CHAPTER I.

Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed

Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was

produced from images available at The Internet Archive)

with special thanks to Stephen Rowland for help with the Greek.

[Illustration: PLATE I.

VIEW OF HISSARLIK FROM THE NORTH.

_Frontispiece._

After the Excavations.]

TROY

AND ITS REMAINS;

A NARRATIVE OF RESEARCHES AND DISCOVERIES

MADE ON THE SITE OF ILIUM,

AND IN THE TROJAN PLAIN.

BY DR. HENRY SCHLIEMANN.

_Translated with the Author’s Sanction._

EDITED

BY PHILIP SMITH, B.A.,

AUTHOR OF THE ‘HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT WORLD,’ AND OF THE

‘STUDENT’S ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE EAST.’

WITH MAP, PLANS, VIEWS, AND CUTS,

_REPRESENTING 500 OBJECTS OF ANTIQUITY DISCOVERED ON THE SITE_.

LONDON:

JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.

NEW YORK:

SCRIBNER, WELFORD, AND ARMSTRONG.

1875.

PREFACE BY THE EDITOR.

Dr. Schliemann’s original narrative of his wonderful discoveries on the

spot marked as the site of Homer’s ILIUM by an unbroken tradition, from

the earliest historic age of Greece, has a permanent value and interest

which can scarcely be affected by the final verdict of criticism on the

result of his discoveries. If he has indeed found the fire-scathed ruins

of the city whose fate inspired the immortal first-fruits of Greek

poetry, and brought to light many thousands of objects illustrating the

race, language, and religion of her inhabitants, their wealth and

civilization, their instruments and appliances for peaceful life and

war; and if, in digging out these remains, he has supplied the missing

link, long testified by tradition as well as poetry, between the famous

Greeks of history and their kindred in the East; no words can describe

the interest which must ever belong to the first birth of such a

contribution to the history of the world. Or should we, on the other

hand, in the face of all that has been revealed on the very spot of

which the Greeks themselves believed that Homer sang, lean to the

scepticism of the scholar who still says:--“I know as yet of one Ilion

only, that is, the Ilion as sung by Homer, which is not likely to be

found in the trenches of Hissarlik, but rather among the Muses who dwell

on Olympus;” even so a new interest of historic and antiquarian

curiosity would be excited by “the splendid ruins,” as the same high

authority rightly calls those “which Dr. Schliemann has brought to

light at Hissarlik.” For what, in that case, were the _four cities_,

whose successive layers of ruins, still marked by the fires that have

passed over them in turn, are piled to the height of fifty feet above

the old summit of the hill? If not even one of them is TROY, what is the

story, so like that of Troy, which belongs to them?

“Trojæ renascens alite lugubri

Fortuna tristi clade iterabitur.”

What is the light that is struggling to break forth from the varied mass

of evidence, and the half-deciphered inscriptions, that are still

exercising the ingenuity of the most able enquirers? Whatever may be the

true and final answer to these questions--and we have had to put on

record a signal proof that the most sanguine investigators will be

content with no answer short of the truth[1]--the vivid narrative

written by the discoverer on the spot can never lose that charm which

Renan has so happily described as “la charme des origines.”

The Editor may be permitted to add, what the Author might not say, that

the work derives another charm from the spirit that prompted the labours

which it records. It is the work of an enthusiast in a cause which, in

our “practical” age, needs all the zeal of its remaining devotees, the

cause of learning for its own sake. But, in this case, enthusiasm has

gone hand in hand with the practical spirit in its best form. Dr.

Schliemann judged rightly in prefixing to his first work the simple

unaffected record of that discipline in adversity and self-reliance,

amidst which he at once educated himself and obtained the means of

gratifying his ardent desire to throw new light on the highest problems

of antiquity, _at his own expense_. His readers ought to know that,

besides other large contributions to the cause of learning, the cost of

his excavations at Hissarlik alone has amounted to 10,000_l._; and this

is in no sense the speculative investment of an explorer, for he has

expressed the firm resolution to _give away_ his collection, and not to

_sell_ it.

Under this sense of the high and lasting value of Dr. Schliemann’s work,

the present translation has been undertaken, with the object of laying

the narrative before English readers in a form considerably improved

upon the original. For this object the Editor can safely say, on behalf

of the Publisher and himself, that no pains and cost have been spared;

and Dr. Schliemann has contributed new materials of great value.

The original work[2] was published, at the beginning of this year, as an

octavo volume, accompanied by a large quarto “Atlas” of 217 photographic

plates, containing a Map, Plans, and Views of the Plain of Troy, the

Hill of Hissarlik, and the excavations, with representations of upwards

of 4000 objects selected from the 100,000 and more brought to light by

Dr. Schliemann, which were elaborately described in the letter-press

pages of the Atlas. The photographs were taken for the most part from

drawings; and Dr. Schliemann is the first to acknowledge that their

execution left much to be desired. Many of his original plans and

drawings have been placed at our disposal; and an especial

acknowledgment is due both to Dr. Schliemann and Monsieur Émile Burnouf,

the Director of the French School at Athens, for the use of the

admirable drawings of the terra-cotta _whorls_ and _balls_ made by M.

Burnouf and his accomplished daughter. A selection of about 200 of these

objects, which are among the most interesting of Dr. Schliemann’s

discoveries, occupies the 32 lithographic plates at the end of this

volume. With the exception of the first three Plates (XXI.-XXIII.),

which are copied from the Atlas, in order to give a general view of the

_sections_ of the whorls and the chief _types_ of the patterns upon

them, all the rest are engraved from M. Burnouf’s drawings. They are

given in the _natural size_, and each whorl is accompanied by its

section. The _depth_ at which each object was found among the layers of

_débris_ is a matter of such moment (as will be seen from Dr.

Schliemann’s work) that the Editor felt bound to undertake the great

labour of identifying each with the representation of the same object in

the Atlas, where the depth is marked, to which, unfortunately, the

drawings gave no reference. The few whorls that remain unmarked with

their depth have either escaped this repeated search, or are not

represented in the Atlas. The elaborate descriptions of the material,

style of workmanship, and supposed meanings of the patterns, which M.

Burnouf has inscribed on most of his drawings, are given in the “List of

Illustrations.” The explanations of the patterns are, of course, offered

only as conjectures, possessing the value which they derive from M.

Burnouf’s profound knowledge of Aryan antiquities. Some of the

explanations of the patterns are Dr. Schliemann’s; and the Editor has

added a few descriptions, based on a careful attempt to analyze and

arrange the patterns according to distinct types. Most of these types

are exhibited on Plates XXII. and XXIII.

The selection of the 300 illustrations inserted in the body of the work

has been a matter of no ordinary labour. One chief point, in which the

present work claims to be an improvement on the original, is the

exhibition of the most interesting objects in Dr. Schliemann’s

collection in their proper relation to the descriptions in his text. The

work of selection from 4000 objects, great as was the care it required,

was the smallest part of the difficulty. It is no disparagement to Dr.

Schliemann to recognize the fact that, amidst his occupations at the

work through the long days of spring and summer, and with little

competent help save from Madame Schliemann’s enthusiasm in the cause,

the objects thrown on his hands from day to day could only be arranged

and depicted very imperfectly. The difficulty was greatly enhanced by a

circumstance which should be noticed in following the order of Dr.

Schliemann’s work. It differed greatly from that of his forerunners in

the modern enterprise of penetrating into the mounds that cover the

primeval cities of the world. When, for example, we follow Layard into

the mound of Nimrud, and see how the rooms of the Assyrian palaces

suddenly burst upon him, with their walls lined with sculptured and

inscribed slabs, we seem almost to be reading of Aladdin’s descent into

the treasure-house of jewels. But Schliemann’s work consisted in a

series of transverse cuttings, which laid open sections of the various

strata, from the present surface of the hill to the virgin soil. The

work of one day would often yield objects from almost all the strata;

and each successive trench repeated the old order, more or less, from

the remains of Greek Ilium to those of the first settlers on the hill.

The marvel is that Dr. Schliemann should have been able to preserve any

order at all, rather than that he was obliged to abandon the attempt in

the later Plates of his Atlas (see p. 225); and special thanks are due

for his care in continuing to note the depths of all the objects found.

This has often given the clue to our search, amidst the mixed objects of

a similar nature on the photographic Plates, for those which he

describes in his text, where the figures referred to by Plate and Number

form the exception rather than the rule. We believe that the cases in

which we have failed to find objects really worth representing, or in

which an object named in the text may have been wrongly identified in

the Plates, are so few as in no way to affect the value of the work. How

much, on the other hand, its value is increased by the style in which

our illustrations have been engraved, will be best seen by a comparison

with the photographic Plates. It should be added that the present work

contains all the illustrations that are now generally accessible, as the

Atlas is out of print, and the negatives are understood to be past

further use.

Twelve of the views (Plates II., III., IV., V., VI., VII. A and B, IX.,

X., XI. A and B, and XII., besides the Great Altar, No. 188) were

engraved by Mr. Whymper; all the other views and cuts by Mr. James D.

Cooper; and the lithographed map, plans, and plates of whorls and balls

by Messrs. Cooper and Hodson. In the description appended to each

engraving all that is valuable in the letter-press to the Atlas has been

incorporated, and the depth at which the object was found is added. Some

further descriptions of the Plates are given in the “List of

Illustrations.”

The text of Dr. Schliemann’s work has been translated by Miss L. Dora

Schmitz, and revised throughout by the Editor. The object kept in view

has been a faithful rendering of the Memoirs, in all the freshness due

to their composition on the spot during the progress of the work. That

mode of composition, it is true, involved not a few of those mistakes

and contradictions on matters of opinion, due to the novelty and the

rapid progress of the discoveries, which Dr. Schliemann has confessed

and explained at the opening of his work (see p. 12). To have attempted

a systematic correction and harmonizing of such discrepancies would have

deprived the work of all its freshness, and of much of its value as a

series of landmarks in the history of Dr. Schliemann’s researches, from

his first firm conviction that Troy was to be sought in the Hill of

Hissarlik, to his discovery of the “Scæan Gate” and the “Treasure of

Priam.” The Author’s final conclusions are summed up by himself in the

“Introduction;” and the Editor has thought it enough to add to those

statements, which seemed likely to mislead the reader for a time,

references to the places where the correction may be found. On one point

he has ventured a little further. All the earlier chapters are affected

by the opinion, that the lowest remains on the native rock were those of

the Homeric Troy, which Dr. Schliemann afterwards recognized in the

stratum next above. To avoid perpetual reference to this change of

opinion, the Editor has sometimes omitted or toned down the words “Troy”

and “Trojan” as applied to the _lowest stratum_, and, both in the

“Contents” and running titles, and in the descriptions of the

Illustrations, he has throughout applied those terms to the discoveries

in the _second stratum_, in accordance with Dr. Schliemann’s ultimate

conclusion.

In a very few cases the Editor has ventured to correct what seemed to

him positive errors.[3] He has not deemed it any part of his duty to

discuss the Author’s opinions or to review his conclusions. He has,

however, taken such opportunities as suggested themselves, to set Dr.

Schliemann’s statements in a clearer light by a few illustrative

annotations. Among the rest, the chief passages cited from Homer are

quoted in full, with Lord Derby’s translation, and others have been

added (out of many more which have been noted), as suggesting remarkable

coincidences with the objects found by Dr. Schliemann.

From the manner in which the work was composed, and the great importance

attached by Dr. Schliemann to some leading points of his argument, it

was inevitable that there should be some repetitions, both in the

Memoirs themselves, and between them and the Introduction. These the

Editor has rather endeavoured to abridge than completely to remove. To

have expunged them from the Memoirs would have deprived these of much of

the interest resulting from the discussions which arose out of the

discoveries in their first freshness; to have omitted them from the

Introduction would have marred the completeness of the Author’s summary

of his results. The few repetitions left standing are a fair measure of

the importance which the Author assigns to the points thus insisted on.

A very few passages have been omitted for reasons that would be evident

on a reference to the original; but none of these omissions affect a

single point in Dr. Schliemann’s discoveries.

The _measures_, which Dr. Schliemann gives with the minutest care

throughout his work, have been preserved and converted from the French

metric standard into English measures. This has been done with great

care, though in such constant conversion some errors must of course have

crept in; and _approximate_ numbers have often been given to avoid the

awkwardness of fractions, where _minute_ accuracy seemed needless. In

many cases both the French and English measures are given, not only

because Dr. Schliemann gives both (as he often does), but for another

sufficient reason. A chief key to the significance of the discoveries is

found in the _depths_ of the successive _strata_ of remains, which are

exhibited in the form of a diagram on page 10. The numbers which express

these in _Meters_[4] are so constantly used by Dr. Schliemann, and are

so much simpler than the English equivalents, that they have been kept

as a sort of “memory key” to the strata of remains. For the like reason,

and for simplicity-sake, the depths appended to the Illustrations are

given in meters only. The _Table of French and English Measures_ on page

56 will enable the reader to check our conversions and to make his own.

The Editor has added an Appendix, explaining briefly the present state

of the deeply interesting question concerning the _Inscriptions_ which

have been traced on some of the objects found by Dr. Schliemann.

With these explanations the Editor might be content to leave the work to

the judgment of scholars and of the great body of educated persons, who

have happily been brought up in the knowledge and love of Homer’s

glorious poetry, “the tale of Troy divine,” and of

“Immortal Greece, dear land of glorious lays.”

Long may it be before such training is denied to the imagination of the

young, whether on the low utilitarian ground, or on the more specious

and dangerous plea of making it the select possession of the few who can

acquire it “thoroughly":

Νήπιοι, οὐκ ἴσασιν ὅσῳ πλέον ἥμισυ παντός.

To attempt a discussion of the results of Dr. Schliemann’s discoveries

would be alike beyond the province of an Editor, and premature in the

present state of the investigation. The criticisms called forth both in

England and on the Continent, during the one year that has elapsed since

the publication of the work, are an earnest of the more than ten years’

duration of that new War of Troy for which it has given the signal. The

English reader may obtain some idea of the points that have been brought

under discussion by turning over the file of the “_Academy_” for the

year, not to speak of many reviews of Schliemann’s work in other

periodicals and papers. Without plunging into these varied discussions,

it may be well to indicate briefly certain points that have been

established, some lines of research that have been opened, and some

false issues that need to be avoided.

First of all, the integrity of Dr. Schliemann in the whole matter--of

which his self-sacrificing spirit might surely have been a sufficient

pledge--and the genuineness of his discoveries, are beyond all

suspicion. We have, indeed, never seen them called in question, except

in what appears to be an effusion of spite from a Greek, who seems to

envy a German his discoveries on the Greek ground which Greeks have

neglected for fifteen centuries.[5] In addition to the consent of

scholars, the genuineness and high antiquity of the objects in Dr.

Schliemann’s collection have been specially attested by so competent a

judge as Mr. Charles Newton, of the British Museum, who went to Athens

for the express purpose of examining them.[6] A letter by Mr. Frank

Calvert, who is so honourably mentioned in the work, deserves special

notice for the implied testimony which it bears to Dr. Schliemann’s good

faith, while strongly criticising some of his statements.[7]

Among the false issues raised in the discussion, one most to be avoided

is the making the value of Dr. Schliemann’s discoveries dependent on the

question of the site of Troy as determined by the _data_ furnished by

the Iliad. The position is common to Schliemann and his adverse critics,

that Homer never saw the city of whose fate he sang;--because, says

Schliemann, it had long been buried beneath its own ashes and the

cities, or the ruins of the cities, built above it;--because, say the

objectors, Homer created a Troy of his own imagination. The former

existence and site of Troy were known to Homer--says Schliemann--by the

unbroken tradition belonging to the spot where the Greek colonists

founded the city which they called by the same name as, and believed to

be the true successor of, the Homeric ILIUM. Of this, it is replied, we

know nothing, and we have no other guide to _Homer’s Troy_ save the data

of the Iliad. Be it so; and if those data really point to Hissarlik--as

was the universal opinion of antiquity, till a sceptical grammarian

invented another site, which all scholars now reject--as was also the

opinion of modern scholars, till the new site of Bunarbashi was invented

by Lechevalier to suit the Iliad, and accepted by many critics, but

rejected by others, including the high authority of Grote--then the

conclusion is irresistible, that Schliemann has found the Troy of which

Homer had heard through the lasting report of poetic fame: Ἡμεῖς δὲ

κλέος οἶον ἀκούομεν.[8] But the corresponding _negative_ does _not_

follow; for, if Homer’s Troy was but a city built in the ethereal region

of his fancy, his placing it at Bunarbashi, or on any other spot, could

not affect the lost site of the true Troy, _if such a city ever

existed_, and therefore can be no objection to the argument, that the

discovery of an ancient city on the traditional site of the heroic Troy

confirms the truth of the tradition on both points--the _real existence_

of the city, as well as its existence on this site. The paradox--that

Troy never existed and that Bunarbashi was its site--was so far

confirmed by Schliemann that he dug at Bunarbashi, and found clear

evidence that the idea of a great city having ever stood there is a mere

imagination. The few remains of walls, that were found there, confirm

instead of weakening the negative conclusion; for they are as utterly

inadequate to be the remains of the “great, sacred, wealthy Ilium,” as

they are suitable to the little town of Gergis, with which they are now

identified by an inscription. In short, that the real city of Troy could

not have stood at Bunarbashi, is one of the most certain results of

Schliemann’s researches.

The same sure test of downright digging has finally disposed of all the

other suggested sites, leaving by the “method of exhaustion” the

inevitable conclusion, that the only great city (or succession of

cities), that we know to have existed in the Troad before the historic

Grecian colony of Ilium, rose and perished--as the Greeks of Ilium

always said it did--on the ground beneath their feet, upon the Hill of

Hissarlik. And that Homer, or--if you please--the so-called Homeric

bards, familiar with the Troad, and avowedly following tradition, should

have imagined a different site, would be, at the least, very surprising.

This is not the place for an analysis of the Homeric local evidence;

but, coming fresh from a renewed perusal of the _Iliad_ with a view to

this very question, the Editor feels bound to express the conviction

that its indications, while in themselves consistent with the site of

Hissarlik, can be interpreted in no other way, now that we know what

that site contains.[9]

Standing, as it does, at the very point of junction between the East and

West, and in the region where we find the connecting link between the

primitive Greeks of Asia and Europe,[10] the Hill of Hissarlik answers

at once to the primitive type of a Greek city, and to the present

condition of the primeval capitals of the East. Like so many of the

first, in Greece, Asia Minor, and Italy, the old city was a hill-fort,

an Acropolis built near but not close upon the sea, in a situation

suited at once for defence against the neighbouring barbarians, and for

the prosecution of that commerce, whether by its own maritime

enterprise, or by intercourse with foreign voyagers, of which the

copper, ivory, and other objects from the ruins furnish decisive

proofs.[11] This type is as conspicuously wanting at Bunarbashi, as it

is well marked by the site of Hissarlik.

Like the other great oriental capitals of the Old World, the present

condition of Troy is that of a mound, such as those in the plain of the

Tigris and Euphrates, offering for ages the invitation to research,

which has only been accepted and rewarded in our own day. The

resemblance is so striking, as to raise a strong presumption that, as

the mounds of Nimrud and Kouyunjik, of Khorsabad and Hillah, have been

found to contain the palaces of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, so we

may accept the ruins found in the mound of Hissarlik as those of the

capital of that primeval empire in Asia Minor, which is indicated by the

Homeric tradition, and proved to have been a reality by the Egyptian

monuments.[12]

This parallel seems to throw some light on a question, concerning which

Dr. Schliemann is forced to a result which disappointed himself, and

does not appear satisfactory to us--that of the magnitude of Troy. As

the mounds opened by Layard and his fellow labourers contained only the

“royal quarters,” which towered above the rude buildings of cities the

magnitude of which is attested by abundant proofs, so it is reasonable

to believe that the ruins at Hissarlik are those of the royal quarter,

the only really _permanent_ part of the city, built on the hill capping

the lower plateau which lifted the huts of the common people above the

marshes and inundations of the Scamander and the Simoïs. In both cases

the fragile dwellings of the multitude have perished; and the pottery

and other remains, which were left on the surface of the plateau of

Ilium, would naturally be cleared away by the succeeding settlers.

Instead, therefore, of supposing with Schliemann, that Homer’s poetical

exaggeration invented the “Pergamus,” we would rather say that he

exalted the mean dwellings that clustered about the Pergamus into the

“well-built city” with her “wide streets.”

We cannot sympathize with the sentimental objection that, in proportion

as the conviction grows that the Troy of Homer has been found, his

poetry is brought down from the heights of pure imagination. Epic

Poetry, the very essence of which is narrative, has always achieved its

noblest triumphs in celebrating events which were at least believed to

be real, not in the invention of incidents and deeds purely imaginary.

The most resolute deniers of any historic basis for the story of Troy

will admit that neither the scene nor the chief actors were invented by

Homer, or, if you please, the Homeric poets, who assuredly believed the

truth of the traditions to which the _Iliad_ gave an immortal form. Any

discovery which verifies that belief strengthens the foundation without

impairing the superstructure, and adds the interest of truthfulness to

those poetic beauties which remain the pure creation of Homer.

Leaving the Homeric bearings of the question to the discussion of which

no speedy end can be anticipated, all are agreed that Dr. Schliemann’s

discoveries have added immensely to that growing mass of evidence which

is tending to solve one of the most interesting problems in the history

of the world, the connection between the East and West, especially with

regard to the spread of Aryan civilization.[13] Two points are becoming

clearer every day, the early existence of members of the Greek race on

the shores of Asia, and the essential truth of those traditions about

the Oriental influence on Greek civilization, which, within our own

remembrance, have passed through the stages of uncritical acceptance,

hypercritical rejection, and discriminating belief founded on sure

evidence.

