending about 2,200 yards in length,
and eight in depth, which, by the help of small casks, called bowls,
fastened on one side, at the distance of 44 yards, from each other, cause
the nets to swim in a position perpendicular to the surface of the water.
If the quantity of fish caught in one night amounts only to a few
thousands, they are salted, and the vessels, if they have no better
success, continue on the fishing ground two or three nights longer,
salting the fish as they are caught, till they have obtained a
considerable quantity, when they bring them into the roads, where they
are landed, and lodged in the fish houses. Sometimes when the quantity
of fish is very small, they will continue on the fishing ground a week or
ten days; but in general they bring in the fish every two or three days,
and sometimes oftener, especially when the quantity amounts to six or
seven lasts, which frequently happens, and instances have been known,
when a single boat has brought into the roads, at one time, twelve or
fourteen lasts.
As soon as the herrings are brought on shore, they are carried to the
fish houses, where they are salted, and laid on the floors in heaps,
about two feet deep; after they have continued in this situation about
fifty hours, the salt is washed from them by putting them into baskets
and plunging them into water; from thence they are carried into an
adjoining fish house, where, after being pierced through the gills by
small wooden spits about four feet long, they are handed to the men in
the upper part of the house, who place them at proper distances as high
as the top of the roof, where they are cured and made red.
The upper part of the house being thus filled with herrings, many small
wood fires are kindled underneath, upon the floor, whose number is in
proportion to the size of the room, and the smoke which ascends from
these fires is what dries or cures the herrings. After the fish have
hung in this manner about seven days, the fires are extinguished, that
the oil and fat may drip from them and in about two days after the fires
are re-kindled and after two more such drippings, the fires are kept
continually burning until the herrings are perfectly cured, which
requires a longer or shorter time, according as they are designed either
for a foreign or home consumption. After the herrings have hung a proper
time, they are taken down (which is called “striking”), and are packed in
barrels containing 800 or 1000 herrings each.
From the many frauds which have been formerly practised in this part of
the fishing branch the packing of herrings, a complaint was made to the
government, in the reign of Charles II. praying that this grievance might
be redressed, and accordingly an Act of Parliament was obtained, 15
Charles II, to the following purpose:—
That from and after the first day of August, 1664, no white or red
herrings of English catching shall be put up to sale in England,
Wales, or towne of Berwick upon Tweed, but what shall be packed in
lawful barrels or vessels, and what shall be well, truly, and justly
laid and packed; and shall be of one time of taking, salting,
saveing, or drying, and equally well packed in the midst, and every
part of the barrel or vessel: and by a sworn packer, with a mark or
brand denoting the gage of the barrel or vessel, and quantity,
quality and condition of the herrings packed therein, and the towne
or place where they are packed. And the bayliffs of Great Yarmouth
for the time being, and the mayor, bayliffs, or other head officer
for the time being, of every port, haven, or creek, out of which any
vessell or ships do proceed to fish for herrings are hereby
authorised and required before the first day of July in the year
1664. And before the first day of July every year after, to appoint
for their respective haven, port, or creek, a competent number of
able and experienced packers to view and pack all white and red
herrings of English catching as shall be brought into their port,
haven, or creek; and well and truly to mark and brand the barrels or
vessels into which such herrings are put, with such mark or brand as
is above directed. And to administer to them yearly an oath, (which
oath they are hereby authorised and appointed to give them) for the
well and true doing thereof according to this Act. And in case the
said bayliffs of Great Yarmouth, or the mayor, bayliffs, or other
head officer for the time being of any such port, haven, or creek,
shall not appoint and swear such packers before him in every year, as
is by this Act required they shall for every default, forfeit the sum
of one hundred pounds of lawful money of England. One moiety to his
maiestie, his hiers and succesors and the other moiety to him or them
that shall informe or sue for the same in any court of record, by
bill, plaint, or other action, wherein no essoyn, protection, or
wager in law shall be allowed.
THE OATH.
You shall well and truly doe, execute, and perform, the office and
duty of packer of herrings; according to the tenour of an Act of
Parliament in that case made and provided. So help you God.
The herrings are shipped off for market, which formerly was chiefly
confined to foreign ports especially those belonging to Roman Catholic
countries, and only a small quantity reserved for home consumption; but
of late years the home consumption has greatly increased, and the
commissions from foreign parts have neither been so numerous nor so large
as in former years. The great increase of inhabitants in London appears
to be the cause of the former, as the less rigorous observance of Lent,
and other fish days, in Popish countries, is the reason assigned for the
latter.
These reasons will receive farther confirmation from the following
account of the demand for herrings for foreign consumption, in 1755. In
that year there were cured in Lowestoft and Yarmouth 70,000 barrels,
which were consigned to the following ports:—
To Leghorn 13,000 barrels
Naples 7,500 ,,
Venice 5,700 ,,
Genoa 5,500 ,,
Ancona 4,500 ,,
Cadiz 900 ,,
Trieste 700 ,,
Civita Vecchia 700 ,,
Bordeaux 500 ,,
39,000 ,,
To Holland 13,000 ,,
Home Consumption, chiefly in London 18,000 ,,
Total 70,000 barrels
From hence it appears, that out of 70,000 barrels of herrings cured that
year, only 18,000 were consumed in England. Since that time the demand
for herrings for foreign markets has further declined, and that for home
consumption has increased in the same proportion.
The quantity of herrings properly termed a barrel is 1000, though
oftentimes 800, as when the fish are picked; the antient method of
packing red herrings was in cades, containing 600; but that is a method
observed now only in the packing of sprats.
In the year 1776 the herring merchants of Lowestoft were much alarmed
with apprehensions of the utter extinction of their fishery, and,
consequently, with the total ruin of the town. Some merchants belonging
to Liverpool, the Isle of Man, and Dunbar and Caithness, in Scotland,
having introduced the method of curing herrings into these parts, and set
up a red herring fishery in opposition to Yarmouth and Lowestoft,
endeavoured to become their rivals both at the London as well as the
foreign markets. But, after repeated attempts, their schemes proved
totally abortive, through the superior quality of the Lowestoft herrings;
and, consequently, the fishery at Lowestoft was thereby re-established
upon a more permanent foundation than before.
The superior quality of the Lowestoft herrings, both in respect of colour
and flavour, is evident from this circumstance—their bearing a better
price at market than those from any other place.
It has been a long-established rule with the fish-mongers in London, to
give ten shillings per last for the Lowestoft herrings more than those of
Yarmouth, let the Yarmouth price be what it will. Two reasons may be
assigned for the cause of this difference.
In Yarmouth, the merchants entrust the curing of the fish to the care of
a head man, called a towher, more than the merchants at Lowestoft do; for
at Lowestoft the merchants inspect the curing of the fish chiefly
themselves. The other, and more probable cause may be, that in Yarmouth
the fish houses are intermixed with the dwelling-houses, and being
situated in these narrow passages called rows, are too closely confined,
and, consequently, deprived of that free circulation of air so necessary
in the proper curing of herrings. At Lowestoft these houses are detached
from the other buildings of the town and are arranged at the bottom of
the cliff by themselves, where from the benefit of a free and
uninterrupted currency of the air, they acquire those excellent qualities
which are not to be attained in any other place which has not the same
advantages.
Nevertheless, it afterwards appeared, that these new adventurers had a
design of this nature in contemplation some time before they attempted to
carry it into execution; and in order to the rendering it successful, had
sent several persons to Lowestoft, for the purpose of taking dimensions
of the fish houses, their manner of construction, etc., and to make every
other inquiry respecting the method of curing herrings.