It would seem as if Troy, familiar to our childhood as the point of

contact in poetry between the East and West, were reappearing in the

science of archæology as a link between the eastern and western branches

of the antiquities of the great Aryan family, extending its influence to

our own island in another sense than the legend of Brute the Trojan. How

great an increase of light may soon be expected from the deciphering of

the Inscriptions found at Hissarlik may be inferred, in part, from the

brief account, in the Appendix, of the progress thus far made. In fine,

few dissentients will be found from the judgment of a not too favourable

critic, that “Dr. Schliemann, in spite of his over-great enthusiasm, ...

_has done the world an incalculable service_.”[14]

The decipherment of the inscriptions will probably go far to determine

the curious question of the use of the terra-cotta _whorls_, found in

such numbers in all the four pre-Hellenic strata of remains at

Hissarlik. That they had some practical purpose may be inferred both

from this very abundance, and from the occurrence of similar objects

among the remains of various early races. Besides the examples given by

Dr. Schliemann, they have been found in various parts of our own island,

and especially in Scotland, but always (we believe) without decorations.

On the other hand, the Aryan emblems and the inscriptions[15] marked

upon them would seem to show that they were applied to, if not

originally designed for, some higher use. It seems quite natural for a

simple and religious race, such as the early Aryans certainly were, to

stamp religious emblems and sentences on objects in daily use, and then

to consecrate them as _ex voto_ offerings, according to Dr. Schliemann’s

suggestion. The astronomical significance, which Schliemann finds in

many of the whorls, is unmistakeable in most of the terra-cotta balls;

and this seems to furnish evidence that the people who made them had

some acquaintance, at least, with the astronomical science of Babylonia.

The keen discussion provoked by Dr. Schliemann’s novel explanation of

the θεὰ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη might be left “a pretty quarrel as it

stands,”[16] did there not appear to be a key of which neither party has

made sufficient use. The symbolism, which embodied divine attributes in

animal forms, belonged unquestionably to an early form of the Greek

religion, as well as to the Egyptian and Assyrian.[17] The ram-headed

Ammon, the hawk-headed Ra, the eagle-headed Nisroch, form exact

precedents for an owl-headed Athena, a personation which may very well

have passed into the slighter forms of owl-faced, owl-eyed, bright-eyed.

Indeed, we see no other explanation of the constant connection of the

owl with the goddess, which survived to the most perfect age of Greek

sculpture. The question is not to be decided by an etymological analysis

of the sense of γλαυκῶπις in the Greek writers, long after the old

symbolism had been forgotten, nor even by the sense which Homer may have

attached to the word in his own mind. One of the most striking

characters of his language is his use of _fixed epithets_; and he might

very well have inherited the title of the tutelar goddess of the Ionian

race with the rest of his stock of traditions. If γλαυκῶπις were merely

a common attributive, signifying “bright-eyed,” it is very remarkable

that Homer should never apply it to mortal women, or to any goddess save

Athena. We are expressing no opinion upon the accuracy of Schliemann’s

identification in every case; but the _rudeness_ of many of his

“owl-faced idols” is no stumbling-block, for the oldest and rudest

sacred images were held in lasting and peculiar reverence. The Ephesian

image of Artemis, “which fell down from Jove,” is a case parallel to

what the “Palladium” of Ilium may have been.

The ethnological interpretation of the four _strata_ of remains at

Hissarlik is another of the questions which it would be premature to

discuss; but a passing reference may be allowed to their very

remarkable correspondence with the traditions relating to the site.

First, Homer recognizes a city which preceded the Ilium of Priam, and

which had been destroyed by Hercules; and Schliemann found a primeval

city, of considerable civilization, on the native rock, below the ruins

which he regards as the Homeric Troy. Tradition speaks of a Phrygian

population, of which the Trojans were a branch, as having apparently

displaced, and driven over into Europe, the kindred Pelasgians. Above

the second stratum are the remains of a third city, which, in the type

and patterns of its terra-cottas, instruments, and ornaments, shows a

close resemblance to the second; and the link of connection is rivetted

by the inscriptions in the same character in both strata. And so, in the

Homeric poems, every reader is struck with the common bonds of genealogy

and language, traditions and mutual intercourse, religion and manners,

between the Greeks who assail Troy and the Trojans who defend it. If the

legend of the Trojan War preserves the tradition of a real conquest of

the city by a kindred race, the very nature of the case forbids us to

accept literally the story, that the conquerors simply sailed away

again.[18] It is far more reasonable to regard the _ten years_ of the

War, and the _ten years_ of the _Return of the Chiefs_ (Νόστοι) as

cycles of ethnic struggles, the details of which had been sublimed into

poetical traditions. The fact, that Schliemann traces in the third

stratum a civilization lower than in the second, is an objection only

from the point of view of our classical prepossessions. There are not

wanting indications in Homer (as Curtius, among others, has pointed

out) that the Trojans were more civilized and wealthy than the Greeks;

and in the much earlier age, to which the conflict--if real at all--must

have belonged, we may be sure that the Asiatic people had over their

European kindred an advantage which we may venture to symbolize by the

golden arms of Glaucus and the brazen arms of Diomed (Homer, _Iliad_,

VI. 235, 236). Xanthus, the old historian of Lydia, preserves the

tradition of a reflux migration of Phrygians from Europe into Asia,

after the Trojan War, and says that they conquered Troy and settled in

its territory. This migration is ascribed to the pressure of the

barbarian Thracians; and the fourth stratum, with its traces of merely

wooden buildings, and other marks of a lower stage of civilization,

corresponds to that conquest of the Troad by those same barbarian

Thracians, the tradition of which is preserved by Herodotus and other

writers. The primitive dwellings of those races in Thrace still furnish

the flint implements, which are most abundant in the fourth stratum at

Hissarlik.

The extremely interesting concurrence of instruments of stone with those

of copper (or bronze, see p. 361) in all the four strata at Hissarlik,

may be illustrated by a case which has fallen under our notice while

dismissing this sheet for press. A mound recently opened at the Bocenos,

near Carnac (in the Morbihan), has disclosed the remains of a Gallic

house, of the _second century_ of our era, in which _flint implements_

were found, intermixed with pottery of various styles, from the most

primitive to the finest examples of native Gallic art, and among all

these objects was a terra-cotta head of the _Venus Anadyomene_.[19] Such

facts as these furnish a caution against the too hasty application of

the theory of the Ages of Stone, Bronze, and Iron.

Another illustration is worth adding of the persistence of the forms of

objects in common use in the same region. (See p. 47.) Mr. Davis, in his

recently published travels in Asia Minor,[20] describes a wooden vessel

for carrying water, which he saw at Hierapolis, in Phrygia, of the very

same form as the crown-handled vase-covers of terra-cotta found in such

numbers by Schliemann (see pp. 25, 48, 86, 95, &c.). “They are made of a

section of the pine: the inside is hollowed from below, and the bottom

is closed by another piece of wood exactly fitted into it.” The two

drawings given by Mr. Davis closely resemble our cut, No. 51, p. 86.

Our last letter from Dr. Schliemann announced the approaching

termination of his lawsuit with the Turkish Government, arising out of

the dispute referred to in the ‘Introduction’ (p. 52). The collection

has been valued by two experts; and Dr. Schliemann satisfies the demand

of the Turkish Government by a payment in cash, and an engagement to

continue the excavations in Troy for three or four months for the

benefit of the Imperial Museum at Constantinople. We rejoice that he has

not “closed the excavations at Hissarlik for ever” (see p. 356), and

wait to see what new discoveries may equal or surpass those of the

“Scæan Gates,” the “Palace,” and the “Treasure of Priam.”

Meanwhile, as the use of so mythical a name as that of Troy’s last king

has furnished a special butt for critical scorn, it seems due to Dr.

Schliemann to quote his reason for retaining it:--[21]

“I identify with the Homeric Ilion the city second in succession from

the virgin soil, because only in that city were used the Great Tower,

the great Circuit Wall, the great Double Gate, and the ancient palace of

the chief or king, whom I call Priam, because he is called so by the

tradition of which Homer is the echo; but as soon as it is proved that

Homer and the tradition were wrong, and that Troy’s last king was called

‘Smith,’ I shall at once call him so.” Those who believe Troy to be a

myth and Priam a shadow as unsubstantial as the shape, whose head

“The likeness of a kingly crown had on,”

need not grudge Schliemann the satisfaction of giving the unappropriated

_nominis umbra_ to the owner of his very substantial Treasure. The name

of Priam may possibly even yet be read on the inscriptions, as the names

of the Assyrian kings have been read on theirs, or it may be an

invention of the bard’s; but the name of TROY can no longer be withheld

from the “splendid ruins” of the great and wealthy city which stood upon

its traditional site--_a city which has been sacked by enemies and burnt

with fire_.

PHILIP SMITH.

HAMPSTEAD,

_Christmas Eve, 1874_.

[Illustration: Terra-cotta Tablets from the Greek Stratum (1-2 M.).]

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

EDITOR’S PREFACE Page iii

AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF DR. HENRY SCHLIEMANN “ 1

Diagram showing the successive Strata of Remains on the Hill

of Hissarlik “ 10

INTRODUCTION “ 11

Comparative Table of French Meters and English Measures “ 56

_WORK AT HISSARLIK IN 1871._

CHAPTER I.

_On the Hill of Hissarlik, October 18th, 1871._

The site of ILIUM described--Excavations in 1870: the City Wall of

Lysimachus--Purchase of the site and grant of a _firman_--Arrival

of Dr. and Madame Schliemann in 1871, and beginning of the

Excavations--The Hill of HISSARLIK, the _Acropolis_ of the Greek

Ilium--Search for its limits--Difficulties of the work--The great

cutting on the North side--Greek coins found--Dangers from fever 57

CHAPTER II.

_On the Hill of Hissarlik, October 26th, 1871._

Number of workmen--Discoveries at 2 to 4 meters deep--Greek

coins--Remarkable terra-cottas with small stamps, probably _Ex

votos_--These cease, and are succeeded by the whorls--Bones of

sharks, shells of mussels and oysters, and pottery--Three Greek

Inscriptions--The splendid panoramic view from Hissarlik--The Plain

of Troy and the heroic _tumuli_--Thymbria: Mr. Frank Calvert’s

Museum--The mound of Chanaï Tépé--The Scamander and its ancient

bed--Valley of the Simoïs, and Ruins of Ophrynium 64

CHAPTER III.

_On the Hill of Hissarlik, November 3rd, 1871._

Puzzling transitions from the “Stone Age” to a higher

civilization--The stone age reappears in force, mixed with pottery

of fine workmanship, and the whorls in great number--Conjectures

as to their uses: probably _Ex votos_--_Priapi_ of stone and

terra-cotta: their worship brought by the primitive Aryans from

Bactria--Vessels with the owl’s face--Boars’ tusks--Various

implements and weapons of stone--Hand mill-stones--Models of canoes

in terra-cotta--Whetstones--The one object of the excavations, to

find TROY 75

CHAPTER IV.

_On the Hill of Hissarlik, November 18th, 1871._

Another passage from the Stone Age to copper implements mixed with

stone--The signs of a higher civilization increase with the depth

reached--All the implements are of better workmanship--Discovery of

supposed inscriptions--Further discussion of the use of the

whorls--TROY still to be reached--Fine terra-cotta vessels of

remarkable forms--Great numbers of stone weights and hand

mill-stones--Numerous house-walls--Construction of the great

cutting--Fever and quinine--Wounds and arnica 81

CHAPTER V.

_On the Hill of Hissarlik, November 24th, 1871._

Interruptions from Rain--Last works of the season, 1871--The

supposed ruins of Troy reached--Great blocks of stone--Engineering

contrivances--Excavations at the “Village of the Ilians:” no traces

of habitation, and none of hot springs--Results of the excavations

thus far--Review of the objects found at various depths--Structure

of the lowest houses yet reached--Difficulties of the

excavations--The object aimed at--Growth of the Hill of Hissarlik

90

_WORK AT HISSARLIK IN 1872._

CHAPTER VI.

_On the Hill of Hissarlik, April 5th, 1872._

New assistants for 1872--Cost of the excavations--Digging of the

great platform on the North--Venomous snakes--A supporting buttress

on the North side of the hill--Objects discovered: little idols of

fine marble--Whorls engraved with the _suastika_ [Illustration:

block-style cross] and 卐--Significance of these emblems in the old

Aryan religion--Their occurrence among other Aryan

nations--Mentioned in old Indian literature--Illustrative quotation

from Émile Burnouf 98

CHAPTER VII.

_On the Hill of Hissarlik, April 25th, 1872._

Smoking at work forbidden, and a mutiny suppressed--Progress of the

great platform--Traces of sacrifices--Colossal blocks of stone

belonging to great buildings--Funereal and other huge

urns--Supposed traces of Assyrian art--Ancient undisturbed

remains--Further discoveries of stone implements and owl-faced

idols--Meaning of the epithet “γλαυκῶπις”--Parallel of Ἥρα βοῶπις,

and expected discovery of ox-headed idols at Mycenæ--Vases of

remarkable forms--Dangers and engineering expedients--Georgios

Photidas--Extent of the Pergamus of Troy--Poisonous snakes, and the

snake-weed--The whorls with the central sun, stars, the _suastika_,

the _Sôma_, or Tree of Life, and sacrificial altars--The name of

Mount Ida, probably brought from Bactria 107

CHAPTER VIII.

_On the Hill of Hissarlik, May 11th, 1872._

Hindrances through Greek festivals--Thickness of the layers of

_débris_ above the native rock--Date of the foundation of

Troy--Impossibility of the _Bunarbashi_ theory--Homeric epithets

suitable to Hissarlik--Etymology of Ἴλιος, signifying probably the

“fortress of the Sun"--The _Aruna_ of the Egyptian

records--Progress of the platform, and corresponding excavation on

the south--The bulwark of Lysimachus--Ruins of great

buildings--Marks of civilization increasing with the depth--Vases,

and fragments of great urns--A remarkable terra-cotta--A whorl with

the appearance of an inscription 122

CHAPTER IX.

_On the Hill of Hissarlik, May 23rd, 1872._

Superstition of the Greeks about saints’ days--Further engineering

works--Narrow escape of six men--Ancient building on the western

terrace--The ruins under this house--Old Trojan mode of

building--Continued marks of higher civilization--Terra-cottas

engraved with Aryan symbols: antelopes, a man in the attitude of

prayer, flaming altars, hares--The symbol of the moon--Solar

emblems, and rotating wheels--Remarks on former supposed

inscriptions--Stone moulds for casting weapons and

implements--Absence of cellars, and use of colossal jars in their

stead--The quarry used for the Trojan buildings--“Un Médecin malgré

lui."--Blood-letting priest-doctors--Efficacy of

sea-baths--Ingratitude of the peasants cured--Increasing heat 131

CHAPTER X.

_On the Hill of Hissarlik, June 18th, 1872._

A third platform dug--Traces of former excavations by the

Turks--Block of triglyphs, with bas-relief of Apollo--Fall of an

earth-wall--Plan of a trench through the whole hill--Admirable

remains in the lowest stratum but one--The plain and engraved

whorls--Objects of gold, silver, copper, and ivory--Remarkable

terra-cottas--The pottery of the _lowest stratum_ quite distinct

from that of the next above--Its resemblance to the Etruscan, in

quality only--Curious funereal urns--Skeleton of a six months’

embryo--Other remains in the lowest stratum--Idols of fine marble,

the sole exception to the superior workmanship of this stratum--The

houses and palaces of the lowest stratum, of large stones joined

with earth--Disappearance of the first people with the destruction

of their town.

The _second settlers_, of a different civilization--Their buildings

of unburnt brick on stone foundations--These bricks burnt by the

great conflagration--Destruction of the walls of the former

settlers--Live toads coëval with Troy!--Long duration of the

second settlers--Their Aryan descent proved by Aryan

symbols--Various forms of their pottery--Vases in the form of

animals--The whorls of this stratum--Their interesting

devices--Copper weapons and implements, and moulds for casting

them--Terra-cotta seals--Bracelets and ear-rings, of silver, gold,

and electrum--Pins, &c., of ivory and bone--Fragments of a

lyre--Various objects.

The _third stratum_: the remains of an Aryan race--Hardly a trace

of metal--Structure of their houses--Their stone implements and

terra-cottas coarser--Various forms of pottery--Remarkable

_terra-cotta balls_ with astronomical and religious

symbols--Whorls--Stone weapons--Whetstones--Hammers and instruments

of diorite--A well belonging to this people--This third town

destroyed with its people.

The _fourth settlers_: comparatively savage, but still of Aryan

race--Whorls with like emblems, but of a degenerate form--Their

pottery inferior, but with some curious forms--Idols of

Athena--Articles of copper--Few stones--Charred remains, indicating

wooden buildings--Stone weights, handmills, and knives and saws of

flint--With this people the pre-Hellenic ages end--The stone

buildings and painted and plain terra-cottas of _Greek Ilium_--Date

of the Greek colony--Signs that the old inhabitants were not

extirpated--The whorls of very coarse clay and patterns--Well, and

jars for water and wine--Proofs of the regular succession of

nations on the hill--Reply to the arguments of M. Nikolaïdes for

the site at Bunarbashi--The Simoïs, Thymbrius, and Scamander--The

tomb of Ajax at In-Tépé--Remains in it--Temple of Ajax and town of

Aianteum--Tomb of Achilles and town of Achilleum--Tombs of

Patroclus and Antilochus--The Greek camp--The tomb of Batiea or

Myrina--Further discussion of the site 143

CHAPTER XI.

_On the Hill of Hissarlik, July 13th, 1872._

Increase of men and machinery and cost on the works: but slow

progress--Continued hurricane on “the windy Ilium” (Ἴλιος

ἠνεμόεσσα)--The great platform proves too high--New

cutting--Excavation of the temple--Objects found--Greek statuettes

in terra-cotta--Many whorls with 卐 and suns--Wheel-shaped whorls

with simple patterns in the lowest strata--Terra-cotta balls with

suns and stars--Use of the whorls as amulets or coins

discussed--Little bowls, probably lamps--Other articles of

pottery--Funnels--A terra-cotta bell--Various beautiful

terra-cottas--Attempts at forgery by the workmen--Mode of naming

the men--The springs in front of Ilium--Question of Homer’s hot and

cold spring--Course of the Simoïs--The tomb of Batiea or Myrina

identified with the Pacha Tépé--Theatre of Lysimachus--Heat and

wind--Plague of insects and scorpions--Konstantinos Kolobos, a

native genius without feet 184

CHAPTER XII.

_Pergamus of Troy, August 4th, 1872._

Discovery of an ancient wall on the northern slope--Discovery of a

Tower on the south side--Its position and construction--It is

Homer’s _Great Tower of Ilium_--Manner of building with stones and

earth--A Greek inscription--Remarkable medal of the age of

Commodus--Whorls found just below the surface--Terra-cottas found

at small depths--Various objects found at the various depths--A

skeleton, with ornaments of gold, which have been exposed to a

great heat--Paucity of human remains, as the Trojans burnt their

dead--No trace of pillars--Naming of the site as “Ilium” and the

“Pergamus of Troy” 200

CHAPTER XIII.

_Pergamus of Troy, August 14th, 1872._

Intended cessation of the work--Further excavation of the

Tower--Layers of red ashes and calcined stones--Objects found on

the Tower--Weapons, implements, and ornaments of stone, copper, and

silver--Bones--Pottery and vases of remarkable forms--Objects found

on each side of the Tower--First rain for four months--Thanks for

escape from the constant dangers--Results of the excavations--The

site of Homer’s Troy identified with that of Greek Ilium--Error of

the Bunarbashi theory--Area of the Greek city--Depth of the

accumulated _débris_ unexampled in the world--Multitude of

interesting objects brought to light--Care in making drawings of

them all 212

CHAPTER XIV.

_Athens, September 28th, 1872._

Return to Troy to take plans and photographs--Damage to retaining

walls--The unfaithfulness of the watchman--Stones carried off for a

neighbouring church and houses--Injury by rain--Works for security

during the winter--Opening up of a retaining wall on the side of

the hill, probably built to support the temple of Athena--Supposed

_débris_ of that temple--Drain belonging to it--Doric style of the

temple proved by the block of Triglyphs--Temple of Apollo also on

the Pergamus 220

_WORK AT HISSARLIK IN 1873._

CHAPTER XV.

_Pergamus of Troy, February 22nd, 1873._

Return to Hissarlik in 1873--Interruptions by holydays and

weather--Strong cold north winds--Importance of good overseers--An

artist taken to draw the objects found--Want of

workmen--Excavations on the site of the Temple--Blocks of Greek

sculptured marble--Great increase of the hill to the east--Further

portions of the great Trojan wall--Traces of fire--A terra-cotta

hippopotamus, a sign of intercourse with Egypt--Idols and owl-faced

vases--Vases of very curious forms--Whorls--Sling-bullets of copper

and stone--Piece of ornamented ivory belonging to a musical

instrument--New cutting from S.E to N.W.--Walls close below the

surface--Wall of Lysimachus--Monograms on the stones--An

inscription in honour of Caius Cæsar--Patronage of Ilium by the

Julii as the descendants of Æneas--Good wine of the Troad 224

CHAPTER XVI.

_Pergamus of Troy, March 1st, 1873._

Increased number of workmen--Further uncovering of the great

buttress--Traces of a supposed small temple--Objects found on its

site--Terra-cotta serpents’ heads: great importance attached to the

serpent--Stone implements: hammers of a peculiar form--Copper

implements: a sickle--Progress of the works at the south-east

corner--Remains of an aqueduct from the Thymbrius--Large jars, used

for cellars--Ruins of the Greek temple of Athena--Two important

inscriptions discussed--Relations of the Greek Syrian Kings

Antiochus I. and III. to Ilium 233

CHAPTER XVII.