Having by these means obtained every information necessary for their
purpose, they began soon after to erect houses, and made every other
preparation proper for the curing of herrings, and were able in a short
time to furnish the markets with immense quantities of fish; and had not
their herrings been so extremely large and fat as to prevent their being
properly cured, the undertaking, most probably, would have been
successful. The last circumstance which I shall mention concerning the
herring fishery at Lowestoft, is the proposal made in 1779, by the French
King to the English Court, for a reciprocal neutrality respecting their
fisheries, during the war, which met with the approbation of both courts,
as appears from the letters below:
COPY OF THE LETTER FROM M. DE SARTINE TO M. D’ANGLEMONT.
Versailles, the 31st May, 1779.
The benefit, sir, that must result from the reciprocal liberty of
fishing between France and England, and above all the desire to
preserve the means of subsistence during the war, to the subjects of
the two nations, to whom this employment is essential, have
determined the King in no respect to interrupt the fishery of the
English; his MAJESTY, persuaded that this example of humanity will be
followed by the court of London charges me to order you to make it
known to all the officers commanding his ships, and to all private
commanders, that it is most expressly forbid them to molest in any
manner till after new orders, the fishing boats of the English which
shall have no offensive arms; and also such as shall be laden with
fresh fish, though such fish should not have been taken by those
vessels, unless they should be found making signals to give
intelligence to the cruizers of the ships of the enemy.
I have no doubt that you will carefully observe that the King’s
commands will be executed.—I am, very truly sir, your very humble and
very obedient servant,
(_Signed_) DE SARTINE.
A Copy of this letter was sent by M. D’Anglemont to the officers of the
chamber of commerce at Dunkirk, who had it printed, that they may the
better conform to the views of the minister of the marine.
THE FOLLOWING LETTER WAS ALSO SENT FROM THE FRENCH KING TO HIS SERENE
HIGHNESS THE ADMIRAL OF FRANCE:—
Cousin,
The desire I have always had of softening, as much as in my power
lies, the calamities of war, has induced me to direct my attention to
that part of my subjects, who employ themselves in the fisheries, and
who derive their sole subsistence from those resources. I suppose
that the example which I shall now give to my enemies, and which can
have no other views than what arise from sentiments of humanity, will
induce them to grant the same liberty to our fisheries, which I
readily grant them. In consequence whereof, I send you this letter
to acquaint you, that I have given orders to all the commanders of my
vessels, armed ships, and captains of privateers, not to molest
(until further orders) the English fishery, nor to stop their
vessels, whether they be laden with fresh fish, or not having taken
in their freight; provided, however, that they do not carry offensive
arms, and that they are not found to have given signals, which might
indicate their holding an intelligence with the enemy’s ships of war.
You will make known these my intentions to the officers of the
admiralty, and to all who are under your orders. Such being the
purposes of these presents, I pray God, my cousin, that he will grant
you His Holy protection,
Given at Versailles, the 5th day of June, in the year, 1779.
(_Signed_) LOUIS.
(_Countersigned_) DE SARTINE.
Two gentlemen were sent from France to the English Court, to solicit our
concurrence in this proposal; they came first to Lowestoft and the other
towns on the coast, to request these places to join with them in the
solicitation. It appeared that the English Court refused to accede
formally to the overture, though they tacitly complied with it, and gave
such orders to their commanders that no act of hostility was committed on
the fisheries by either side during the war.
Another fishery subsisting at Lowestoft, is that called the mackarel
fair. The principal advantages which the merchants receive from this
fishery, is that of employing the fishermen, and keeping them at home for
the herring season, more than any emolument to themselves; as the
benefits which they receive are very inadequate to the expense of fitting
out the vessels, the dangers they are liable to from the sea, and in time
of war from the enemy.
The mackarel season begins about the middle of May, and continues to the
end of June. The number of boats annually employed at Lowestoft in this
fishery are about 23; and the money arising from the sale of the fish
caught by these boats, amount upon an average to about £2,309. At the
beginning of this season (as in the herring season) the boats sail into
the north-east, in order to meet the fish at the beginning of their
annual revolution around the British Isles. The mackarel being naturally
a slothful fish, never rises to the surface of the water in any large
quantities in calm weather, so that the success of the voyage almost
entirely depends upon a blustering, stormy season, which rouses the fish
from the lower parts of the ocean, and brings them within reach of the
fishing nets. The quantity caught at the beginning of the season is
generally small; afterwards it so far increases, that 500 or 1,800 fish
will be caught by one boat in a night, if the weather be turbulent;
otherwise, if it be calm and serene, the quantity is inconsiderable. As
the mackarel is never salted, but requires an immediate consumption, the
boats employed in catching them are under the necessity of returning
every day to their respective towns, to deliver the fish which they
caught in the preceding night; but when the quantity of fish is small,
the weather calm, or the wind contrary, they will sometimes continue upon
the fishing ground a second night.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE MACKAREL FISHERY AT LOWESTOFT, FROM 1770 TO 1785
INCLUSIVE; CONTAINING THE NUMBER OF BOATS EMPLOYED EACH YEAR, AND THE
ANNUAL AMOUNT OF THE MONEY ARISING FROM THE SALE OF THE FISH.
Year. Boats. £ s. d.
1770 26 2401 2 2½
1771 26 3080 15 6½
1772 33 3179 5 1
1773 36 3374 15 6
1774 35 2012 13 0
1775 32 2441 5 2
1776 30 1595 17 8½
1777 20 1698 15 0
1778 21 1295 19 1½
1779 21 1618 4 6
1780 20 1559 3 10
In 1781, sixteen boats averaged £173 15s. 3½d. per boat.
In 1782, sixteen boats averaged £136 1s. 2d. per boat.
In 1783, sixteen boats averaged £189 1s. per boat.
In 1784, twenty boats averaged £119 5s. 11½d. per boat.
In 1785, twenty boats averaged £249 8s. 8½d. per boat. (Supposed to be
the greatest mackarel season ever known at Lowestoft).
In 1786, twenty-four boats averaged £146 7s. 9½d. per boat.
In 1787, twenty boats averaged £105 5s. per boat.
In 1788, twenty boats averaged £93 6s. 6d. per boat.
In 1789, twenty-six boats averaged £98 16s. 2¾d. per boat.
Total amount from 1770 to 1789 inclusive, £49,769 4s. 3½d. {55a}
As soon as the mackarels are brought on shore they are poured upon the
beach in heaps, each boat’s by itself. The beach being the place where
the fair for the fish is held; here it is that the padders and other
purchasers assemble for the purpose of buying them. The fish being thus
exposed for sale, are generally sold by private contract, though some
times by public auction; formerly by a man appointed by the merchants for
that purpose, but now many of the merchants sell their own fish.
The common markets for vending the mackarel are London, and the principal
towns in Norfolk and Suffolk, and the adjoining counties; they are sent
to the former place in small vessels, called cutters, employed by the
fishmongers in London; and to the latter places by carriers, called
padders who are employed by the fishmongers belonging to the several
towns to which the fish are sent.
There were formerly in this town two other fisheries, called the North
Sea and Iceland fisheries. These fisheries were in a flourishing state
about the middle of the last century, both here and at Yarmouth.
According to Swinden, the number of vessels employed in these fisheries
in the year 1644, by the town of Yarmouth only, numbered 205; in the
North Sea fishery, 182; in the Iceland fishery, 23; and it was at this
time that these fisheries appeared to be in the most flourishing state.
Afterwards they gradually declined; for the merchants proving
unsuccessful in their voyages, the number of adventurers decreased, and
some years after, the fisheries totally ceased. In the year 1740 there
was only one boat sent to Iceland from Yarmouth, which appeared to be the
last employed in this fishery. At Lowestoft there were about 30 boats
sent annually to the North Sea and Iceland; in the year 1720 they were
reduced to only five; and in 1748, Mr. Copping, an eminent merchant in
this town, was the last person who sent a boat from Lowestoft to the
North Seas, which proving unsuccessful, put a final period to these
fisheries, they being never attempted afterwards.
The first voyage to these seas was called the Spring voyage; after that
was finished they went a second voyage, but returned home again time
enough for the herring fishery; but those who were not engaged in the
herring fishery, attempted a third voyage. Cod and ling were the
principal objects of this fishery, and in a good season would catch about
400 each vessel.