_Pergamus of Troy, March 15th, 1873._

Spring weather in the Plain of Troy--The Greek temple of

Athena--Numerous fragments of sculpture--Reservoir of the

temple--Excavation of the Tower--Difficulties of the work--Further

discoveries of walls--Stone implements at small depths--Important

distinction between the plain and decorated whorls--Greek and Roman

coins--Absence of iron--Copper nails: their peculiar forms:

probably dress and hair pins: some with heads and beads of gold and

electrum--Original height of the Tower--Discovery of a Greek

house--Various types of whorls--Further remarks on the Greek

bas-relief--It belonged to the temple of Apollo--Stones from the

excavations used for building in the villages around--Fever 248

CHAPTER XVIII.

_Pergamus of Troy, March 22nd, 1873._

Weather and progress of the work--The lion-headed handle of a

sceptre--Lions formerly in the Troad--Various objects

found--Pottery--Implements of stone and copper--Whorls--Balls

curiously decorated--Fragments of musical instruments--Remains of

house walls--The storks of the Troad 259

CHAPTER XIX.

_Pergamus of Troy, March 29th, 1873._

Splendid vases found on the Tower--Other articles--Human skull,

bones, and ashes, found in an urn--New types of whorls--Greek

votive discs of diorite--Moulds of mica-schist--The smaller

quantity of copper than of stone implements explained--Discussion

of the objection, that stone implements are not mentioned by

Homer--Reply to Mr. Calvert’s article--Flint knives found in the

Acropolis of Athens--A narrow escape from fire 266

CHAPTER XX.

_Pergamus of Troy, April 5th, 1873._

Discovery of a large house upon the Tower--Marks of a great

conflagration--Primitive Altar: its very remarkable position--Ruins

of the temple of Athena--A small cellar--Skeletons of warriors

with copper helmets and a lance--Structure of the

helmet-crests--Terra-cottas--A crucible with copper still in

it--Other objects--Extreme fineness of the engravings on the

whorls--Pottery--Stone implements--Copper pins and other objects

276

CHAPTER XXI.

_Pergamus of Troy, April 16th, 1873._

Discovery of a street in the Pergamus--Three curious stone walls of

different periods--Successive fortifications of the hill--Remains

of ancient houses under the temple of Athena, that have suffered a

great conflagration--Older house-walls below these, and a wall of

fortification--Store, with the nine colossal jars--The great

Altar--Objects found east of the Tower--Pottery with Egyptian

hieroglyphics--Greek and other terra-cottas, &c.--Remarkable

owl-vase--Handle, with an ox-head--Various very curious objects--A

statue of one Metrodorus by Pytheas of Argos, with an

inscription--Another Greek inscription, in honour of C. Claudius

Nero 287

CHAPTER XXII.

_Pergamus of Troy, May 10th, 1873._

Interruptions through festivals--Opening of the tumulus of

Batiea--Pottery like that of the Trojan stratum at Hissarlik, and

nothing else--No trace of burial--Its age--Further discoveries of

burnt Trojan houses--Proof of their successive ages--Their

construction--Discovery of a double gateway, with the copper bolts

of the gates--The “SCÆAN GATE” of Homer--Tests of the extent of

ancient Troy--The place where Priam sat to view the Greek

forces--Homer’s knowledge of the Heroic Troy only

traditional--Description of the gates, the walls, and the “PALACE

OF PRIAM"--Vases, &c., found in Priam’s house--Copper, ivory, and

other implements--The δέπα ἀμφικύπελλα--Houses discovered on the

north platform--Further excavations of the city walls--Statuettes

and vessels of the Greek period--Top of the Tower of Ilium

uncovered, and its height determined--A curious trench in it,

probably for the archers--Further excavations at Bunarbashi: only a

few fragments of Greek pottery--The site of Ilium uninhabited since

the end of the fourth century--The place confused with Alexandria

Troas--No Byzantine remains at Hissarlik--Freshness of the Greek

sculptures 300

CHAPTER XXIII.

_Troy, June 17th, 1873._

Further discoveries of fortifications--The _great discovery of the_

TREASURE _on the city wall_--Expedient for its preservation--The

articles of the Treasure described--The Shield--The Caldron--Bottle

and Vases of Gold--The golden δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον--Modes of working

the gold--A cup of electrum--Silver plates, probably the _talents_

of Homer--Vessels of Silver--Copper lance-heads: their peculiar

form--Copper battle-axes--Copper daggers--Metal articles fused

together by the conflagration--A knife and a piece of a

sword--Signs of the Treasure having been packed in a wooden

chest--The key found--The Treasure probably left behind in an

effort to escape--Other articles found near the Treasure--The

thousands of gold jewels found in a silver vase--The two golden

diadems--The ear-rings, bracelets, and finger-rings--The smaller

jewels of gold--Analysis of the copper articles by M.

Landerer--Discovery of another room in the palace containing an

inscribed stone, and curious terra-cottas--Silver dishes--Greek

terra-cotta figures--Great abundance of the owl-faced

vases--Limited extent of Troy--Its walls traced--Poetic

exaggerations of Homer--_The one great point of_ TROY’S _reality

established_--It was as large as the primitive Athens and

Mycenæ--The wealth and power of Troy--Great height of its

houses--Probable population--Troy known to Homer only by

tradition--Question of a temple in Homer’s time--Characteristics of

the Trojan stratum of remains, and their difference from those of

the lowest stratum--The former opinion on this point

recalled--Layer of metallic _scoriæ_ through the whole hill--Error

of Strabo about the utter destruction of Troy--Part of the real

Troy unfortunately destroyed in the earlier excavations; but many

Trojan houses brought to light since--The stones of Troy not used

in building other cities--Trojan houses of sun-dried bricks, except

the most important buildings, which are of stones and earth--Extent

and results of the excavations--Advice to future explorers--Further

excavations on the north side--Very curious terra-cotta

vessels--Perforated vases--A terra-cotta with hieroglyphics--Heads

of oxen and horses; their probable significance--Idols of the Ilian

Athena--Greek and Roman medals--Greek inscriptions--Final close of

the excavations; thanksgiving for freedom from serious

accidents--Commendations of Nicolaus Saphyros Jannakis, and other

assistants, and of the artist Polychronios Tempesis, and of the

engineer Adolphe Laurent 321

NOTE A. The river _Dumbrek_ is not the Thymbrius, but the Simoïs 358

NOTE B. Table of terra-cotta weights found at Hissarlik 359

NOTE C. Analysis by M. Damour of some of the metallic objects

found 361

APPENDIX ON THE INSCRIPTIONS FOUND AT HISSARLIK 363

INDEX 375

COMPARATIVE TABLE of the ILLUSTRATIONS in Dr. Schliemann’s

Atlas and the Translation 386

[Illustration: Two Inscribed Whorls (5 M. and 7 M.).]

[Illustration: Terra-cotta Tablets from the Greek Stratum (2 M.).]

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

MAPS AND PLANS.

MAP OF THE PLAIN OF TROY _End of Volume_

PLAN I. ILIUM, THE GRECIAN COLONY “

PLAN II. RUINS OF TROY--General Plan of Researches

made by Dr. Schliemann in 1870, 1871, 1872, and

1873 “

PLAN III. THE TOWER OF ILIUM AND THE SCÆAN GATE _Page_ 306

PLAN IV. TROY AT THE EPOCH OF PRIAM, according to Dr.

Schliemann’s Excavations 347

PLATES AND CUTS.

PLATE I. VIEW OF THE HILL OF HISSARLIK, CONTAINING THE

RUINS OF TROY, FROM THE NORTH, AFTER DR. SCHLIEMANN’S

EXCAVATIONS IN 1870, 1871, 1872, 1873 _Frontispiece_

The excavation to the left is on the site of the Greek Temple of

Apollo, where the splendid metopé of the Sun-God was found. Then

follows the great platform and the great trench cut through the

whole hill. Still further to the right is the cutting of April,

1870, in continuing which, in June, 1873, the Treasure was

discovered.

Three Tablets of Terra-cotta, from the Ruins of Greek Ilium

(1-2 M.) xv

Two Inscribed Whorls xxxii

Three Tablets of Terra-cotta (2 M.) xxxiii

No. 1. Fragment of _painted_ Pottery, from the lowest stratum 15

No. 2. Small Trojan Axes of Diorite (8 M.) 21

PLATE II. GENERAL VIEW OF THE TREASURE OF PRIAM _To face_ 22

No. 3. Inscribed Terra-cotta Vase from the Palace (8 M.) 23

No. 4. Inscribed Terra-cotta Seal (7 M.) 24

No. 5. Piece of Red Slate, perhaps a Whetstone, with an Inscription

(7 M.) 24

No. 6. Terra-cotta Vase Cover (8 M.) 25

No. 7. Ornamented Ivory Tube, probably a Trojan Flute (8 M.) 25

No. 8. Piece of Ivory, belonging to a Trojan Lyre with Four

Strings (about 8 M.) 25

No. 9. Ornamented Piece of Ivory belonging to a Trojan Seven-stringed

Lyre (7 M.) 27

PLATE III. BLOCK OF TRIGLYPHS, WITH METOPÉ OF THE SUN-GOD.

From the Temple of Apollo in the Ruins of Greek

Ilium _To face_ 32

Nos. 10, 11, 12. Terra-cotta Covers of Vases, with the Owl’s

Face (2, 3, and 7 M.) 34

No. 13. Terra-cotta Vase, marked with an Aryan symbol (6 M.) 35

Nos. 14-30. Rude Idols found in the various Strata (2 to 14 M.) 36

No. 31. Remarkable Trojan Terra-cotta Vase, representing the

Ilian Athena (9 M.) 37

No. 32. The largest of the Terra-cotta Vases found in the Royal

Palace of Troy. Height 20 inches 48

No. 33. Inscribed Trojan Vase of Terra-cotta (8½ M.) 50

No. 34. Inscription on the Vase No. 33 50

No. 35. Fragment of a second painted Vase, from the Trojan

Stratum. (From a new Drawing.) 55

No. 36. A large Trojan Amphora of Terra-cotta (8 M.) 63

Nos. 37-39. Stamped Terra-cottas (1½-2 M.) 65

No. 40. Stamped Terra-cotta (2 M.) 65

PLATE IV. VIEW OF THE NORTHERN PART OF THE PLAIN OF

TROY, FROM THE HILL OF HISSARLIK _To face_ 70

With the ancient bed of the _Scamander_, the _Tombs of Achilles_

and _Patroclus_, _Cape Sigeum_, the villages of _Yeni-Shehr_ and

_Kum-Kaleh_, the _Hellespont_ and _Ægean Sea_, the peninsula of

_Gallipoli_ and the islands of _Imbrus_ and _Samothrace_. The

_Tumulus of Æsyetes_ is in the central foreground, in front of the

wretched little village of _Kum-koï_.

PLATE V. VIEW OF THE SOUTH-EASTERN PART OF THE PLAIN

OF TROY, FROM THE HILL OF HISSARLIK _To face_ 70

The foreground shows the excavations in the eastern part of Troy,

the foundations of the _Temple_, and the _Altar of Athena_; beyond

is the village of _Chiplak_; in the distance the chain of Mount

Ida, capped with snow, except in July and August.

No. 41. A great mixing Vessel (κρατήρ) of Terra-cotta (7 M.) 74

Nos. 42-44. Terra-cotta Whorls (7-14 M.) 80

No. 45. Copper Implements and Weapons from the Trojan

stratum (8 M.) 82

No. 46. A Mould of Mica-schist for casting Copper Implements

(8 M.) 82

Nos. 47, 48, 49, 50. Stone Instruments from the Trojan stratum

(8 M.) 83

Nos. 51, 52. Trojan Terra-cottas (8 M.) 86

No. 53. Small Trojan Vase (9 M.) 87

Nos. 54, 55. Trojan Terra-cotta Vases (8 M.) 87

Nos. 56-61. Stone Implements of the earliest Settlers 94

No. 62. Small Trojan Vase of Terra-cotta, with Decorations 95

No. 63. A Trojan Vase-cover of red Terra-cotta (7 M.) 95

No. 64. A stone Implement of unknown use (2 M.) 97

No. 65. A strange Vessel of Terra-cotta (15 M.) 97

Nos. 66, 67, 68. Trojan Sling-bullets of Loadstone (9 and 10 M.) 101

No. 69. The Foot-print of Buddha 103

No. 70. Large Terra-cotta Vase, with the Symbols of the Ilian

Goddess (4 M.) 106

No. 71. A Mould of Mica-schist for casting Ornaments (14 M.) 110

No. 72. Fragment of a large Urn of Terra-cotta with Assyrian (?)

Decorations, from the Lowest Stratum (14 M.) 110

No. 73. Trojan Plates found on the Tower (8 M.) 114

No. 74. Vase Cover with a human face (8 M.) 115

No. 75. A Whorl, with three animals (3 M.) 121

No. 76. Fragment of a Vase of polished black Earthenware,

with Pattern inlaid in White (14 M.) 129

No. 77. Fragment of Terra-cotta, perhaps part of a box (16 M.) 129

No. 78. A Trojan Terra-cotta Seal (8 M.) 130

No. 78ª. Terra-cottas with Aryan Emblems (4 M.; 3 M.; 5 M.) 130

No. 79. Fragment of a brilliant dark-grey Vessel (13 M.) 135

No. 80. Whorl with pattern of a moving Wheel (16 M.) 137

No. 81. Whorl with Symbols of Lightning (7 M.) 138

No. 82. Two fragments of a great Mould of Mica-schist for

casting Copper Weapons and Ornaments (14 M.) 139

PLATE VI. TROJAN BUILDINGS ON THE NORTH SIDE, AND IN THE

GREAT TRENCH CUT THROUGH THE WHOLE HILL _To face_ 143

Nos. 83-91. Objects of Metal from the Lowest Stratum 150

Nos. 92-101. Ivory Pins, Needles, &c. (11-15 M.) 150

Nos. 102, 103. Hand Millstones of Lava (14-16 M.) 151

No. 104. A splendid Vase with Suspension-rings (15 M.) 151

No. 105. Singular Double Vase (13-14 M.) 152

No. 106. Black Vase of Terra-cotta (14 or 15 M.) 152

No. 107. Funereal Urn of Stone, found on the Primary Rock,

with Human Ashes in it (15½ M.) 153

No. 108. _a_, Hand Millstone of Lava (15 M.). _b_, Brilliant black

Dish with side Rings for hanging it up (14 M.). _c_, _c_, _c_, _c_,

Small decorated Rings of Terra-cotta (10-14 M.) 155

No. 109. Rude Terra-cotta Idol (14 M.) 155

No. 110. Fragment of Pottery, with the _Suastika_ (14 M.) 157

Nos. 111, 112. Double-handled Vases of Terra-cotta, from the

Trojan Stratum (9 M.) 158

No. 113. A Trojan Vase in Terra-cotta of a very remarkable

form (8 M.) 159

No. 114. Engraved Terra-cotta Vessel in the form of a Pig (or

Hedgehog?). 7 M. 160

No. 115. Inscribed Whorl (7 M.) 161

No. 116. Terra-cotta Seal (1 M.) 162

No. 117. A Trojan Hand Millstone of Lava (10 M.) 163

No. 118. A piece of Granite, perhaps used, by means of a wooden

Handle, as an upper Millstone (10 M.) 163

No. 119. A massive Hammer of Diorite (10 M.) 163

No. 120. Piece of Granite, probably used as a Pestle. From the

Lowest Stratum (11-16 M.) 163

No. 121. Idol of Athena (8 M.) _a._ Front; _b._ Back 164

Nos. 122-124. Balls of fine red Agate (9 M.) 165

No. 125. A curious Terra-cotta Cup (4 M.) 166

No. 126. Terra-cotta Pitcher of a frequent form (6 M.) 166

No. 127. A small Terra-cotta Vase, with two Handles and three

feet (6 M.) 167

No. 128. Terra-cotta Vase of a frequent form (6 M.) 167

No. 129. Terra-cotta Vase of a form frequent at the depth of

3-5 M. 169

No. 130. Terra-cotta Vessel (4 M.) 170

No. 131. A small Terra-cotta Vase with two Rings for suspension

(2 M.) 170

Nos. 132, 133. Owl-faced Vase-covers (3 M.) 171

Nos. 134, 135. Two-handled Cups from the upper Stratum (2 M.) 171

No. 136. Terra-cotta Vase (2 M.) 171

No. 137. Perforated Terra-cotta (2 M.) 171

Nos. 138, 139. Deep Plates (_pateræ_) with Rings for suspension,

placed (_a_) vertically or (_b_) horizontally (1 and 2 M.) 172

Nos. 140, 141. Idols of the Ilian Athena (3 M.) 172

No. 142. Mould in Mica-schist (2½ M.) 173

PLATE VII. A.--MOUND OF IN-TÉPÉ, THE TRADITIONAL TOMB

OF AJAX _To face_ 178

Upon the mound, which stands about one-third of a mile from the

Hellespont, are seen the remains of a little temple, which was

restored by Hadrian. Beneath the ruins is seen a vaulted passage,

built of bricks, nearly 4 feet in height and width.

B.--MOUND CALLED THE TOMB OF ACHILLES.

Formerly on the sea-shore, from which it is now divided by a low

strip of sand.

No. 143. Terra-cotta Ball, representing apparently the climates

of the globe (8 M.) 188

No. 144. Small Terra-cotta Vessel from the Lowest Stratum, with

four perforated feet, and one foot in the middle (14 M.) 190

Nos. 145, 146. Two little Funnels of Terra-cotta, inscribed with

Cyprian Letters (3 M.) 191

No. 147. A Trojan Humming-top (7 M.) 192

No. 148. Terra-cotta Bell, or Clapper, or Rattle (5 M.) 192

No. 149. A Trojan decorated Vase of Terra-cotta (7 M.) 199

PLATE VIII. THE GREAT TOWER OF ILIUM, FROM THE S.E.

_To face_ 200

No. 150. Terra-cotta Vase (7 M.) 208

No. 151. Terra-cotta Vase in the form of an Animal (10 M.) 208

No. 152. Terra-cotta Vessel in the shape of a Pig (14 M.) 209

No. 153. Skull of a Woman, found near some gold ornaments in

the Lowest Stratum (13 M.) 209

No. 154. Block of Limestone, with a socket, in which the pivot

of a door may have turned (12 M.) 211

No. 155. A Trojan Terra-cotta Vase, with an Ornament like

the Greek _Lambda_ (8 M.) 214

No. 156. Curious Terra-cotta Vessel in the shape of a Mole

(Tower: 7 or 8 M.) 214

No. 157. A Trojan Dish with side Rings, and Plates turned by

the Potter (Tower: 7 M.) 215

No. 158. A curious Trojan Jug of Terra-cotta (8 M.) 219

No. 159. Terra-cotta Image of a Hippopotamus (7 M.) 228

No. 160. Remarkable Terra-cotta Vessel in the shape of a

Bugle, with three feet (3 M.) 229

No. 161. Terra-cotta Vessel with three feet, a handle, and two

ears (5 M.) 229

No. 162. Terra-cotta Image of a Pig, curiously marked with

Stars (4 M.) 232

No. 163. One of the largest marble Idols, found in the Trojan

Stratum (8 M.) 234

No. 164. Terra-cotta Pot-lid, with symbolical marks (6 M.) 235

No. 165. A curious Terra-cotta Idol of the Ilian Athena (7 M.) 235

No. 166. Pretty Terra-cotta Jug, with the neck bent back (7 M.) 236

No. 167. Remarkable Trojan Idol of Black Stone (7 M.) 236

Nos. 168, 169. Heads of Horned Serpents (4 M.) 237

No. 170. A Serpent’s Head, with horns on both sides, and very

large eyes (6 M.) 237

No. 171. Head of an Asp in Terra-cotta (both sides) (4 M.) 238

No. 172. A Whorl, with rude Symbols of the Owl’s Face,

Suastika, and lightning (3 M.) 255

No. 173. Splendid Trojan Vase of Terra-cotta, representing the

tutelary Goddess of Ilium, θεὰ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη. The cover

forms the helmet (8 M.) 258

PLATE IX. UPPER PART OF THE BUILDINGS DISCOVERED IN THE

DEPTHS OF THE TEMPLE OF ATHENA. In the background

are seen the Altar and the Reservoir _To face_ 259

No. 174. A Lion-headed Sceptre-handle of the finest crystal;

found on the Tower (8 M.) 260

No. 175. A mould of Mica-schist, for casting various metal

Instruments (Tower: 8 M.) 261

No. 176. A curious Instrument of Copper (3 M.) 261

No. 177. A perforated and grooved piece of Mica-schist, probably

for supporting a Spit. Found on the Tower (8 M.) 261

No. 178. A large Terra-cotta Vase, with two large Handles and

two small Handles or Rings (5 M.) 262

No. 179. A remarkable Terra-cotta Ball (6 M.) 264

No. 180. A finely engraved Ivory Tube, probably part of a Flute.

Found on the Tower (8 M.) 264

No. 181. Knob for a Stick, of fine marble (3 M.) 265

No. 182. Bone handle of a Trojan Staff or Sceptre (7 M.) 265

No. 183. A brilliant Black Vase, with the Symbols of the Ilian

Athena, from the Tower (8 M.) 267

No. 184. Vase-cover with Handle in shape of a Coronet (8 M.) 268

No. 185. Vase-cover with a Human Face (Tower, 8 M.) 268

No. 186. Flat piece of Gold, in the form of an Arrow-head:

from the Tower (8 M.) 268

No. 187. Prettily decorated Tube of Ivory (Tower, 8 M.) 268

No. 188. Great Altar for Sacrifices, found in the depths of the

Temple of Athena (1-25th of the real size) 278

No. 189. Copper Lance of a Trojan Warrior, found beside his

Skeleton (7 M.) 279

No. 190. Skull of a Trojan Warrior, belonging to one of the two

Skeletons found in the House on the Tower (7 M.) 280

No. 191. The upper and lower pieces of a Trojan Helmet-crest

φάλος placed together (7 M.) 280

No. 192. Great Copper Ring, found near the Helmet-crest (7 M.) 281

No. 193. An elegant bright-red Vase of Terra-cotta, decorated

with branches and signs of lightning, with holes in the

handles and lips, for cords to hang it up by (Tower, 8 M.) 282

No. 194. Terra-cotta Vase. Found on the Tower (8 M.) 282

No. 195. Profile of a Vase-cover, with the Owl’s Face and

Helmet of Athena, in brilliant red Terra-cotta. Found in

an urn on the Tower (8 M.) 283

No. 196. An Earthenware Crucible on four feet, _still containing

some Copper_. Found on the Tower (7 M.) 283

No. 197. Flower Saucer: the flat bottom ornamented. Found

on the Tower (8 M.) 284

No. 198. A piece of Terra-cotta, with two holes slightly sunk

in front like eyes, and a hole perforated from side to side

(8 M.) 285

No. 199. A remarkable Terra-cotta Vessel on three long feet,

with a handle and two small ears (7 M.) 285

No. 200. A beautiful bright-red Terra-cotta Box, decorated with

a + and four 卐, and a halo of solar rays (3 M.) 286

Nos. 201, 202. Little Decorated Whorls, of a remarkable shape 286

PLATE X. THE TOWER OF ILIUM, SCÆAN GATE, AND PALACE OF

PRIAM. Looking North along the cutting through the whole

Hill _To face_ 287

PLATE XI. A.--THE EXCAVATIONS IN THE TEMPLE OF ATHENA.

From the East _To face_ 290

In front is seen the great Reservoir of the Temple, then the

sacrificial Altar. On the right, a stone block of the foundations

of the Temple is seen projecting out of the wall of earth. In the

background, underneath where the man stands, is the position of the

double _Scæan Gate_, of which, however, nothing is here visible. In

the left-hand corner is one of the colossal jars, not visible in

the next Plate.

B.--THE MAGAZINE, WITH ITS COLOSSAL JARS, in the depths of the

Temple of Athena.

Of the _nine_ Jars, _six_ are visible; a _seventh_ (to the right,

out of view) is broken. The two largest are beyond the wall of the

Magazine, and one of these is seen in the preceding Plate.

No. 203. Fragment of a Terra-cotta Vase, with Egyptian hieroglyphics,

from the bottom of the Greek Stratum (2 M.) 291

No. 204. A Greek Lamp on a tall foot (2 M.) 292

No. 205. Fragment of a two-horned Serpent (κεράστης), in Terra-cotta

(3 M.) 292

No. 206. Terra-cotta Cylinder, 1¼ in. long, with Symbolical

Signs (5 M.) 293

No. 207. Terra-cotta Vase with helmeted image of the Ilian

Athena (6 M.) 294

No. 208. Fragment of a large Cup-handle in black Terra-cotta:

with the head of an Ox (6 M.) 294

No. 209. A finely decorated little Vase of Terra-cotta (6 M.) 294

No. 210. Terra-cotta Disc stamped with a Swan and an Antelope

(6 M.). Remarkable for the depth 295

No. 211. Terra-cotta Disc pierced with two holes, and stamped

with the Head of a Warrior (8 M.) 295

No. 212. A piece of Bone, curiously engraved (7 M.) 295

No. 213. Fragment of a Trojan Idol of Terra-cotta (6 M.) 296

Nos. 214, 215. Terra-cotta Cups or Scoops (7 M.) 296

No. 216. Vase-cover in Terra-cotta (8 M.) 296

No. 217. Terra-cotta Handle of a Trojan Brush, with the holes

in which the bristles have been fixed (10 M.) 297

No. 218. Copper Bolts, found exactly in the middle of the first

and of the second Scæan Gates 302

PLATE XII. THE DOUBLE SCÆAN GATE, PALACE OF PRIAM, AND

TOWER OF ILIUM, with the Paved Road leading from the

Gate to the Plain from the North West _To face_ 303

Behind the Scæan Gate is seen the Great _Tower of Ilium_, and to

the left of it the ruins of the _Palace of Priam_, beneath a mass

of later, but still pre-Hellenic, buildings. In the foreground, to

the right, is a wall of rubbish, which remains standing; and at the

foot of this, where the Greek stands, is the great enclosing Wall

of Troy, running in a north-westerly direction from the Scæan Gate.

The walls to the left belong to the royal palace, and over this

part there are no buildings of the post-Trojan time.

No. 219. Wonderful Vase of Terra-cotta from the Palace of

Priam (8 M.) 307

No. 220. Terra-cotta Vase from the House of Priam, with remarkable

Decorations (9 M.) 308

No. 221. A Terra-cotta Vase, with two little Ears, and two large

perforated Handles, marked with strange characters (5½ M.) 309

No. 222. A splendidly-decorated Vase of Terra-cotta, with three

Feet and two Ears. From the Palace (7½ M.) 310

No. 223. A Terra-cotta Vase, with two Ears and covered with

dots. From the Palace (7 M.) 310

No. 224. Fine decorated Vase of Terra-cotta, with two Handles

and two great upright Wings. From the Palace (7½ M.) 311

No. 225. Five Copper Dress Pins, molten together by the conflagration.

From the Palace (8 M.) 312

No. 226. Engraved Cylinder of blue Felspar (Palace, 9 M.) 312

No. 227. Terra-cotta, engraved with ten rude Owls’ Faces (8 M.) 312

No. 228. Terra-cotta Vase, with a curious Decoration. From

the upper and later House above the Scæan Gate (6 M.) 315

No. 229. Terra-cotta Vase, with four Handles and a Lid (6 M.) 315

No. 230. A great Jug, with Handle and two Ears (6 M.) 315

No. 231. A remarkable Terra-cotta Cup (4 M.) 317

Nos. 232, 233. Curious Terra-cottas from the Trojan Stratum

(8 and 7 M.) 320

PLATE XIII. THE SCÆAN GATE AND PAVED ROAD, THE TOWER

OF ILIUM, CITY WALLS, PALACE OF PRIAM, AND THE WALLS

OF A TOWER OF THE GREEK AGE. From the South East _To face_ 321

Here we see again the road leading down to the Plain, paved with

great slabs of stone. In front of the Gate and Road is seen part

of the Great _Tower of Ilium_, and to the right hand, next to and

behind the Gate, the ruins of the _Palace of Priam_, partly

overladen with later but still pre-Hellenic walls, and partly

standing free. Behind, the Scæan Gate appears again, going in a

direction W.N.W., then the great City Wall, and upon it, at or

about the spot marked _a_, the _Treasure_ was found. In the

background, where the man stands, is seen a wall built of massive

hewn stones, belonging to a Tower of the Greek age. Behind this

Tower-wall appear the Plain of Troy, the Hellespont, the island of

Imbros, and above this the mountains of Samothrace. At the right

extremity of the picture, also, a part of the Plain of Troy is seen

through the great cutting, over the ruins of the royal House.

PLATE XIV. THE TREASURE OF PRIAM _To face_ 324

No. 234. A Copper Shield with a boss (ἀσπὶς ὀμφαλόεσσα).

No. 235. Great Copper Caldron (λέβης).

PLATE XV. THE TREASURE OF PRIAM _To face_ 325

No. 236. Curious Plate of Copper (perhaps a Hasp of the

Chest), with Discs fixed on one end, and a Silver Vase

welded to the other by the conflagration.

No. 237. Bottle of pure Gold, weighing about 1 lb. Troy.

No. 238. Cup of pure Gold, panelled, weighing 7½ oz.

Troy.

PLATE XVI. THE TREASURE OF PRIAM. Remarkable two-handled

Cup of Pure Gold (δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον), weighing

about 1 lb. 6 oz. Troy _To face_ 326

No. 239. Outside View of the Two-handled Gold Cup.

No. 240. Inside View of the Two-handled Gold Cup.

No. 241. Bronze Cup used in China for Libations and Drinking 327

PLATE XVII. THE TREASURE OF PRIAM _To face_ 328

No. 242. Six Blades of Silver (Homeric Talents?).

Nos. 243, 244. Two Silver Vases, with caps and rings for

suspending by cords.

No. 245. A Silver Dish (φιάλη), with a boss in the centre.

No. 246. A Silver Cup, 3-1/3 in. high and nearly 4 in. wide.

PLATE XVIII. THE TREASURE OF PRIAM _To face_ 329

No. 247. A small Silver Cover.

No. 248. A small Cup of Electrum.

No. 249. Large Silver Jug, with handle, in which the small

Ornaments were found.

No. 250. Silver Vase with part of another Silver Vase

welded to it by the fire.

No. 251. Silver Vase with a quantity of copper fixed to its

bottom by the fire.

Nos. 252-256. Trojan Lance-Heads of Copper.--TR. 330

No. 256. Copper Lance and Battle-Axe welded together by the

conflagration. The Pin-hole of the Lance is visible.--TR. 330

Nos. 257-60. Trojan Battle-Axes of Copper.--TR. 330

No. 261. Trojan Battle-Axe.--TR. 331

Nos. 262-268. Nos. 262, 263, 264, 266. Trojan Two-edged

Copper Daggers, with hooked Stems that have been fastened

into Wooden Handles. No. 264 is doubled up by the

conflagration. No. 265, Weapons molten together. No.

267, a Copper Sword-Blade, with a sharp edge at the end.

No. 268, a Four-sided Copper Bar, ending in a sharp

edge.--TR. 332

No. 269. Copper Key, supposed to have belonged to the

Treasure-chest--TR. 333

Nos. 270, 271. Cups of Electrum and Silver. Found in the

Palace, near the Treasure, 270 inside 271 334

Nos. 272-275. Pieces of Helmet-crests found in a Room of the

Palace 334

PLATE XIX. THE TREASURE OF PRIAM _To face_ 335

Nos. 276, 277. The two Golden Diadems (πλεκταὶ ἀναδέσμαι).

PLATE XX. THE TREASURE OF PRIAM. Jewels of Gold _To face_ 336

No. 278. Selection from the small Golden Jewels found

in the Silver Jug.

No. 279. Golden Fillet (ἄμπυξ), above 18 inches long.

No. 280. Four Golden Earrings, or Tassels (θύσανοι), each

3½ inches long.

No. 281. Six Golden Bracelets welded together by the

conflagration.--[TR.] 337

No. 282. 4610 Small Jewels of Gold.--TR. 339

No. 283. Terra-cotta Vessel in the shape of a Cask (8 M.) 341

No. 284. Large Silver Vase found in the House of Priam (8 M.) 342

No. 285. Splendid Terra-cotta Vase from the Palace of Priam 350

No. 286. Curious double-necked Jug (8 M.) 351

No. 287. Terra-cotta Vessel consisting of three Goblets rising

out of a tube on three feet (4 M.) 351

No. 288. Terra-cotta Vessel in the form of a Pig (7 M.) 352

No. 289. A Terra-cotta stamped with Hieroglyphics (1½ M.) 352

No. 290. Fragment of a Terra-cotta Vessel, in the shape of a

Horse’s Head (4 M.) 353

No. 291. An Inscribed Trojan Whorl (8 M.) 363

Nos. 292, 293. Two Trojan Whorls from the same depth (7 M.)

with an identical inscription 367

No. 294. The above Inscription developed (7 M.) 368

No. 295. Inscription on a Trojan Seal (7 M.) 368

No. 296. Inscription on a Trojan Whetstone (7 M.) 368

No. 297. Inscription on a Trojan Vase from the Palace (8 M.) 369

No. 298. Trojan Whorl, with an Inscription (10 M.) 369

No. 299. The Inscription developed (10 M.) 369

No. 300. Terra-cotta Ball, with an Inscription (4 M.) 372

PLATES XXI.-LII. LITHOGRAPHIC PLATES OF TERRA-COTTA WHORLS AND

BALLS.[22]

(_At End of the Volume._)

PLATE XXI. SECTIONS OF WHORLS.

Nos. 301-308. Sections of Plain Whorls (see p. 40) (2-10 M.).

No. 309. Piece of Terra-cotta, of unknown use (see p. 219) (10 M.).

Nos. 310-316. Sections of Decorated Whorls (see p. 60) (3-11 M.).

PLATE XXII. TYPICAL PATTERNS OF WHORLS.[23]

No. 317. A Cross, with 4 nail-marks (7 M.).

No. 318. Do. with the lines double and oblique (7 M.).

No. 319. Do. with three arms (7 M.).

No. 320. Cross with triple lines; rows of triple dots on arms (see p.

187) (8 M.).

No. 321. Six quadruple segments round the edge (called by Schliemann

Rising Suns, by Burnouf Stations of the Sun), alternately with 6

Arrow-heads ↑ (see p. 133) (6 M.).

No. 322. Cross, with curved arms; nail-marked (7 M.).

No. 323D.[24] Geometric star-like patterns on both sides (5 M.).

No. 324. A Wheel with 13 spokes (sun-rays?), the spaces filled with dots

arranged in circles (7 M.).

No. 325. Two zigzag borders round the central Sun (9 M.).

No. 326. For description, see pp. 84, 137 (8½ M.).

No. 327. Five Suns round the central Sun (see p. 136) (7 M.).

No. 328. Five triple “Rising Suns” (comp. No. 321) round a large central

Sun (N.B. The _depth_ 14 M.).

No. 329. Wheel with spokes on both sides: very small (5 M.).

No. 330. The _Rosa Mystica_ (_Qu._, or an Inscription?) (4 M.).

No. 331D. Geometrical Patterns; Signs of Lightning (?) on one side (8

M.).

No. 332. Four strange characters (_Qu._, an Inscription?) (9 M.).

PLATE XXIII. TYPICAL PATTERNS OF WHORLS.

No. 333. A Wheel in motion (9 M.).

No. 334. An Inscription (9 M.).

No. 335. A Flower with 10 petals (3 M.).

No. 336. Five Signs, curiously like Roman numerals (8 M.).

No. 337D. A double moving Wheel, see p. 38 (6 M.).

No. 338D. _Obv._ Three “flaming Altars” (Schl.) and a group of Stars.

_Rev._, 3 flaming Altars and a 卐 (see p. 162) (6 M.).

No. 339. The _Rosa Mystica_ (see p. 160) (8 M.).

Nos. 340-341. Wheels in rapid rotation (see p. 38) (9 and 10 M.).

No. 342. A series of Strokes (7 M.).

No. 343. Various marks. The dots are perhaps for stars (10 M.).

No. 344. Geometric Pattern, like a Gothic quatrefoil (7 M.).

No. 345. Concentric Circles, and 4 wave-like sets of Lines (3½ M.).

No. 346. Three curious Signs (_Qu._, letters?) (7 M.).

No. 347. A cable-like Wreath (6 M.).

No. 348. Four concentric Circles and 6 quadruple “Rising Suns” (8 M.).

PLATE XXIV. WHORLS WITH SUASTIKAS, &C.

No. 349. One of the thin round Terra-cottas, with 2 holes, found chiefly

in the Greek Stratum (see p. 65). The 卐 on this example[25] forms a link

with the Whorls of the lower strata. Of impure yellow earth (2 M.).

No. 350. Three curved 卐. Grey earth (4 M.).

No. 351. Four 卐 in a zigzag Border. “The 4 sacrifices of the month or of

the year."--B. Fine yellow earth; polished; good work.[26]

No. 352. Three curved 卐. Grey; polished; good work (4 M.).

No. 353. An Inscription. Dull brown; polished; very coarse (9 M.).

No. 354. Three Rising Suns, and a Sign like a letter (?). Brown;

polished; the lines white (5 M.).

No. 355. Three 卐. “The 3 sacrifices."--B. (M.).

PLATE XXV. WHORLS WITH 卐 AND INSCRIPTIONS.

No. 356. Four 卐 of peculiar form. “The 4 sacrifices of the month or of

the year."--B. Dark grey; polished; beautiful work (7 M.).

No. 357. Apparently an Inscription. Blackish earth; burnt; badly

kneaded.

No. 358. Two 卐 and 2 Crosses. Grey; very rude material and work (7 M.).

No. 359. Six 卐. Black; polished; lines white.

No. 360. An Inscription (4 M.).

PLATE XXVI. ASTRONOMICAL SIGNS AND 卐.

No. 361. Three triple “Rising Suns,” a 卐, and 2 round Spots, viz. “The

sun and full moon, or the day of the full moon."--B. Fine brown earth

(3½ M.).

No. 362. “The 6 bi-monthly sacrifices."--B. (comp. p. 187). Fine yellow

earth (7 M.).

No. 363. “The morning and evening sacrifices: the 3 stations of the

Sun."--B. Yellowish; very coarse (5 M.).

No. 364. “The 4 epochs (quarters) of the month or of the year, and the

holy sacrifice."--B. Grey; polished; coarsely kneaded. Worn a little on

the rim.

PLATE XXVII. ARYAN EMBLEMS AND AN INSCRIPTION.

No. 365. Three triple “Rising Suns” and a 卐. Fine black earth; polished;

beautiful work (6 M.).

No. 366. Similar design. Greyish yellow (6 M.).

No. 367. Four Hares, representing the 4 weeks of the month, or the 4

quarters of the year (see p. 136). Fine black earth (6 M.).

No. 368. Four curved Crosses round the rim. “The 4 sacrifices of the

month or year."--B. Black; polished; good work; lines white (3½ M.).

No. 369. An Inscription from the Trojan Stratum. Dark grey; very coarse

(10 M.). (See Appendix, p. 369.)

No. 370. Divided into 2 fields by a line through the centre. In the left

is a 卐 with 2 spots ("the sun and full moon."--B.) and dots

(stars?--“the 7 at the top being the Great Bear."--B.). In the right M.

Burnouf finds 28 strokes for the days of the month. Black; polished;

lines white. N.B. Much worn by rubbing, especially on the under side (10

M.).

No. 371. “At top, 4 Crosses for the 4 weeks, with a 卐, or sacrifice, set

on fire by a flash of lightning; below, the 4 great Sacrifices."--B.

Greyish yellow; polished (4 M.).

PLATE XXVIII. RELIGIOUS AND ASTRONOMICAL EMBLEMS.

No. 372. Three 卐 (2 of a curious form), and 3 “flaming Altars” (SCHL.).

Grey; polished; lines white (6 M.).

No. 373. “The 3 stations of the Sun, or 3 mountains, with the 4

sacrifices of the year or the month round the circle of the Sun."--B.

Yellow; polished; rudely kneaded; the lines scratched in with a fine

point.

No. 374. “Divided into 2 fields by 2 points. _Left_: the mountain of the

E., the Sun, and 卐. _Right_: the mountains of the N. and W. and the full

moon. The ring is the circle of the year."--B. Grey; polished. Worn all

round by circular friction (7 M.).

No. 375. Various Symbols. Blackish yellow; very coarse. Worn all round

and on the under side.

No. 376. The Sôma Tree, or Tree of Life, a 卐, with Strokes indicating

numbers 2, 4, and 8. Yellow.

No. 377. Four Hares (the 4 quarters of the moon) round a Ring (the

circle of the year). Iron grey; polished (see p. 136) (10 M.).

No. 378D. _Obv._, an Inscription (?). _Rev._, a sort of Wheel. Part of

the edge worn down to a straight line (9 M.).

PLATE XXIX. ANIMALS AND OTHER SYMBOLS.

No. 379D. _Obv._, three Crosses (one with 4 nail-marks [Illustration:

cross with four dots]). _Rev._ (see the developed pattern): “_a._ 3

Antelopes with dots (stars); _b._ The Great Bear; _c._ Lightning, or

Water; _d._ Five 卐"--(B.) Grey; polished (see p. 136) (4 M.).

No. 380. “Two Antelopes, the halves of the month (_quinzaines_), round

the circle of the year."--B. Black; polished (see p. 135) (6 M.).

PLATE XXX. ANIMALS AND THE PRAYING MAN.

No. 381. A Hare and 2 Antelopes (_i. e._ the moon and the 2 winds

prevailing in the 2 half-months) round the circle of the year. Grey. (7

M.).

No. 382. The same subject (see p. 120). Grey; polished (3 M.). (_Observe

the different depths_).

No. 383. Three Animals, with _a Man in the attitude of Prayer_; “the

holy sacrifice of the full moon” (B.); but see Schliemann’s explanation

pp. 135, 137 (7 M.).

No. 384. The same subject as Nos. 381 and 382. Black; polish lost. _Part

of the edge worn flat_ (7 M.).

PLATE XXXI. ANIMALS AND OTHER SYMBOLS.

No. 385. Same subject as Nos. 381, 382, 384, but still ruder. Grey;

polished; very coarse (8 M.).

No. 386. Same subject. Yellow; polished; rude work (7 M.).

No. 387. Scroll Pattern round large, deep-sunk centre. Dark grey;

polished (10 M.).

No. 388. Six ÷ alternately with six [Illustration: symbol], having,

perhaps, some numerical meaning. The lines and dots filled in with white

on a polished black ground (8 M.).

No. 389. Four wave lines [Illustration: symbol] around the centre. Grey;

polished; worn (3 M.).