The method of curing these fish was by pickling them in casks, and some
dry-salted; which, upon their return home, were exported to foreign
parts. The livers of these fish were a considerable article; these they
carefully preserved in casks, and the oil they extracted from them was
sold to a considerable amount. There is a trench still visible upon the
Denes, a little to the north of Lowestoft, in which stood the blubber
coppers, where they used to boil the livers of the fish when they
returned home from the voyage. They also traded with the natives of
Iceland, Shetland, Farra, etc., and imported from hence stockings,
blankets, caps, and other articles of the woollen manufactory.
The first decline of these fisheries may be attributed, in a great
measure, to the political animosities which subsisted between Yarmouth
and Lowestoft, towards the conclusion of the reign of Charles I; for as
Yarmouth, during the civil war, took an active part on the side of
Parliament, so Lowestoft was as much distinguished for its attachment to
the King. In the years 1643 and 1644 the inhabitants of Yarmouth
suffered so very much from losses at sea, in having their ships and
vessels taken and carried off by armed ships acting in hostility against
the parliament, that the town was greatly impoverished, and the fisheries
to the North Sea and Iceland much injured. From these circumstances, and
the great indulgence allowed the Roman Catholics in foreign parts, in the
observance of Lent and other times of abstinence, so prejudicial to
fisheries depending on a foreign consumption, the North Sea and Iceland
fisheries received so much discouragement, as never to recover it
afterwards.
A ship, laden with soldiers and ammunition, sent by the queen from
Holland, for the use of the King, springing a leak at sea was obliged to
put into Yarmouth, where she was seized for the Parliament and given to
the town, who equipped her and sent her to sea in 1645 as a man-of-war,
to take any vessels, etc., that were in hostility against the Parliament.
Amongst the prizes which she made was the Pink, Captain Allen (afterwards
Admiral Allen), of Lowestoft, who, it was said, was in rebellion against
the Parliament, of which ship he was the owner of one half part, and
which part was seized, and sold to Mr. James Wilde, of Lowestoft, for
£35.
Captain Allen and some others who had suffered the like oppressions
appear to have entered into a confederacy against Yarmouth, to retaliate
the injuries they had received from that town; and for that purpose
retired beyond sea, with the design of fitting out vessels to distress
the trade at Yarmouth; and, accordingly, we find that in the year 1644,
out of the twenty-three vessels employed by Yarmouth in the Iceland
fishery, only three of them escaped being taken.
The Yarmouth men being thus distressed, applied to Parliament for a
convoy to protect their trade; in consequence whereof, in 1645, three
men-of-war were sent, by order of the lord admiral, to convoy their
fishers and guard their coasts; who took several of their enemies who
were engaged in the confederacy, amongst whom were some Lowestoft men.
As soon as the parties concerned in this confederacy (who had retired
beyond sea) were informed of these proceedings on the part of Yarmouth,
they sent the town the following letter:
To THE BAILIFFS OF GREAT YARMOUTH, IN NORFOLK.
Right Worshipful,
We hereby give you to understand that those seamen of ours, which
your men-of-war have lately taken, or may hereafter take in prizes of
ours, be not imprisoned. And that you set at liberty all those that
are confined, otherwise you shall not have that usuage you formerly
had from us. Without delay let this be observed, else you will have
cause to repent. We have given you thousands of prisoners which we
might have endungeoned, nay hanged, but that rebellious ignorance
have pleaded their escape. Now we can, if you compel us, make a
hundred suffer for one. Our pleasures are commended to you, by just
and due observation, not to make the innocent suffer for the nocent.
Therefore we do daily set at liberty yours, supposing, that upon
receipt of these, you will do the same by ours; otherwise we shall
soon make known to you our intentions.