No. 390. Similar Pattern round the edge of a Whorl remarkable for its

small size. Black; polished; lines white. The space between the hole and

the inner ring is filled with yellow ochre.

PLATE XXXII. GEOMETRICAL AND OTHER PATTERNS.

No. 391. Rings of dots, which M. Burnouf attempts to explain as relating

to the Astronomical Calendar. Black; rude work (9 M.).

No. 392. Eleven Radii divide the field into spaces filled with cuneiform

characters (where the question of true _writing_ is still to be

investigated). Black; polished; rude work (10 M.).

No. 393. Six triple Rising Suns, with dots (5, 6, or 7) in the middle

space. Yellow; polished; pattern white (9 M.).

No. 394. Three 卐 (one with 2 dots), and a Sign (like a letter or

letters?). Yellow; polished; pattern white.

No. 395. An ornamental Quatrefoil. Brown; polished; pattern white, good

work (4½ M.).

No. 396D. A Geometrical Pattern, composed of triple segments, slightly

varied on two sides. Yellow; polished; patterns white (8 M.).

PLATE XXXIII. THE SÔMA TREE AND OTHER SYMBOLS.

No. 397. A sort of 5-armed Star, or 5 triple “mountains (B.),”

alternately with 5 triple Signs of Lightning. The ring of beads round

the centre is remarkable. Black; pattern white; fine work. Worn all over

by rubbing.

No. 398. Three triple Rising Suns and a Sôma Tree (see p. 119). Black;

polished. The hole is conical (9 M.).

No. 399. Five Sôma Trees and a triple Rising Sun.

No. 400. Three Sôma Trees and 2 other Signs. Dark brown; polished. Has

been used (5 M.).

No. 401. Four Sôma Trees forming a Cross (see p. 119). Black; polished;

pattern white. Slightly worn.

No. 402D. _Obv._ Eight irregular Rising Suns (double or quadruple).[27]

_Rev._ Twelve Sôma Trees radiating from the centre (see p. 187). Greyish

yellow; highly polished; rude work. The tip of the back worn by rubbing

(10 M.).

PLATE XXXIV. SÔMA TREES, FLAMING ALTARS, ETC.

No. 403. A Sôma Tree and 4 Rising Suns (3 triple and 1 double). Grey;

polished. Worn all over (see p. 187) (5 M.).

No. 404. Six Sôma Trees, pointing alternately to and from the centre

(see p. 269). Black; polished; lines white; rude (7 M.).

No. 405. Five 卐 and an Altar with 3 flames (?). Hole conical. Yellowish;

polished. Worn on under side (5½ M.).

No. 406. Four Rising Suns and a flaming Altar. Grey; polished. Worn on

under side (5 M.).

No. 407. Four Rising Suns and 2 Altars. Hole conical. Small size. Black;

polished; lines white. Worn on under side (8 M.).

No. 408. Three Rising Suns and an Altar. Small size. Very black earth,

like trachyte; lines white. Worn (5 M.).

No. 409. Similar Pattern on a larger Whorl. Grey. Hole conical.

PLATE XXXV. FLAMING ALTARS AND SÔMA TREES.

No. 410. Four Sôma Trees, forming a Cross (see p. 119). Ashy grey;

unpolished; coarse (9 M.).

No. 411. Three Altars and 3 irregular 卐. Brownish grey; polished;

pattern yellow (6 M.).

No. 412. Four Altars (?) arranged in a Cross, with dots (stars?). Dark

grey; very coarse.

No. 413. Six flaming Altars. Black; polished; lines white; good work (7

M.).

No. 414. Four Altars forming a Cross (see p. 121). Yellow; polished (8

M.).

No. 415. Five Altars. Small size. Black; pattern white; work good.

PLATE XXXVI. VARIOUS PATTERNS.

No. 416. Three flaming Altars. Grey; pattern white; good (8 M.).

No. 417. A double Circle, with 5 broad arms; on each a Sign of

Lightning. Brownish yellow; slightly polished; well made. Hole conical

(4 M.).

No. 418. Five Signs (_Qu._, letters?). Brown.

No. 419. A five-armed irregular Cross, with 2 卐 and 2 Signs of

Lightning. Yellowish; coarsely kneaded (7 M.).

No. 420. Two triple Rising Suns and a double zigzag (lightning) round

more than half the circumference. A beautiful black; polished; lines

white. A little worn on under side.

No. 421D. _Obv._ Irregular cross with zigzags (Signs of Lightning) on

arms. _Rev._ A curious Geometric Pattern (7 M.).

PLATE XXXVII. GEOMETRIC AND OTHER PATTERNS.

No. 422D. A triangular Pattern on both sides (8 M.).

No. 423. A six-armed cross with Signs of Lightning on the arms. Fine

yellow earth; polished; white pattern (9 M.).

No. 424. Four triple Rising Suns (one broken off) and a flaming Altar.

Black; polished; coarse (8 M.).

No. 425. Four Segmental Curves, with dots (see Plate). Much worn.

Brownish yellow (10 M.).

No. 426. Irregular marks, [Illustration: cross with four dots], zigzags,

&c. Brown; polished; work bad.

PLATE XXXVIII. VARIOUS PATTERNS.

No. 427. (See the Plate.) Yellow; polished; pattern white (8 M.).

No. 428. A double Rising Sun and 3 Owls’ Faces (?). Yellow; pattern

white (2 M.).

No. 429. Very irregular Star with numerous dots. Red earth; coarse; very

bad work.

No. 430. Two Spots between 2 large double Arcs. Yellow; polished (8 M.).

No. 431. (See the Plate.) Brownish yellow; pattern white (5 M.).

No. 432. Zigzag Pattern round edge (see the Plate). Brown; very good.

PLATE XXXIX. INSCRIPTION, AND OTHER PATTERNS.

No. 433. Fine six-pointed Star. Yellow; polished; pattern white.

No. 434. Three curious Figures round margin. (See the Plate.) Greyish

yellow; fair work (7 M.).

No. 435. An Inscription. Brown; very coarse (5 M.).

No. 436. Three double Rising Suns and an Altar (?). Coarse.

No. 437. Three |‘s alternately with 3 =V='s. Much worn all round[28] (5

M.).

No. 438. Looks like an Inscription. Brown. Worn at the ends.

PLATE XL. VARIOUS PATTERNS.

No. 439. Four triple Rising Suns and an Altar (?) (5 M.).

No. 440. A fine double Polygonal Star, with dots in the space between.

Brown; pattern white (10 M.).

No. 441. Three triple Rising Suns and an Arrow-head [Illustration:

double-V]. Light brown; polished (7 M.).

No. 442. Signs like Figures round a broad, deep centre.

No. 443. Two double Rising Suns and 5 large Spots (_Qu._, the 5

planets?) Dark brown; fine; polished.

No. 444. A plain Whorl, modelled into a sort of seven-pointed Star.

Brownish black (8 M.).

No. 445D. A very curious Pattern on both sides (see the Plate). Black;

polished; good work.

PLATE XLI. VARIOUS IRREGULAR PATTERNS.

No. 446. Sun with rays, Altar, 卐 through a sun or moon (?), &c. M.

Burnouf explains the 3 dots [Illustration: two lines with three dots] as

denoting “royal majesty.”

No. 447. Curious composition of 卐, long lines, and short lines.

Yellowish earth; badly modelled (9 M.).

No. 448D. Curious Pattern on both sides (see Plate). Brown; polished (9

M.).

No. 449D. _Obv._ Eleven straight Rays, with rows of dots between, and 1

zigzag Ray. _Rev._ 2 Rising Suns and a 卐. Grey; not polished. N.B. “The

edge cut all round by the friction of thread, like the kerbstone of a

well by the cord"--(B.) (8 M.).

No. 450D. _Obv._ 3 double Rising Suns and 2 curious signs -|-. _Rev._ 3

concentric Circles, with short Rays between the first and second. Grey;

polished; good work.

PLATE XLII. VARIOUS REMARKABLE PATTERNS.

No. 451D. _Obv._ Pentagonal Star, with Spots ☉, and dots, and raised

rim with dots round the hole. _Rev._ Sun, with 5 hooked rays (?) and 3

Spots ☉. Yellow earth; badly kneaded; not polished.

No. 452. A pair of |‘s and a pair of [Illustration: double up-side down

V] round a deep broad centre. Reddish earth, very badly kneaded;

polished.

No. 453. Two small Segmental Curves, filled with dots, and 2 Signs like

ladders. Brown; polished (6 M.).

No. 454. Two quadruple Rising Suns, a + with curved arms, several dots,

and a curious cruciform Sign. Fine brown earth (4 M.).

PLATE XLIII. VARIOUS PATTERNS.

No. 455D. Four Triangles on each side. Fine black earth; polished (6

M.).

No. 456. Six groups of Stars (?). A dirty yellowish brown; rudely

kneaded. Wheel-shaped, with lines on the broad flat edge.

No. 457. Dots and strange Characters (_Qu._, letters?). Blackish earth;

burnt; pattern white (?).

No. 458. Four Arrow-heads ↑ alternately with 4 Spots ☉ Brown-black;

polished (7 M.).

No. 459. Wheel-shaped, with Pattern on the broad flat edge (see Plate).

Reddish earth.

No. 460. Three double Rising Suns and a Sign of 3 Strokes (_Qu._, a

letter?). Black; polished; pattern white (5 M.).

PLATE XLIV. VARIOUS PATTERNS.

No. 461. Covered with strange Characters (_Qu._, letters?). Coarse brown

earth; very badly modelled.

No. 462. Strange Characters looking like letters. Reddish earth;

polished; very coarse.

No. 463. Strange rude Marks. Black; very coarse.

No. 464D. _Obv._ Four Quatrefoils. _Rev._ (see Plate). Red earth; burnt

on one side. Much worn at both ends (9 M.).

No. 465D. _Obv._ Two very rude Quadrupeds.[29] _Rev._ Three Signs

(_Qu._, letters?). Coarse grey earth; very bad work. Worn (3½ M.).

PLATE XLV. VARIOUS PATTERNS.

No. 466. Six irregular V-shaped Signs. Bright brown (8 M.).

No. 467. Three Characters (_Qu._, letters?) and 5 Spots ☉. Yellowish;

polished; rude (5 M.).

No. 468. Five rude Birds, perhaps the Falcon of the Aryan mythology (see

pp. 120, 135). Reddish yellow; burnt.

No. 469. Three strange Characters (_Qu._, letters?) with Spots (stars?).

Brown; polished; badly kneaded. Hole badly made.

No. 470. Cross of a curious form. Rose-coloured earth; good. Looks

_new_, though from the _lowest Stratum_ (12 M.).

No. 471. Four triple Rising Suns, and a + with a Spot ☉. Black; pattern

white; good (7 M.).

PLATE XLVI. VARIOUS REMARKABLE PATTERNS.

No. 472. An Inscription. Greyish; polished; letters white; coarse (6

M.).

No. 473. Two Circles of Strokes and Dots. Reddish yellow; very coarse (4

M.).

No. 474. Five strange Characters. Brown-black; polish gone. Irregularly

worn all round (4 M.).

No. 475. (See the Plate.) Black; polished; bad work (8 M.).

No. 476. Four double Rising Suns and a Sign (_Qu._, letter?). Black;

polished; pattern white (7 M.).

PLATE XLVII. GEOMETRIC AND OTHER PATTERNS.

No. 477D. _Obv._ A six-pointed Star, with circle in middle and triple

edges (or 6 such figures as Burnouf calls _mountains_ in other

cases).[30] _Rev._ A Circle with 8 rays, alternately double and triple.

Black.

No. 478. The _Rosa Mystica_, as a cinquefoil, with rows of triple dots

along each petal (see p. 160). Dark grey; polished; good. N.B.

Completely worn by circular friction (7 M.).

No. 479. Six Spots round the centre, enclosed by a Circle with crooked

rays (_Qu._, the moon and 5 planets within the revolving sphere of

heaven?). Grey; coarse.

No. 480. Four quadruple Zigzags (Signs of Lightning), arranged as a

Cross (see p. 160). Very beautiful black; polished; pattern very white;

angles very sharp; very hard. One of the finest Trojan Whorls (10 M.).

No. 481D. Five parallel Circles of quadruple lines on the edge and both

faces, probably meant for a wheel in rapid motion (comp. Plate XXIII.

No. 340). “The exactly parallel circular lines were marked on the moist

clay with a _comb_, as is proved by the way in which their extremities

cross at the point of junction."--B.

PLATE XLVIII. VARIOUS PATTERNS.

No. 482. Three 卐 (Sacrifices) and 2 obscure Signs.--B. (Comp. Plate

XXII. No. 326, and Schliemann’s description, pp. 84 and 137.) Reddish;

very rude; kneaded. The _axes_ of the Whorl and the hole do not coincide

(8½ M.).

No. 483. A 卐 and rude Figures (_Qu._, animals or letters?). Grey;

polished; very coarse (4 M.).

No. 484. A Terra-cotta Tripod. The top (in the upper figure) shews the

Tree of Life (in the middle) attacked by the Caterpillar (on the right),

the symbol of the Powers of Mischief. On the left is a 卐 and other

Marks. Grey; polished; work rude (3 M.).

No. 485. Three concentric rows of Dots: 12 in the inner, 14 in the next,

and 17 in the outer border, which is marked by a Circle and divided by

straight lines. M. Burnouf explains the inner ring of dots as the 12

months of the year, and the 2 outer as referring to the days and

lunations (8 M.).

PLATE XLIX. A BALL AND WHORLS.

No. 486. A Celestial Sphere, with lines marking the Zones and the

Ecliptic. (The Ecliptic is not continued across the S. hemisphere, but

ends at the extremities of a hole pierced through the middle of the

Ball, possibly signifying the ancient belief that the nocturnal course

of the Sun was subterranean.) Black; unpolished (8 M.).

No. 487. Three quintuple Rising Suns, with a Sun crossed by a 卐. Grey;

polished; very regular (7 M.).

No. 488. Three Arcs, enclosing dots, and 2 卐. “The 3 stations of the

Sun. The Morning and Evening Sacrifices, with their priests: the Noon

has 3 priests."--B. Grey. Worn by circular friction.

No. 489. Four triple Arcs (Rising Suns) and a 卐. “The 4 quarters of the

month or of the year, with the Holy Sacrifice."--B. Fine black earth (10

M.).

No. 490D. _Obv._ Three Suns and 3 卐 alternately. “The 3 stations of the

Sun and the 3 Sacrifices.” _Rev._ Three triple Radii. Fine black earth;

polished (4 M.).

PLATE L. REMARKABLE BALL AND WHORL.

No. 491. Six faces of a Terra-cotta Ball, with Celestial Emblems, fully

described at p. 168. “One of the most interesting objects in the whole

collection” (SCHL.) Yellowish earth (5 M.).

No. 492. A Whorl, so nearly globular as to form a transition to the

Balls. Triple lines and rows of dots round the border; curious

characters (_Qu._, letters?) round the whole. Reddish yellow; badly

kneaded; not polished.

PLATE LI. A BALL AND INSCRIBED WHORLS.

No. 493. A Ball, with its 8 segments developed, fully described at pp.

167-8. Black earth; polished; patterns white (5 M.).

No. 494. Whorl with an Inscription. Blackish earth; badly kneaded. (M.

Burnouf pronounces this and No. 496 to be by the same workman as the

Whorl with the developed pattern (Plate XXV. No. 357) and the two

Inscribed Vases, No. 3, p. 23, and No. 33, P. 50) (7 M.).

No. 495D. A small Whorl, with cruciform Pattern on both sides (see

Plate). Light brown (M.).

No. 496. Very important Inscribed Whorl. The Inscription is the same as

that shown in No. 115, p. 161. (See Appendix, pp. 366-368.) Red coarse

earth; not polished; work very coarse (7 M.).

PLATE LII. TWO REMARKABLE TROJAN BALLS.

No. 497. Ball with an Inscription; showing 3 Faces and the Pattern

developed. Brownish grey; polished; pattern white (8 M.).

No. 498. Ball, with its 8 segments developed, representing the starry

heavens, with a 卐 and the Tree of Life. Yellow earth; badly modelled (8

M.). (Dr. Schliemann has 25 Terra-cotta Balls, most of them covered with

dots, and representing stars, with or without lines denoting the

equator, the colures, the zones, and the ecliptic.)

[Illustration: Piece of a Terra-cotta Dish, with the Owl’s Face. (14

M.)]

AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE

OF

DR. HENRY SCHLIEMANN.

FROM THE PREFACE TO HIS

‘ITHACA, THE PELOPONNESUS, AND TROY.’

AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.

When, in the year 1832, at Kalkhorst, a village in Mecklenburg-Schwerin,

at the age of ten, I presented my father, as a Christmas gift, with a

badly written Latin essay upon the principal events of the Trojan war

and the adventures of Ulysses and Agamemnon, little did I think that,

six-and-thirty years later, I should offer the public a work on the same

subject, after having had the good fortune to see with my own eyes the

scene of that war, and the country of the heroes whose names have been

immortalized by Homer.

As soon as I had learnt to speak, my father related to me the great

deeds of the Homeric heroes. I loved these stories; they enchanted me

and transported me with the highest enthusiasm. The first impressions

which a child receives abide with him during his whole life; and, though

it was my lot, at the age of fourteen, to be apprenticed in the

warehouse of E. Ludwig Holtz in the small town of Fürstenberg, in

Mecklenburg, instead of following the scientific career for which I felt

an extraordinary predisposition, I always retained the same love for the

famous men of antiquity which I had conceived for them in my first

childhood.

In the small shop where I was employed for five years and a half, first

by Mr. Holtz and then by his successor, the excellent Mr. Th. Huckstädt,

my occupation consisted in retailing herrings, butter, brandy, milk and

salt, grinding potatoes for the still, sweeping the shop, and so forth.

I only came into contact with the lower classes of society.

From five in the morning to eleven at night I was engaged in this work,

and had not a moment free for study. Moreover I rapidly forgot the

little that I had learnt in my childhood, but I did not lose the love of

learning; indeed I never lost it, and, as long as I live, I shall never

forget the evening when a drunken miller came into the shop. He was the

son of a Protestant clergyman in a village near Teterow, and had almost

concluded his studies at the Gymnasium when he was expelled on account

of his bad conduct. To punish him for this, his father made him learn

the trade of a miller. Dissatisfied with his lot, the young man gave

himself up to drink, which however had not made him forget his Homer;

for he recited to us about one hundred lines of the poet, observing the

rhythmic cadence. Although I did not understand a word, the melodious

speech made a deep impression upon me, and I wept bitter tears for my

unhappy fate. Thrice I got him to repeat to me those god-like verses,

paying him with three glasses of brandy, which I bought with the few

pence that made up my whole fortune. From that moment I never ceased to

pray God that by His grace I might yet have the happiness to learn

Greek.

There seemed, however, no hope of my escaping from the sad and low

position in which I found myself. And yet I was released from it as if

by a miracle. In lifting a cask too heavy for me, I hurt my chest; I

spat blood and was no longer able to work. In despair I went to Hamburg,

where I succeeded in obtaining a situation as cabin-boy on board of a

ship bound for La Guayra in Venezuela.[31]

On the 28th of November, 1841, we left Hamburg, but on the 12th of

December we were shipwrecked in a fearful storm off the island of Texel.

After innumerable dangers, the crew were saved. I regarded it as my

destiny to remain in Holland, and resolved to go to Amsterdam and enlist

as a soldier. But this could not be done as quickly as I had imagined,

and the few florins, which I had collected as alms on the island of

Texel and in Enkhuyzen, were soon spent in Amsterdam. As my means of

living were entirely exhausted, I feigned illness and was taken into the

hospital. From this terrible situation I was released by the kind

ship-broker J. F. Wendt of Hamburg, who heard of my misfortune and sent

me the proceeds of a small subscription which had been raised for me. He

at the same time recommended me to the excellent Consul-General of the

North German Confederation in Amsterdam, Mr. W. Hepner, who procured me

a situation in the office of Mr. F. C. Quien.

In my new situation my work consisted in stamping bills of exchange and

getting them cashed in the town, and in carrying letters to and from the

post-office. This mechanical occupation suited me, for it left me time

to think of my neglected education.

First of all I took pains to learn to write legibly, and then, in order

to improve my position, I went on to the study of the modern languages.

My annual salary amounted only to 800 francs (32_l._), half of which I

spent upon my studies; on the other half I lived, miserably enough to be

sure. My lodging, which cost 8 francs a month, was a wretched garret

without a fire, where I shivered with cold in winter and was scorched

with the heat in summer; my breakfast consisted of rye-meal porridge,

and my dinner never cost more than a penny farthing. But nothing spurs

one on more to study than misery and the certain prospect of being able

to release oneself from it by unremitting work. I applied myself with

extraordinary diligence to the study of English. Necessity showed me a

method which greatly facilitates the study of a language. This method

consists in reading a great deal aloud, without making a translation;

devoting one hour every day to writing essays upon subjects that

interest one, correcting these under a teacher’s supervision, learning

them by heart, and repeating in the next lesson what was corrected on

the previous day. My memory was bad, since from my childhood it had not

been exercised upon any object; but I made use of every moment, and even

stole time for study. I never went on my errands, even in the rain,

without having my book in my hand and learning something by heart; and I

never waited at the post-office without reading. By such means I

gradually strengthened my memory, and in half a year I had succeeded in

acquiring a thorough knowledge of the English language. I then applied

the same method to the study of French, the difficulties of which I

overcame likewise in another six months. These persevering and excessive

studies had in the course of one year strengthened my memory to such a

degree that the study of Dutch, Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese

appeared very easy, and it did not take me more than six weeks to write

each of these languages and to speak them fluently. But my passion for

study caused me to neglect my mechanical occupation in the office,

especially when I began to consider it beneath me. My principals would

give me no promotion; they probably thought that a person who shows his

incapacity for the business of a servant in an office is therefore quite

worthless for any higher duties.

At last, through the intercession of my worthy friends, L. Stoll of

Mannheim and Ballauff of Bremen, I had the good fortune to obtain a

situation as correspondent and bookkeeper in the office of Messrs. B. H.

Schröder and Co. in Amsterdam, who engaged me at a salary of 1200 francs

(48_l._); but when they saw my zeal, they paid me 2000 francs as an

encouragement. This generosity, for which I shall ever be grateful to

them, was in fact the foundation of my prosperity; for, as I thought

that I could make myself still more useful by a knowledge of Russian, I

set to work to learn that language also. But the only Russian books that

I could procure were an old grammar, a lexicon, and a bad translation of

Telemachus. In spite of all my inquiries I could not find a teacher of

Russian, for no one in Amsterdam understood a word of the language: so I

betook myself to study without a master, and, with the help of the

grammar, I learnt the Russian letters and their pronunciation in a few

days. Then, following my old method, I began to write short stories of

my own composition and to learn them off by heart. As I had no one to

correct my work, it was, no doubt, very bad indeed, but I tried at the

same time to correct my faults by the practical exercise of learning

Telemachus by heart. It occurred to me that I should make more progress

if I had some one to whom I could relate the adventures of Telemachus;

so I hired a poor Jew for 4 francs a week, who had to come every evening

for two hours to listen to my Russian recitations, of which he did not

understand a syllable.

As the ceilings of the rooms in Holland consist of single boards, people

on the ground-floor can hear what is said in the third storey. My

recitations therefore, delivered in a loud voice, annoyed the other

tenants, who complained to the landlord, and twice during my study of

the Russian language I was forced to change my lodgings. But these

inconveniences did not diminish my zeal, and in the course of six weeks

I wrote my first Russian letter to a Russian in London, and I was able

to converse fluently in this language with the Russian merchants who had

come to Amsterdam for the indigo auctions.

After I had concluded my study of the Russian language, I began to

occupy myself seriously with the literatures of the languages which I

had learnt.

In the beginning of the year 1846, my worthy principals sent me as their

agent to St. Petersburg, where a year later I established a mercantile

house on my own account; but, during the first eight or nine years that

I spent in Russia, I was so overwhelmed with work that I could not

continue my linguistic studies, and it was not till the year 1854 that I

found it possible to acquire the Swedish and Polish languages.

Great as was my wish to learn Greek, I did not venture upon its study

till I had acquired a moderate fortune; for I was afraid that this

language would exercise too great a fascination upon me and estrange me

from my commercial business. When, however, I could no longer restrain

my desire for learning, I at last set vigorously to work at Greek in

January 1856; first with Mr. N. Pappadakes, and then with Mr. Th. Vimpos

of Athens, always following my old method. It did not take me more than

six weeks to master the difficulties of modern Greek, and I then applied

myself to the ancient language, of which in three months I learned

sufficient to understand some of the ancient authors, and especially

Homer, whom I read and re-read with the most lively enthusiasm.

I then occupied myself for two years exclusively with the ancient Greek

literature; and during this time I read almost all the old authors

cursorily, and the Iliad and Odyssey several times.

In the year 1858 I travelled to Sweden, Denmark, Germany, Italy and

Egypt, where I sailed up the Nile as far as the second cataract in

Nubia. I availed myself of this opportunity to learn Arabic, and I

afterwards travelled across the desert from Cairo to Jerusalem. I

visited Petra, traversed the whole of Syria, and in this manner I had

abundant opportunity of acquiring a practical knowledge of Arabic, the

deeper study of which I afterwards continued in St. Petersburg. After

leaving Syria, I visited Athens in the summer of 1859, and I was on the

point of starting for the island of Ithaca when I was seized with an

illness which obliged me to return to St. Petersburg.

Heaven had blessed my mercantile undertakings in a wonderful manner, so

that at the end of 1863 I found myself in possession of a fortune such

as my ambition had never ventured to aspire to. I therefore retired from

business, in order to devote myself exclusively to the studies which

have the greatest fascination for me.

In the year 1864 I was on the road to visit the native island of Ulysses

and the Plain of Troy, when I allowed myself to be persuaded to visit

India, China and Japan, and to travel round the world. I spent two years

on this journey, and on my return in 1866 I settled in Paris, with the

purpose of devoting the rest of my life to study, and especially to

archæology, which has the greatest charm for me.

At last I was able to realize the dream of my whole life, and to visit

at my leisure the scene of those events which had such an intense

interest for me, and the country of the heroes whose adventures had

delighted and comforted my childhood. I started, therefore, last summer,

and visited in succession the places which still possess such living

poetic memorials of antiquity.

I had not, however, the ambition of publishing a work on the subject;

this I only decided upon doing when I found what errors almost all

archæologists had spread about the site once occupied by the Homeric

capital of Ithaca, about the stables of Eumæus, the Island of Asteris,

ancient Troy, the sepulchral mounds of Batiea and of Æsyetes, the tomb

of Hector, and so forth.

Apart from the hope of correcting opinions which I hold to be erroneous,

I should consider myself fortunate could I aid in diffusing among the

intelligent public a taste for the beautiful and noble studies which

have sustained my courage during the hard trials of my life, and which

will sweeten the days yet left me to live.

HENRY SCHLIEMANN.

_6, Place St.-Michel, Paris,

Dec. 31st, 1868._

INTRODUCTION.

DIAGRAM

SHEWING THE SUCCESSIVE _STRATA_ OF REMAINS ON THE HILL OF HISSARLIK.

_Meters._ _Feet (abt.)_ _Surface._

+----+----------------------------------------------------+

2 |////| Remains of Greek Ilium. |

2 +----+ 6½-------------------------------------------------+

2 |\\\\| 4th Stratum. |

4 +----+ 13 ------------------------------------------------+

3 |////| 3rd Stratum. |

|////| |

7 +----+ 23 ------------------------------------------------+

3 |\\\\| 2nd Stratum. The Troy of Homer, according |

|\\\\| to Schliemann. |

10 +----+ 33 ------------------------------------------------+

4 |////| |

to |////| 1st Stratum. |

6 |////| |

14 |////| 46 ................................................|

to |////| to |

16 +----+ 52½ -----------------------------------------------+

| | Native rock.

INTRODUCTION.

CONTENTS.

Form of the Work--Changing and progressive opinions due to the

Novelty of the Discoveries--Chronology--Duration of the GREEK

ILIUM--Four successive strata of remains beneath its ruins on the

hill of _Hissarlik_--Remains of the _Earliest Settlers_, who were

of the Aryan race--Symbols on their terra-cottas--The _Second

Settlers_, the Trojans of Homer--The Tower of Ilium, Scæan Gate,

and City Walls, covered with the ashes of a

conflagration--Skeletons denoting a bloody war--The Royal

Treasure--Small extent of Troy: not beyond the hill of

Hissarlik--Poetical exaggerations of Homer, who only knew it by

tradition--The city was wealthy and powerful, though small--Stone

weapons and implements, _not_ denoting the “Stone

Age"--Contemporaneous use of copper, silver, and gold, for tools,

weapons, vases, and ornaments--Inscriptions proving the use of a

written language--Splendid remains of pottery--Symbols proving that

the Trojans were an Aryan race--Their buildings of stone and

wood--Antiquity of the City--The _Third Settlers_, also of the

Aryan race--Their pottery coarser--Musical instruments--Their mode

of building--Fewer implements of copper, but those of stone

abundant--The _Fourth Settlers_, of the Aryan race, built the

_Wooden Ilium_--Their progressive decline in civilization--Some

copper implements, with tools and weapons of stone--The _Greek

Ilium_ built about B.C. 700: ceased to exist in the fourth century

after Christ--Evidence of Coins--No Byzantine remains--The Walls of

Lysimachus--Metals found in the various strata: copper and bronze,

silver, gold, lead: no iron or tin--Sculptures of the Greek

age--Metopé of the Sun-God--Images of the owl-faced Athena common

to all the pre-Hellenic strata: their various forms--The perforated

whorls of terra-cotta, with Aryan symbols--The sign of the

_Suastika_ 卐--The plain whorls--Discussion of the site of

Troy--Traditionally placed on that of the Greek Ilium--View of

Demetrius and Strabo refuted--Opinion of Lechevalier for

Bunarbashi, generally accepted, but erroneous--No remains of a

great city there--The site really that of Gergis--Fragments of

Hellenic pottery only--The three so-called tombs of heroes also

Greek--Proposed sites at Chiplak and Akshi-Koï refuted by the

absence of remains--Modern authorities in favour of

Hissarlik--Ancient types of pottery still made in the Troad--Covers

with owl-faces, and vases with uplifted wings--Colouring materials

of the pottery--The inscriptions--The author’s relations with the

Turkish Government--Professor Max Müller on the owl-headed

goddess--Some probable traces of another settlement between the

fourth pre-Hellenic people and the Greek colonists.

The present book is a sort of Diary of my excavations at Troy, for all

the memoirs of which it consists were, as the vividness of the

descriptions will prove, written down by me on the spot while proceeding

with my works.[32]

If my memoirs now and then contain contradictions, I hope that these may

be pardoned when it is considered that I have here revealed a new world

for archæology, that the objects which I have brought to light by

thousands are of a kind hitherto never or but very rarely found, and

that consequently everything appeared strange and mysterious to me.

Hence I frequently ventured upon conjectures which I was obliged to give

up on mature consideration, till I at last acquired a thorough insight,

and could draw well-founded conclusions from many actual proofs.

One of my greatest difficulties has been to make the enormous

accumulation of _débris_ at Troy agree with chronology; and in this--in

spite of long-searching and pondering--I have only partially succeeded.

According to Herodotus (VII. 43): “Xerxes in his march through the

Troad, before invading Greece (B.C. 480) arrived at the Scamander and

went up to Priam’s Pergamus, as he wished to see that citadel; and,

after having seen it, and inquired into its past fortunes, he sacrificed

1000 oxen to the Ilian Athena, and the Magi poured libations to the

manes of the heroes.”

This passage tacitly implies that at that time a Greek colony had long

since held possession of the town, and, according to Strabo’s testimony

(XIII. i. 42), such a colony built Ilium during the dominion of the

Lydians. Now, as the commencement of the Lydian dominion dates from the

year 797 B.C., and as the Ilians seem to have been completely

established there long before the arrival of Xerxes in 480 B.C., we may

fairly assume that their first settlement in Troy took place about 700

B.C. The house-walls of Hellenic architecture, consisting of large

stones without cement, as well as the remains of Greek household

utensils, do not, however, extend in any case to a depth of more than

two meters (6½ feet) in the excavations on the flat surface of the

hill.

As I find in Ilium no inscriptions later than those belonging to the

second century after Christ, and no coins of a later date than Constans

II. and Constantine II., but very many belonging to these two emperors,

as well as to Constantine the Great, it may be regarded as certain that

the town began to decay even before the time of Constantine the Great,

who, as is well known, at first intended to build Constantinople on that

site; but that it remained an inhabited place till about the end of the

reign of Constans II., that is till about A.D. 361. But the accumulation

of _débris_ during this long period of 1061 years amounts only to two

meters or 6½ feet, whereas we have still to dig to a depth of 12

meters or 40 feet, and in many places even to 14 meters or 46½ feet,

below this, before reaching the native ground which consists of shelly

limestone (_Muschelkalk_). This immense layer of _débris_ from 40 to

46½ feet thick, which has been left by the four different nations

that successively inhabited the hill _before_ the arrival of the Greek

colony, that is before 700 B.C., is an immensely rich _cornucopia_ of

the most remarkable terra-cottas, such as have never been seen before,

and of other objects which have not the most distant resemblance to the

productions of Hellenic art. The question now forces itself upon

us:--Whether this enormous mass of ruins may not have been brought from

another place to increase the height of the hill? Such an hypothesis, as

every visitor to my excavations may convince himself at the first

glance, is perfectly impossible; because in all the strata of _débris_,

from the native rock, at a depth of from 14 to 16 meters (46 to 52½

feet) up to 4 meters (13 feet) below the surface, we continually see

remains of masonry, which rest upon strong foundations, and are the

ruins of real houses; and, moreover, because all the numerous large

wine, water, and funereal urns that are met with are found in an upright

position. The next question is:--But how many centuries have been

required to form a layer of _débris_, 40 and even 46½ feet thick,

from the ruins of pre-Hellenic houses, if the formation of the uppermost

one, the Greek layer of 6½ feet thick, required 1061 years? During my

three years’ excavations in the depths of Troy, I have had daily and

hourly opportunities of convincing myself that, from the standard of our

own or of the ancient Greek mode of life, we can form no idea of the

life and doings of the four nations which successively inhabited this

hill before the time of the Greek settlement. They must have had a

terrible time of it, otherwise we should not find the walls of one house

upon the ruined remains of another, in continuous but _irregular_

succession; and it is just because we can form no idea of the way in

which these nations lived and what calamities they had to endure, that

it is impossible to calculate the duration of their existence, even

approximately, from the thickness of their ruins. It is extremely

remarkable, but perfectly intelligible from the continual calamities

which befel the town, that the civilization of all the four nations

constantly declined; the terra-cottas, which show continuous

_décadence_, leave no doubt of this.

The first settlement on this hill of _Hissarlik_ seems, however, to

have been of the longest duration, for its ruins cover the rock to a

height of from 4 to 6 meters (13 to 20 feet). Its houses and walls of

fortification were built of stones, large and small, joined with earth,

and manifold remains of these may be seen in my excavations. I thought

last year that these settlers were identical with the Trojans of whom

Homer sings, because I imagined that I had found among their ruins

fragments of the double cup, the Homeric “δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον.” From

closer examination, however, it has become evident that these fragments

were the remains of simple cups with a hollow stem, which can never have

been used as a second cup. Moreover, I believe that in my memoirs of

this year (1873) I have sufficiently proved that Aristotle (_Hist.

Anim._, IX. 40) is wrong in assigning to the Homeric “δέπας

ἀμφικύπελλον” the form of a bee’s cell, whence this cup has ever since

been erroneously interpreted as a double cup, and that it can mean

nothing but a cup with a handle on either side. Cups of such a form are

_never_ met with in the _débris_ of the first settlement of this hill;

but they frequently occur, and in great quantities, among those of the

succeeding people, and also among those of the two later nations which

preceded the Greek colony on the spot. The large golden cup with two

handles, weighing 600 grammes (a pound and a half), which I found in the

royal treasure at the depth of 28 feet in the _débris_ of the second

people, leaves no doubt of this fact.[33]

[Illustration: No. 1

Fragment of _painted_ pottery from the lowest stratum (16 M.).]

The terra-cottas which I found on the native rock, at a depth of 14

meters (46 feet), are all of a more excellent quality than any met with

in the upper strata. They are of a brilliant black, red, or brown

colour, ornamented with patterns cut and filled with a white substance;

the flat cups have horizontal rings on two sides, the vases have

generally two perpendicular rings on each side for hanging them up with

cords. Of painted terra-cottas I found only one fragment.[34]

All that can be said of the first settlers is that they belonged to the

Aryan race, as is sufficiently proved by the Aryan religious symbols met

with in the strata of their ruins (among which we find the _Suastika_

卐), both upon the pieces of pottery and upon the small curious

terra-cottas with a hole in the centre, which have the form of the

crater of a volcano or of a _carrousel_ (_i.e._ a top).[35]

The excavations made this year (1873) have sufficiently proved that the

second nation which built a town on this hill, upon the _débris_ of the

first settlers (which is from 13 to 20 feet deep), are the Trojans of

whom Homer sings. Their _débris_ lies from 7 to 10 meters, or 23 to 33

feet, below the surface. This Trojan stratum, which, without exception,

bears marks of great heat, consists mainly of red ashes of wood, which

rise from 5 to 10 feet above the Great Tower of Ilium, the double Scæan

Gate, and the great enclosing Wall, the construction of which Homer

ascribes to Poseidon and Apollo; and they show that the town was

destroyed by a fearful conflagration. How great the heat must have been

is clear also from the large slabs of stone upon the road leading from

the double Scæan Gate down to the Plain: for when I laid this road open

a few months ago, all the slabs appeared as uninjured as if they had

been put down quite recently; but after they had been exposed to the air

for a few days, the slabs of the upper part of the road, to the extent

of some 10 feet, which had been exposed to the heat, began to crumble

away, and they have now almost disappeared, while those of the lower

portion of the road, which had not been touched by the fire, have

remained uninjured, and seem to be indestructible. A further proof of

the terrible catastrophe is furnished by a stratum of scoriæ of melted

lead and copper, from 1/5 to 1-1/5 of an inch thick, which extends

nearly through the whole hill at a depth of from 28 to 29½ feet. That

Troy was destroyed by enemies after a bloody war is further attested by

the many human bones which I found in these heaps of _débris_, and above

all by the skeletons with helmets, found in the depths of the temple of

Athena;[36] for, as we know from Homer, all corpses were burnt and the

ashes were preserved in urns. Of such urns I have found an immense

number in all the pre-Hellenic strata on the hill. Lastly, the Treasure,

which some member of the royal family had probably endeavoured to save

during the destruction of the city, but was forced to abandon, leaves no

doubt that the city was destroyed by the hands of enemies. I found this

Treasure on the large enclosing wall by the side of the royal palace, at

a depth of 27½ feet, and covered with red Trojan ashes from 5 to

6½ feet in depth, above which was a post-Trojan wall of fortification

19½ feet high.

Trusting to the data of the Iliad, the exactness of which I used to

believe in as in the Gospel itself, I imagined that _Hissarlik_, the

hill which I have ransacked for three years, was the Pergamus of the

city, that Troy must have had 50,000 inhabitants, and that its area must

have extended over the whole space occupied by the Greek colony of

Ilium.[37]

Notwithstanding this, I was determined to investigate the matter

accurately, and I thought that I could not do so in any better way than

by making borings. I accordingly began cautiously to dig at the extreme

ends of the Greek Ilium; but these borings down to the native rock

brought to light only walls of houses, and fragments of pottery

belonging to the Greek period,--not a trace of the remains of the

preceding occupants. In making these borings, therefore, I gradually

came nearer to the fancied Pergamus, but without any better success;

till at last as many as seven shafts, which I dug at the very foot of

the hill down to the rock, produced only Greek masonry and fragments of

Greek pottery. I now therefore assert most positively that Troy was

limited to the small surface of this hill; that its area is accurately

marked by its great surrounding wall, laid open by me in many places;

that the city had no Acropolis, and that the Pergamus is a pure

invention of Homer; and further that the area of Troy in post-Trojan

times down to the Greek settlement was only increased so far as the hill

was enlarged by the _débris_ that was thrown down, but that the Ilium of

the Greek colony had a much larger extent at the time of its

foundation.[38]

Though, however, we find on the one hand that we have been deceived in

regard to the size of Troy, yet on the other we must feel great

satisfaction in the certainty, now at length ascertained, that Troy

really existed, that the greater portion of this Troy has been brought

to light by me, and that the Iliad--although on an exaggerated

scale--sings of this city and of the fact of its tragic end. Homer,

however, is no historian, but an epic poet, and hence we must excuse his

exaggerations.

As Homer is so well informed about the topography and the climatic

conditions of the Troad, there can surely be no doubt that he had

himself visited Troy. But, as he was there long after its destruction,

and its site had moreover been buried deep in the _débris_ of the ruined

town, and had for centuries been built over by a new town, Homer could

neither have seen the Great Tower of Ilium nor the Scæan Gate, nor the

great enclosing Wall, nor the palace of Priam; for, as every visitor to

the Troad may convince himself by my excavations, the ruins and red

ashes of Troy alone--forming a layer of from five to ten feet

thick--covered all these remains of immortal fame; and this accumulation

of _débris_ must have been much more considerable at the time of Homer’s

visit. Homer made no excavations so as to bring those remains to light,

but he knew of them from tradition; for the tragic fate of Troy had for

centuries been in the mouths of all minstrels, and the interest attached

to it was so great that, as my excavations have proved, tradition itself

gave the exact truth in many details. Such, for instance, is the memory

of the Scæan Gate in the Great Tower of Ilium, and the constant use of

the name Scæan Gate in the plural, because it had to be described as

double,[39] and in fact it has been proved to be a double gate.

According to the lines in the Iliad (XX. 307, 308), it now seems to me

extremely probable that, at the time of Homer’s visit, the King of Troy

declared that his race was descended in a direct line from Æneas.[40]

Now as Homer never saw Ilium’s Great Tower, nor the Scæan Gate, and

could not imagine that these buildings lay buried deep beneath his feet,

and as he probably imagined Troy to have been very large--according to

the then existing poetical legends--and perhaps wished to describe it

as still larger, we cannot be surprised that he makes Hector descend

from the palace in the Pergamus and hurry through the town in order to

arrive at the Scæan Gate; whereas that gate and Ilium’s Great Tower, in

which it stands, are in reality directly in front of the royal house.