THOMAS ALLEN, WILLIAM COPE, GEORGE BOWDEN, JOHN DASSET,
RICHARD WHITING, PETER CLIFF, FRANCIS FOURTHER,
JONATHAN BANTER, BROWNE BUSHELL, JO. MERRITT,
DAN. WILKINSON, FRANCIS COLMAN.
Ostend, June 22nd, 1645.
The Yarmouth historian, speaking of this transaction, says, “Probably all
these (who had subscribed the above letter) were Englishmen, who had fled
for protection into foreign parts, and lived by plundering the Yarmouth
fisheries and others upon the high seas, under pretence of loyalty, and
serving their king and country.”
How far this censure is consistent with candour, I shall leave the
impartial reader to determine; the only observation I shall make on it is
this: that the town of Yarmouth having taken an active part in behalf of
Parliament, and the town of Lowestoft, being as warmly interested on the
part of the king; and the towns having also acted, for many years, as
rivals to each other in the herring fishery, we may consider them, in a
great measure, as inveterate enemies; whether we regard them in a
political or commercial point of view; and, consequently, may easily
account for their animosities, without having recourse either to censures
or misrepresentations.
Captain Allen, a few years after, greatly alarmed the town of Yarmouth
with the apprehension of an immediate retaliation of the injuries which
he and his associates had sustained; for on Sunday, January 13th, 1648–9,
he came into Yarmouth roads in one of the prince’s ships, and threatened
an immediate revenge on the town: but it appears, notwithstanding these
threats, that his humanity conquered his resentment; for neither history,
nor tradition informs us, that the town of Yarmouth ever received any
injury from him.
The only manufactory carried on at Lowestoft is that of making porcelain,
or china-ware; where the proprietors have brought this ingenious art to a
great degree of perfection; and from the prospect it affords, promises to
be attended with much success. The origin of this manufactory is as
follows:—
In the year 1756, Hewlin Luson, Esq., of Gunton Hall, near Lowestoft,
having discovered some fine clay, or earth, on his estate in that parish,
sent a small quantity of it to one of the china manufactories near
London, in view of discovering what kind of ware it was capable of
producing; which, upon trial, proved to be somewhat finer than that
called the Delft ware. Mr. Luson was so far encouraged by this success
as to resolve upon making another experiment of the goodness of its
quality upon his own premises; accordingly, he immediately procured some
workmen from London, and erected upon his estate at Gunton, a kiln and
furnace, and all the other apparatus necessary for the undertaking: but
the manufacturers in London being apprised of his intentions, and of the
excellent quality of the earth, and apprehending also, that if Mr. Luson
succeeded, he might rival them in their manufactory, it induced them to
exercise every art in their power to render his scheme abortive; and so
far tampered with the workmen he had procured, that they spoiled the
ware, and thereby frustrated Mr. Luson’s design.
But, notwithstanding this unhandsome treatment, the resolution of
establishing a china manufactory at Lowestoft was not relinquished, but
was revived again in the succeeding year by Messrs. Walker, Brown,
Aldred, and Richman, who, having purchased some houses on the south side
of the Bell lane, converted the same to the uses of the manufactory, by
erecting a kiln and other conveniences necessary for the purpose: but, in
carrying their designs into execution, they also were liable to the same
inconveniences as the proprietor of the original undertaking at Gunton
was; for being under the necessity of applying to the manufactories in
London for workmen to conduct the business, this second attempt
experienced the same misfortune as the former one, and very near totally
ruined their designs; but the proprietors, happening to discover these
practices of the workmen before it was too late, they took such
precautions as rendered every future attempt of this nature wholly
ineffectual, and have now established the factory upon such a permanent
foundation as promises great success. They have now enlarged their
original plan, and by purchasing several adjoining houses, and erecting
additional buildings, have made every necessary alteration requisite for
the various purposes of the manufactory. They employ a considerable
number of workmen; and supply with ware many of the principal towns in
the adjacent counties, and keep a warehouse in London to execute the
orders they receive both from the city and the adjoining towns; and have
brought the manufactory to such a degree of perfection as promises to be
a credit to the town, useful to the inhabitants, and beneficial to
themselves.