That this house is really the king’s palace seems evident from its size,

from the thickness of its stone walls, in contrast to those of the other

houses of the town, which are built almost exclusively of unburnt

bricks, and from its imposing situation upon an artificial hill directly

in front of or beside the Scæan Gate, the Great Tower, and the great

surrounding Wall. This is confirmed by the many splendid objects found

in its ruins, especially the enormous royally ornamented vase with the

picture of the owl-headed goddess Athena, the tutelary divinity of Ilium

(see No. 219, p. 307); and lastly, above all other things, by the rich

Treasure found close by it (Plate II.). I cannot, of course, prove that

the name of this king, the owner of this treasure, was really PRIAM; but

I give him this name because he is so called by Homer and in all the

traditions. All that I can prove is, that the palace of the owner of

this treasure, this last Trojan king, perished in the great catastrophe,

which destroyed the Scæan Gate, the great surrounding Wall, and the

Great Tower, and which desolated the whole city. I can prove, by the

enormous quantities of red and yellow calcined Trojan ruins, from five

to ten feet in height, which covered and enveloped these edifices, and

by the many post-Trojan buildings, which were again erected upon these

calcined heaps of ruins, that neither the palace of the owner of the

Treasure, nor the Scæan Gate, nor the great surrounding Wall, nor

Ilium’s Great Tower, were ever again brought to light. A city, whose

king possessed such a treasure, was immensely wealthy, considering the

circumstances of those times; and because Troy was rich, it was

powerful, had many subjects, and obtained auxiliaries from all quarters.

Troy had therefore no separate Acropolis; but as one was necessary for

the great deeds of the Iliad, it was added by the poetical invention of

Homer, and called by him Pergamus, a word of quite unknown derivation.

Last year I ascribed the building of the Great Tower of Ilium to the

first occupants of the hill; but I have long since come to the firm

conviction that it is the work of the second people, the Trojans,

because it is upon the north side only, within the Trojan stratum of

ruins, and from 16 to 19½ feet above the native soil, that it is made

of actual masonry. I have, in my letters, repeatedly drawn attention to

the fact, that the terra-cottas which I found upon the Tower can only be

compared with those found at a depth of from 36 to 46 feet. This,

however, applies only to the beauty of the clay and the elegance of the

vessels, but in no way to their types, which, as the reader may convince

himself from the illustrations to this work, are utterly different from

the pottery of the first settlers.

[Illustration: No. 2. Small Trojan Axes of Diorite (8 M.).]

It has been hitherto thought that the occurrence of stone implements

indicates the “Age of Stone.” My excavations here in Troy, however,

prove this opinion to be completely erroneous; for I very frequently

find implements of stone even immediately below the _débris_ belonging

to the Greek colony, that is at a depth of 6½ feet, and they occur in

very great quantities from a depth of 13 feet downwards. Those, however,

in the Trojan _stratum_, from 23 to 33 feet below the surface, are in

general of much better workmanship than those above. I wish to draw

attention to the fact that unfortunately, when writing the present book,

I made the mistake, which is now inconceivable to me, of applying the

name of _wedges_ to those splendidly-cut weapons and implements, the

greater part of which are made of diorite, but frequently also of very

hard and transparent green stone, such as are given here and in several

later illustrations. They are, however, as anyone can convince himself,

not wedges but axes, and the majority of them must have been used as

battle-axes. Many, to judge from their form, seem to be excellently

fitted to be employed as lances, and may have been used as such. I have

collected many hundreds of them. But, together with the thousands of

stone implements, I found also many of copper; and the frequently

discovered moulds of mica-schist for casting copper weapons and

implements, as well as the many small crucibles, and small roughly made

bowls, spoons, and funnels for filling the moulds, prove that this metal

was much used. The strata of copper and lead scoriæ, met with at a depth

of from 28 to 29½ feet, leave no doubt that this was the case. It

must be observed that all the copper articles met with are of pure

copper, without the admixture of any other metal.[41] Even the king’s

Treasure contained, besides other articles made of this metal, a shield

with a large boss in the centre; a great caldron; a kettle or vase; a

long slab with a silver vase welded on to it by the conflagration; and

many fragments of other vases.[42]

[Illustration: PLATE II.

GENERAL VIEW OF THE TREASURE OF PRIAM. (Depth 8½ M.)

_a._ Key of the Treasure Chest.

_b._ The Golden Diadems, Fillet, Ear-rings, and Small Jewels.

_c._ Silver “Talents” and Vessels of Silver and Gold.

_d._ Silver Vases and curious Plate of Copper.

_e._ Weapons and Helmet-Crests of Copper or Bronze.

_f._ Copper Vessel.

_g._ Copper Caldron.

_h._ Copper Shield.

]

This Treasure of the supposed mythical king Priam, of the mythical

heroic age, which I discovered at a great depth in the ruins of the

supposed mythical Troy, is at all events a discovery which stands alone

in archæology, revealing great wealth, great civilization and a great

taste for art, in an age preceding the discovery of bronze, when weapons

and implements of pure copper were employed contemporaneously with

enormous quantities of stone weapons and implements. This treasure

further leaves no doubt that Homer must have actually seen gold and

silver articles, such as he continually describes; it is, in every

respect, of inestimable value to science, and will for centuries remain

the object of careful investigation.

Unfortunately upon none of the articles of the Treasure do I find an

inscription, or any other religious symbols, except the 100 idols of the

Homeric “θεὰ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη,” which glitter upon the two diadems and

the four ear-rings. These are, however, an irrefragable proof that the

Treasure belongs to the city and to the age of which Homer sings.

[Illustration: No. 3. (_a_). Inscribed Terra-cotta Vase from the Palace

(8 M.).

(_b_). The Inscription thereon.]

[Illustration: No. 4. Inscribed Terra-cotta Seal (7 M.).]

[Illustration: No. 5. Piece of Red Slate, perhaps a Whetstone, with an

Inscription (7 M.).]

Yet a written language was not wanting at that time. For instance, I

found at a depth of 26 feet, in the royal palace, the vase with an

inscription, of which a drawing is here given; and I wish to call

especial attention to the fact, that of the characters occurring in it,

the letter like the Greek P occurs also in the inscription on a seal,

found at the depth of 23 feet; the second and third letter to the left

of this upon a whorl of terra-cotta,[43] likewise found at a depth of

23 feet; and the third letter also upon two small funnels of

terra-cotta, from a depth of 10 feet (see p. 191). I further found in

the royal palace the excellent engraved inscription on a piece of red

slate; but I see here only one character resembling one of the letters

of the inscription on the above-mentioned seal. My friend the great

Indian scholar, Émile Burnouf, conjectures that all these characters

belong to a very ancient Græco-Asiatic local alphabet. Professor H.

Brunn, of Munich, writes to me that he has shown these inscriptions to

Professor Haug, and that he has pointed out their relationship and

connection with the Phœnician alphabet (from which the Greek alphabet is

however derived), and has found certain analogies between them and the

inscription on the bronze table which was found at Idalium in Cyprus,

and is now in the _Cabinet des Médailles_ in Paris. Professor Brunn adds

that the connection of things found at Troy with those found in Cyprus

is in no way surprising, but may be very well reconciled with Homer, and

that at all events particular attention should be paid to this

connection, for, in his opinion, Cyprus is the cradle of Greek art, or,

so to speak, the caldron in which Asiatic, Egyptian, and Greek

ingredients were brewed together, and out of which, at a later period,

Greek art came forth as the clear product.

I find in these Trojan layers of _débris_ an abundance of splendid

pottery, and more especially large and small cups with two handles, or

with one from below in the form of a crown;[44] vases with rings on the

sides and with holes in the same direction in the lip, for hanging them

up by cords; all kinds of domestic utensils; also a beautifully

ornamented flute made of bone, several pieces of other flutes, and a

splendidly ornamented piece of ivory, which is part of a lyre _with only

four strings_.

[Illustration: No. 6. Terra-cotta Vase Cover (8 M.).]

[Illustration: No. 7. Ornamented Ivory Tube, probably a Trojan Flute (8

M.).]

Like the first settlers on this sacred spot, the Trojans also were of

the Aryan race; for I find among their remains enormous quantities of

the small articles of terra-cotta in the form of volcanoes and tops

(_carrousels_), with carvings of Aryan religious symbols.

[Illustration: No. 8. Piece of ivory, belonging to a Trojan Lyre with

Four Strings (about 8 M.).]

The building materials of the Trojans are of various kinds. With but few

exceptions, all the house-walls which I have uncovered are composed of

unburnt sun-dried bricks, which in the heat of the conflagration have

become a kind of really burnt bricks. But the royal palace and two small

buildings in the depths of the temple of Athena, as well as the Great

Tower of Ilium, the Scæan Gate, and the great enclosing Wall, are

generally composed of unhewn stones joined with earth, the less rough

face of the stones being turned to the outside, so that the walls have a

tolerably smooth appearance.

I thought last year, upon uncovering the Great Tower of Ilium, that it

must have been at one time higher than it now is, namely 6 meters or 20

feet; but its flat-built top beside the Scæan Gate, and the _benches_

(not ruins, as I formerly thought) afterwards found upon it, prove that

it can never have been higher.[45] I would draw especial attention to

the fact, that the masonry of the Scæan Gate, upon being uncovered,

looked as wonderfully fresh as if it had been erected quite recently. It

is quite certain that it possessed strong wooden fortifications, and

probably also a wooden tower above the gateway; for otherwise it is

inexplicable to me how the entrance of the Gate can have been covered to

the height of 10 feet by those red Trojan wood-ashes, and especially how

it was that there, far from the other buildings, the heat should have

been so great that even the thick slabs of stone have been destroyed by

it.

Homer speaks of Troy as having been destroyed by Hercules previous to

the Trojan war,[46] and it will ever remain an enigma to us whether this

information, which had been preserved by traditions down to his time,

really refers to the Ilium of Priam, or to the very ancient town of the

first settlers.

As to the chronology of Troy, we have only the general supposition of

antiquity that the Trojan War occurred about B.C. 1200, and Homer’s

statement (_Iliad_, XX. 215-237) that Dardanus, the first Trojan King,

founded Dardania, which town I agree with Virgil and Euripides in

considering identical with Ilium, and that after him it was governed by

his son Erichthonius, and then by his grandson Tros, by his

great-grandson Ilus, and then by his son Laomedon, and by his grandson

Priam. Even if we allow every one of these six kings a long reign of 33

years, we nevertheless scarcely carry the foundation of the town beyond

1400 B.C., that is 700 years before the Greek colony.

The site of Troy, which at the time of its foundation was 10 meters

(about 33 feet) below the present surface, was only 7 meters (23 feet)

below it after its destruction, when Ilium was again rebuilt by another

people of Aryan origin; for, in the _débris_ of this people, which

extends to a depth of from 7 to 4 meters (23 to 13 feet) below the

present surface, I find the same objects of terra-cotta with religious

symbols.

[Illustration: No. 9. Ornamented Piece of Ivory belonging to a Trojan

Seven-Stringed Lyre (7 M.).]

On the photographic plates of the Atlas I have carefully stated the

depth at which every object was found, so that it is very easy to find

out which of them belong to this people.[47] Their pottery resembles

that of the Trojans, but it is worse and coarser, and we meet with many

new types. Almost all their vases have a tube on either side for hanging

them up by cords. I here found, at a depth of 16½ feet, part of a

lyre made of stone, with six strings; and at a depth of 13 feet the

beautifully ornamented ivory piece of another lyre, with seven strings,

here shown.

The architecture of this people, as may be seen from the many

house-walls which I have uncovered, was always of small stones joined

with earth. Yet in two places in the depths of the temple of Athena

there is a wall of sun-dried bricks, which appears to belong to this

nation. Their houses were smaller, and less wood was employed in their

construction than in those of the Trojans; for, although the ruins of

houses lying one upon another show that several great convulsions have

taken place, still we find here far fewer charred ruins than among those

of the preceding people; nay, these layers of _débris_ have in the

majority of cases a grey or black appearance, and they contain millions

of small mussel-shells, bones, fish-bones, and so forth. It is curious

that in these strata certain types of terra-cottas are only found

exactly at the same depth, and that, for instance, the splendid _black_

cups in the form of an hourglass, and with two large handles, are

confined to a depth of 6 meters (nearly 20 feet).

During the first two years of my excavations, at the depth of from 4 to

7 meters (13 to 23 feet), I found scarcely any copper, and consequently

I believed that the metal was but rarely, if at all, known to this

people. This year, however, I found a number of copper nails in this

stratum, as well as some knives and battle-axes, together with moulds of

mica-schist for casting them, besides other weapons and implements.[48]

Yet copper must have been rare with them; for stone implements, such as

knives of silex, hammers and axes of diorite, and so forth, are found by

thousands.

This people also seem to have disappeared simultaneously with the

destruction of their town; for not only do I find, at a depth of from 4

meters up to 2 meters (13 to 6½ feet), many new types of terra-cotta

vessels, but I no longer find any remains of house-walls; nay, even

single stones are scarcely ever met with. At all events, directly after

its destruction, the town was rebuilt of wood by another tribe of the

Aryan race; for the small terra-cottas, adorned with Aryan religious

symbols, although frequently of new types, occur in numbers in these

layers of _débris_. Walls of fortification are indeed met with in these

depths, but they had been built by the preceding people; as, for

instance, the wall 19½ feet in height, whose base is at a depth of 5

to 6½ feet above the treasure, and which reached to within 1¼ ft.

of the surface. This _wooden Ilium_ was, to all appearance, still less

fortunate than the stone town of its predecessors; for, as is proved by

the numerous calcined layers of _débris_, it was frequently desolated by

fire. Whether these fires broke out accidentally, or were kindled by the

hands of enemies, must for ever remain a riddle to us; but thus much is

certain and evident from the terra-cottas found at these depths, that

the civilization of the people, which had been but slight from the

beginning, continued to decrease during the perpetual misfortunes of

their town. I find, among the ruins of this nation, lances, battle-axes,

and implements, of pure copper, and moulds for casting them; likewise a

number of copper nails, which, however--as in the case of the preceding

peoples who have inhabited this hill--are too long and thin to have been

employed for fastening wood together, and must in all probability have

been used as brooches: this seems to be proved by two nails of this kind

on the top of which I found rows of perforated beads of gold or

_electrum_ soldered upon them. These two copper nails were, it is true,

found immediately below the surface, but they must in any case belong to

the pre-Hellenic time.

In the ruins of this people, at a depth of from 13 to 6½ feet, we

also meet with stone implements, such as hammers, splendidly polished

axes and battle-axes of diorite, but considerably fewer than in the

preceding stratum.

When the surface of the hill was about 2 meters (6½ feet) lower than

it is now, Ilium was built by a Greek colony; and we have already

endeavoured to prove that this settlement must have been founded about

the year 700 B.C. From that time we find the remains of Hellenic

house-walls of large hewn stones joined without cement. From about 1

meter (3¼ feet) below the surface, and upwards, there are also ruins

of buildings, the stones of which are joined with cement or lime. We

also meet with great numbers of copper coins of Ilium of the time of the

Roman empire, from Augustus to Constans II. and Constantine II.;

likewise older Ilian coins with the image of Athena, and medals of

Alexandria Troas; also with some coins of Tenedos, Ophrynium and Sigeum,

in some few cases at 3¼ feet, but generally at less than 20 inches

below the surface. I once remarked erroneously that Byzantine coins were

also met with here near the surface. But in my three years’ excavations

I have not found a single medal of a later date than Constans II. and

Constantine II., except two bad coins belonging to a Byzantine

monastery, which may have been lost by shepherds; and, as there is here

not the remotest trace of Byzantine masonry or of Byzantine pottery, it

may be regarded as certain that the Ilium of the Greek colony was

destroyed towards the middle of the fourth century after Christ, and

that no village, much less a town, has ever again been built upon its

site. The wall I mentioned in my memoir of the 1st of March, 1873,[49]

as consisting of Corinthian pillars joined with cement, and which I

believed to have belonged to the Middle Ages, must be referred to the

time of Constantine I. or to Constans II., when the temple of Athena was

destroyed by the pious zeal of the first Christians.

Of the walls and fortifications of the Greek colony, almost the only

portions that have been preserved are those which were apparently built

by Lysimachus. The lower and prominent portion of the wall of the Tower

belongs to more ancient times, probably to the beginning of the Greek

colony. Of great political convulsions or catastrophes there seem now to

have been but few or none at all; for the accumulation of _débris_

during the long duration of the Greek colony, about 10½ centuries,

amounts only to 2 meters (6½ feet).

Curiously enough, I find extremely little metal in the _débris_ of the

Greek colony. Half-a-dozen scythe-shaped knives, a double-edged axe,

about two dozen nails, a cup, a few lances and arrows, are pretty nearly

all that I discovered. I have described these objects in my memoirs as

made of copper; but upon a more careful examination they have been found

to be bronze, and pure copper is no longer met with in the Greek colony.

The only objects of iron which I found were a key of curious shape, and

a few arrows and nails, close to the surface. From Homer we know that

the Trojans also possessed iron, as well as the metal which he calls

κύανος, and which, even in antiquity, was translated by χάλυψ (steel). I

am sure, however, that I have not discovered even a trace of this metal,

either among the Trojan ruins or among those of any of the other nations

which preceded the Greek colony on the hill.[50] Yet articles of iron

and steel may have existed: I believe positively that they did exist:

but they have vanished without leaving a trace of their existence; for,

as we know, iron and steel become decomposed much more readily than

copper. Of tin, which Homer so repeatedly mentions, I found of course no

trace: this metal, as we know, is corroded very rapidly even when lying

in a dry locality. Lead is found in the ruins of all the different

nations which have inhabited the hill; but, among those which preceded

the Greek settlement, it is found principally in lumps of a

hemispherical form. I find it first in general use only in the Greek

colony, where it was employed as a means for uniting stones in building.

[Illustration:

PLATE III.

BLOCK OF TRIGLYPHS, WITH METOPÉ OF THE SUN-GOD.

_Page 32._

From the Temple of Apollo in the Ruins of Greek Ilium.]

To judge from the area of the Ilium of the Greek colony,[51] it may have

possessed 100,000 inhabitants. It must in its best days have been very

rich, and the plastic art must have attained a high degree of perfection

here. Accordingly the site of the town, which is covered with abundant

relics of grand buildings, is strewn with fragments of excellent

sculptures, and the splendid block of triglyphs--6½ feet in length

and 2 feet 10 inches in height, with a _metopé_ which represents Phœbus

Apollo with the four horses of the Sun--is one of the most glorious

masterpieces that have been preserved from the time when Greek art was

in its zenith. I discovered it in the depths of the temple of Apollo,

and it now adorns my garden at Athens. In describing this treasure of

art in my memoir of the 18th of June, 1872,[52] directly after having

discovered it, I made the remark that it must have belonged to the time

of Lysimachus, that is to say to about the year 306 B.C. I sent a

plaster cast of it to the Museum of Casts in Munich, and the Director of

the Museum, Professor H. Brunn, who is certainly one of the greatest

authorities in the world respecting the plastic works of antiquity,

wrote me the following communication with regard to it. “Even

photographs furnish no adequate means of judging of plastic works, and,

in the present case, the cast alone has quite convinced me that this

work must be judged much more favourably than it has been in the

‘Archäologische Zeitung.’ I do not venture to speak decidedly about the

triglyphs: the history of the Doric style after the time of the

Parthenon and the Propylæa is still utterly obscure: yet the straight

cutting of the channellings can certainly be referred to pre-Roman

times. Of external criteria the halo of rays is the only one. According

to the investigations of Stephani,[53] this first occurs about the time

of Alexander the Great. For the special form of long and short rays, we

have the coins of Alexander I., of Epirus and of Ceos (Carthæa),

mentioned by Curtius. The most recent example that I have as yet found

is the Hades vase of Canosa, in our Museum, which belongs _at latest_ to

the second century before Christ; hence the extreme termini for the

relief would be about the end of the fourth and the middle of the second

centuries. The composition, as a work of art, shows the greatest skill

in solving one of the most difficult problems. For the team of four

horses ought _not_ to move on the surface of the relief, but to appear

as if it came out of it in a half-turn. This has been attained

principally by making the right hinder thigh of the horse in the

foreground pressed back while the left foot steps forward, and moreover

this same horse is slightly foreshortened, and the surface of the thigh

lies deeper than the upper surface of the triglyphs, while, on the other

hand, the surfaces of the withers and of the neck are higher, and the

head, in conformity with the rules of Greek reliefs, is again almost

parallel with the base. For this reason there is no indication of a

chariot, which has to be imagined as concealed by the foremost horse.

Moreover the position of the god is half turned forwards, slightly

following that of the head, and here also the arm is again strongly

turned inwards, but not so as to bring the position in conflict with the

rules of relief. If the encroachment of the head on the upper border of

the triglyph is considered inaccurate, I find in this a very happy

thought, which may remind us of the differently conceived pediment of

the Parthenon, where only the head and shoulders of Helios rise out of

the chariot still under the ocean. Helios here, so to speak, bursts

forth from the gates of day and sheds the light of his glory over all.

These are beauties peculiar only to Greek art in the fulness of its

power. The execution corresponds perfectly with the excellence of the

ideas, and thus I do not hesitate to place the relief nearer to the

commencement than to the end of the above limited space of time. If,

therefore, for other reasons, you believe it to belong to the time of

Lysimachus, I, from an archæological point of view, have no objection to

make against the supposition, but I rejoice to see our treasure of

monuments enriched by an original from those times.”

[Illustration: Terra-cotta Covers of Vases, with the Owl’s Face.

No. 10.--From 3 M.

No. 11.--From 2 M.

No. 12.--From 7 M. Interesting for _depth_ and _form_.

]

[Illustration: No. 13. Terra-cotta Vase, marked with an Aryan symbol (6

M.).]

I have already proved the relationship of the four different peoples,

who inhabited the site of Troy before the arrival of the Greek colony,

by the small terra-cottas in the form of volcanoes and tops which are

met with in quantities in all of the strata, and by the similarity of

the Aryan religious symbols engraved upon them. I prove this

relationship further, and above all, by the plastic representations of

Athena, the owl-faced tutelary goddess of Ilium, for this representation

is common to all the four nations which preceded the Greek colony.

Immediately below the strata of the last, at a depth of 2 meters (6½

feet), I found this owl’s face upon terra-cotta cups with a kind of

helmet, which likewise occur in all the succeeding layers of _débris_ to

a depth of 12 meters (39½ feet), and are of very frequent occurrence

down to a depth of 9 meters (29½ feet). These cups may, as my learned

friend Émile Burnouf thinks, have served only as lids to the vases which

occur contemporaneously with them, and which have two up-raised wings,

and the breasts and abdomen of a woman, for they fit these vases

perfectly. I found likewise in all the layers of _débris_, from a depth

of 3 meters (nearly 10 feet) down to a depth of 10 meters (33 feet),

vases with owls’ faces, two upraised wings (not arms, as I formerly

thought), and the two large breasts and abdomen of a woman, and even, at

a depth of 6 meters (nearly 20 feet), a vase upon which the navel is

ornamented with a cross and four nails. As far down as a depth of 14

meters (46 feet) I found the upper portion of a vase and the fragment of

a dish adorned with owls’ faces. Besides these, in all the layers of

_débris_, from a depth of 6½ feet downwards, as far as the primary

soil, there were found idols of very fine marble, of bone, of

mica-schist, of slate, and even of ordinary limestone, which are from

¼ of an inch to 7¼ inches in length, and from 0·6 of an inch to 4·8

inches in breadth. Upon a great many of these there is an owl’s face,

and some have even long female hair engraved upon them; many also have a

woman’s girdle. As upon several of the idols, upon which I find the

owl’s head, it is not cut, but represented in a red or black colour, I

presume that this was once the case with all the idols which now possess

no indications of an owl, and that the colour upon these latter has been

destroyed by damp, during the course of thousands of years. Upon several

idols of marble and bone there are mere indications of wings on the

sides. But I also find the petrified vertebra of an antediluvian animal

upon which the Trojans have carved a large owl’s head. Further, at a

depth of 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, and 14 meters (10, 13, 20, 23, 26, 30 and 46

feet), I found twelve idols of terra-cotta, and all, with only one

exception, have owls’ faces upon them; most of them also have the two

breasts of a woman, and upon the back traces of long female hair. One of

these owl-headed idols has the form of a vessel, with a funnel on each

side in the shape of a smaller vessel; the front part of the body of the

goddess, up to the neck, is covered by a long shield, and on the back of

the body there is the long female hair hanging down, like that of the

Karyatides in the Acropolis of Athens. Upon several of these terra-cotta

idols there are indications of wings.

[Illustration:

14. 14 M.

15. 9 M.

16. 8 M.

17. 4 M.

18. 9 M.

19. 14 M.

20. 8 M.

21. 7 M.

22.

23. 6 M.

24. 9 M.

25. 10 M.

26. 10 M.

27. 2 M.

28. 10 M.

29. 5 M.

30.

Nos. 14-30. Rude Idols found in the various Strata (2 to 14 M.).

No. 14 is of Ivory, with the same Decorations on both sides. Nos. 15,

16, 18, 20, 25, 26, 28, are of very fine Marble. No. 17 is of Green

Slate. Nos. 23, 24, 27 are of Terra-cotta: and No. 19 is a Piece of a

Dish.]

[Illustration: No. 31. Remarkable Trojan Terra-cotta Vase, representing

the Ilian Athena (9 M.).]

These owl-faced female figures, which occur so frequently upon the cups,

vases and idols, can represent but one goddess, and this goddess can be

none other than Athena, _the tutelary goddess of Troy_, all the more so

as Homer continually calls her “θεὰ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη;” for “γλαυκῶπις”

has been wrongly translated by the scholars of every century, and does

not signify “with bright and sparkling eyes,” but “_with the face of an

owl_.” The natural conclusion, in the first place, is that Homer

perfectly well knew that the owl-faced Athena was the tutelary goddess

of Troy; secondly, that the locality whose depths I have ransacked for

three years must be the spot “ubi Troja fuit;” and thirdly, that, in the

progress of civilization, Pallas Athena received a human face, and her

former owl’s head was transformed into her favourite bird, the owl,

which as such is quite unknown to Homer. At a depth of from 4 to 9

meters (13 to 29½ feet), I also found some vases and cups with a

human face, but which have a good deal of the owl about them.

As I did not find a trace of the owl’s face among the ruins of the Greek

colony, we may regard it as certain that it had already advanced beyond

the civilization of the old Ilians of whose town it took possession, and

that it brought the idea of the goddess with a human face with it to

Troy.

With regard to the often mentioned perforated terra-cottas in the form

of a top and the crater of a volcano, adorned with Aryan religious

symbols, it is possible that their original form was that of a wheel,

for they occur frequently in this shape upon the primary rock at a depth

of from 14 to 16 meters (46 to 52½ feet).[54] In the upper layers of

_débris_, these objects in the form of wheels are indeed rare, but the

representation of the wheel in motion, effected by the incisions being

more numerous, still occurs very frequently.[55] In spite of all my

searching and pondering, I have not yet succeeded in arriving at an

opinion as to what these extremely interesting objects were used for. As

has now become evident by the excavation of the temple of Athena, it is

only among the pre-Hellenic peoples that they were adorned with Aryan

symbols. In the Greek colony these occur but rarely; they are of a

different form, and they possess no trace of carved decorations; instead

of these, we find the much larger objects of terra-cotta, round, and

twice perforated, which occasionally bear the mark of a kind of

stamp.[56]

Through the kindness of my friend Professor Giuseppe G. Bianconi in

Bologna, I have received the drawings of ten similar round articles of

terra-cotta in the form of the top or volcano, which are preserved in

the Museum of Modena, and were found in the terramares of that district,

in the lake-habitations of the stone age. To my extreme astonishment, I

found that six of them possessed the same ornamental carvings which I

found upon the articles of the same form here in Troy. Three of them

have a circle round the central sun, a triple cross, which, as I have

endeavoured minutely to explain in my sixth memoir, was the symbol of

the two pieces of wood of our Aryan forefathers for producing the holy

fire, and is an emblem of the highest importance. The fourth represents

one of these machines for producing fire with five ends, and Indian

scholars may possibly find that one of the staves represents the piece

of wood called “pramantha,” with which fire was generated by friction,

and which the Greeks at a later time transformed into their Prometheus,

who, as they imagined, stole fire from heaven. The fifth represents a

somewhat different form of the fire producer of our remote ancestors;

and the sixth has twelve circles round the central sun. Probably these

are the twelve stations of the sun which are so frequently mentioned in

the Rigvêda, and which are personified by the twelve Adityas, the sons

of Adity (the Indivisible or Infinite Space), and represent the twelve

signs of the Zodiac.

The same friend has also sent me drawings of eighteen similar round

terra-cottas found in the graves of the cemetery in Villanova, and now

in the Museum of Count Gozzadini in Bologna. As the count found an “aes

rude” in one of the graves, he thinks that the cemetery, like it,

belongs to the time of King Numa, that is, to about 700 years before

Christ. G. de Mortillet,[57] however, ascribes a much greater age to the

cemetery. But, at all events, fifteen of the eighteen drawings lying

before me have a modern appearance compared with the ten in the Museum

of Modena, and compared with my small terra-cottas in the form of tops,

volcanoes, and wheels, found in Troy; for not only the decorations, but

the forms also of the articles are very much more elaborate. Only three

of the eighteen articles show a shape and decorations like those met

with in Troy. All three have the form of a top: the first has seven suns

in a circle round the central sun; the second has two crosses, one of

which is formed by four stars, the other by four lines. The third has

five triangles and five stars in the circle round the central point. The

comparison of these eighteen articles with those from Troy convinces me

that Count Gozzadini is right in ascribing no greater age to the

cemetery of Villanova than 700 B.C.

But besides the articles ornamented with religious symbols, we meet in

Troy with thousands of terra-cottas of a similar, but in most cases more

lengthened form, with no decorations whatever; at a depth of 3 metres

(10 feet), they occur also in the shape of cones.[58] Formerly, at a

depth of 10 feet, I found similar pieces in blue or green stone, which I

have also recently met with frequently at a depth of from 23 to 33 feet.

Among the unembellished terra-cottas of this description I find some,

but scarcely more than 2 per cent., which show signs of wear, and may

have been used on spindles. The pieces adorned with carvings, on the

other hand, never show signs of any kind of wear, and the symbols

engraved upon them are filled with white clay so as to make them more

striking to the eye.[59] This white clay must have disappeared

directly, if the pieces had been used on spindles or as coins. They

cannot have been worn as amulets, on account of their size and weight: I

am therefore forced to believe that they were employed as offerings, or

that they were worshipped as idols of the Sun, whose image is seen in

the centre.

Unfortunately, owing to the great extent of my excavations, the hurry in

which they were carried on, and the hardness of the _débris_, by far the

greater portion of the terra-cotta vessels found by me in the depths of

Ilium were brought out more or less broken. But everything that could in

any way be repaired I have restored by means of shell-lac and gypsum,

and in this state they are represented in the drawings.[60] In all cases

where I found a piece broken off and wanting, I restored it according to

the model of other vessels of the same kind which I obtained in an

unbroken condition; but where such models were wanting, or where I had

the slightest doubt, I did not attempt to restore the articles.

The town of Ilium, upon whose site I have been digging for more than

three years, boasted itself to be the successor of Troy; and as

throughout antiquity the belief in the identity of its site with that of

the ancient city of Priam was firmly established and not doubted by

anyone, it is clear that the whole course of tradition confirms this

identity. At last Strabo lifted up his voice against it; though, as he

himself admits, he had never visited the Plain of Troy, and he trusted

to the accounts of Demetrius of Scepsis, which were suggested by vanity.

According to Strabo,[61] this Demetrius maintained that his native town

of Scepsis had been the residence of Æneas, and he envied Ilium the

honour of having been the metropolis of the Trojan kingdom. He

therefore put forward the following view of the case:--that Ilium and

its environs did not contain space enough for the great deeds of the

Iliad; that the whole plain which separated the city from the sea was

alluvial land, and that it was not formed until after the time of the

Trojan war. As another proof that the locality of the two cities could

not be the same, he adds that Achilles and Hector ran three times round

Troy, whereas one could not run round Ilium on account of the continuous

mountain ridge (διὰ τὴν συνεχῆ ῥάχην). For all of these reasons he says

that ancient Troy must be placed on the site of the “Village of the

Ilians” (Ἰλιέων κώμη), 30 stadia or 3 geographical miles from Ilium and

42 stadia from the coast, although he is obliged to admit that not the

faintest trace of the city has been preserved.[62]

Strabo, with his peculiarly correct judgment, would assuredly have

rejected all these erroneous assertions of Demetrius of Scepsis, had he

himself visited the Plain of Troy, for they can easily be refuted.

I have to remark that it is quite easy to run round the site of Troy;

further, that the distance from Ilium to the coast, in a straight line,

is about 4 miles, while the distance in a straight line north-west to

the promontory of Sigeum (and at this place tradition, as late as

Strabo’s time, fixed the site of the Greek encampment) amounts to about

4½ miles. For Strabo says:[63] “Next to Rhœteum may be seen the

ruined town of Sigeum, the port of the Achæans, the Achæan camp, and the

marsh or lake called Stomalimne, and the mouth of the Scamander.”

In November, 1871, I made excavations upon the site of the “Ἰλιέων

κώμη,” the results of which completely refute the theory of Demetrius of

Scepsis; for I found everywhere the primary soil at a depth of less

than a foot and a half; and the continuous ridge on the one side of the

site, which appeared to contain the ruins of a large town-wall,

consisted of nothing but pure granulated earth, without any admixture of

ruins.

In the year 1788, Lechevalier visited the plain of Troy, and was so

enthusiastically in favour of the theory that the site of Homer’s Troy

was to be found at the village of Bunarbashi and the heights behind it,

that he disdained to investigate the site of Ilium: this is evident from

his work ‘Voyage de la Troade’ (3e éd., Paris, 1802) and from the

accompanying map, in which he most absurdly calls this very ancient town

“Ilium Novum,” and transposes it to the other side of the Scamander,

beside _Kumkaleh_, close to the sea and about 4 miles from its true

position. This theory, that the site of Troy can only be looked for in

the village of Bunarbashi and upon the heights behind it, was likewise

maintained by the following scholars: by Rennell, ‘Observations on the

Topography of the Plain of Troy’ (London, 1814); by P. W. Forchhammer in

the ‘Journal of the Royal Geographical Society,’ vol. xii., 1842; by

Mauduit, ‘Découvertes dans la Troade’ (Paris et Londres, 1840); by

Welcker, ‘Kleine Schriften;’ by Texier; by Choiseul-Gouffrier, ‘Voyage

Pittoresque de la Grèce’ (1820); by M. G. Nikolaïdes (Paris, 1867); and

by Ernst Curtius in his lecture delivered at Berlin in November, 1871,

after his journey to the Troad and Ephesus, whither he was accompanied

by Professors Adler and Müllenhof, and by Dr. Hirschfeldt. But, as I

have explained in detail in my work, ‘Ithaque, le Péloponnèse et Troie’

(Paris, 1869), this theory is in every respect in direct opposition to

all the statements of the Iliad. My excavations at Bunarbashi prove,

moreover, that no town can ever have stood there; for I find everywhere

the pure virgin soil at a depth of less than 5 feet, and generally

immediately below the surface. I have likewise proved, by my excavations

on the heights behind this village, that human dwellings can never have

existed there; for I found the native rock nowhere at a greater depth

than a foot and a half. This is further confirmed by the sometimes

pointed, sometimes abrupt, and always anomalous form of the rocks which

are seen wherever they are not covered with earth. At half-an-hour’s

distance behind Bunarbashi there is, it is true, the site of quite a

small town, encircled on two sides by precipices and on the other by the

ruins of a surrounding wall, which town I formerly considered to be

Scamandria; but one of the inscriptions found in the ruins of the temple

of Athena in the Ilium of the Greek colony makes me now believe with

certainty that the spot above Bunarbashi is not the site of Scamandria,

but of Gergis. Moreover, the accumulation of _débris_ there is extremely

insignificant, and the naked rock protrudes not only in the small

Acropolis, but also in very many places of the site of the little town.

Further, in all cases where there is an accumulation of _débris_, I

found fragments of Hellenic pottery, and of Hellenic pottery only, down

to the primary soil. As archæology cannot allow the _most ancient_ of

these fragments to be any older than from 500 to 600 years before

Christ, the walls of the small town--which used to be regarded as of the

same age as those of Mycenæ--can certainly be no older than 500 to 600

B.C. at most.

Immediately below this little town there are three tombs of heroes, one

of which has been assigned to Priam, another to Hector, because it was

built entirely of small stones. The latter grave was laid open in

October 1872, by Sir John Lubbock, who found it to contain nothing but

painted fragments of Hellenic pottery to which the highest date that can

be assigned is 300 B.C.; and these fragments tell us the age of the tomb

likewise.

The late Consul J. G. von Hahn, who in May 1864, in his extensive

excavations of the acropolis of Gergis down to the primary soil, only

discovered the same, and nothing but exactly the same, fragments of

Hellenic pottery as I found there in my small excavations, writes in his

pamphlet, ‘Die Ausgrabungen des Homerischen Pergamos:’ “In spite of the

diligent search which my companions and I made on the extensive northern

slope of the Balidagh, from the foot of the acropolis (of Gergis) to the

springs of Bunarbashi, we could not discover any indication beyond the

three heroic tombs, that might have pointed to a former human

settlement, not even antique fragments of pottery and pieces of

brick,--those never-failing, and consequently imperishable, proofs of an

ancient settlement. No pillars or other masonry, no ancient square

stones, no quarry in the natural rock, no artificial levelling of the

rock; on all sides the earth was in its natural state and had not been

touched by human hands.”

The erroneous theory which assigns Troy to the heights of Bunarbashi

could, in fact, never have gained ground, had its above-named advocates

employed the few hours which they spent on the heights, and in

Bunarbashi itself, in making small holes, with the aid of even a single

workman.

Clarke and Barker Webb (Paris, 1844) maintained that Troy was situated

on the hills of _Chiplak_. But unfortunately they also had not given

themselves the trouble to make excavations there; otherwise they would

have convinced themselves, with but very little trouble, that all the

hills in and around Chiplak, as far as the surrounding Wall of Ilium,

contain only the pure native soil.

H. N. Ulrichs[64] maintains that Troy was situated on the hills of

_Atzik-Kioï_, which in my map I have called _Eski Akshi köi_. But I have

examined these hills also, and found that they consist of the pure

native soil. I used a spade in making these excavations, but a

pocket-knife would have answered the purpose.

I cannot conceive how it is possible that the solution of the great

problem, “ubi Troja fuit"--which is surely one of the greatest interest

to the whole civilized world--should have been treated so superficially

that, after a few hours’ visit to the Plain of Troy, men have sat down

at home and written voluminous works to defend a theory, the

worthlessness of which they would have perceived had they but made

excavations for a single hour.

I am rejoiced that I can mention with praise Dr. Wilhelm Buchner,[65]

Dr. G. von Eckenbrecher,[66] and C. MacLaren,[67] who, although they

made no excavations, have nevertheless in their excellent treatises

proved by many irrefutable arguments that the site of Ilium, where I

have been digging for more than three years, corresponds with all the

statements of the Iliad in regard to the site of Troy, and that the

ancient city must be looked for there and nowhere else.

It is also with gratitude that I think of the great German scholar, who

unfortunately succumbed five years ago to his unwearied exertions,

Julius Braun, the advocate of the theory that Homer’s Troy was to be

found only on the site of Ilium, in the depths of the hill of HISSARLIK.

I most strongly recommend his excellent work, ‘Die Geschichte der Kunst

in ihrem Entwickelungsgang,’ to all those who are interested in whatever

is true, beautiful and sublime.

Neither can I do otherwise than gratefully mention my honoured friend,

the celebrated Sanscrit scholar and unwearied investigator Émile

Burnouf, the Director of the French school in Athens, who personally,

and through his many excellent works, especially the one published last

year, ‘La Science des Religions,’ has given me several suggestions,

which have enabled me to decipher many of the Trojan symbols.[68]

It is also with a feeling of gratitude that I think of my honoured

friend, the most learned Greek whom I have ever had the pleasure of

knowing, Professor Stephanos Kommanoudes, in Athens, who has supported

me with his most valuable advice whenever I was in need of it. In like

manner I here tender my cordial thanks to my honoured friend the Greek

Consul of the Dardanelles, G. Dokos, who showed me many kindnesses

during my long excavations.

I beg to draw especial attention to the fact that, in the neighbourhood

of Troy, several types of very ancient pottery--like those found in my

excavations at a depth of from 10 to 33 feet--have been preserved down

to the present day. For instance, in the crockery-shops on the shores of

the Dardanelles there are immense numbers of earthen vessels with long

upright necks and the breasts of a woman, and others in the shape of

animals. In spite of their gilding and other decorations, these vessels

cannot, either in regard to quality or elegance of form, be compared

with the Ilian terra-cottas, not even with those from a depth of 10

feet; but still they furnish a remarkable proof of the fact that, in

spite of manifold political changes, certain types of terra-cottas can

continue in existence in one district for more than 3000 years.

[Illustration: No. 32. The largest of the Terra-cotta Vases found in the

Royal Palace of Troy. Height 20 inches. The Cover was found near it.]

After long and mature deliberation, I have arrived at the firm

conviction that all of those vessels--met with here in great numbers at

a depth of from 10 to 33 feet, and more especially in the Trojan layer

of _débris_, at a depth of from 23 to 33 feet--which have the exact

shape of a bell and a coronet beneath, so that they can only stand upon

their mouth, and which I have hitherto described as cups, must

necessarily, and perhaps even exclusively, have been used as _lids_ to

the numerous terra-cotta vases with a smooth neck and on either side two

ear-shaped decorations, between which are two mighty wings, which, as

they are hollowed and taper away to a point, can never have served as

handles, the more so as between the ear-shaped decorations there is a

small handle on either side. Now, as the latter resembles an owl’s beak,

and especially as this is seen between the ear-shaped ornaments, it was

doubtless intended to represent the image of the owl with upraised wings

on each side of the vases, which image received a noble appearance from

the splendid lid with a coronet. I give a drawing of the largest vase of

this type, which was found a few days ago in the royal palace at a

depth of from 28 to 29½ feet; on the top of it I have placed the

bell-shaped lid with a coronet, which was discovered close by and

appears to have belonged to it.

My friend M. Landerer, Professor of Chemistry in Athens, who has

carefully examined the colours of the Trojan antiquities, writes to me

as follows:--“In the first place, as to the vessels themselves, some

have been turned upon a potter’s wheel, some have been moulded by the

hand. Their _ground-colour_ varies according to the nature of the

_clay_. I find some of them made of black, deep-brown, red, yellowish,

and ashy-grey clay. All of these kinds of clay, which the Trojan potters

used for their ware, consist of clay containing oxide of iron and silica

(_argile silicieuse ferrugineuse_), and, according to the stronger or

weaker mode of burning, the oxide of iron in the clay became more or

less oxidised: thus the black, brown, red, yellow, or grey colour is

explained by the oxidation of the iron. The beautiful black gloss of the

vessels found upon the native soil, at a depth of 46 feet, does not

contain any oxide of lead, but consists of _coal-black_

(_Kohlenschwarz_),[69] which was melted together with the clay and

penetrated into its pores. This can be explained by the clay vessels

having been placed in slow furnaces in which resinous wood was burnt,

and where there was consequently dense smoke, which descended upon the

earthenware in the form of the finest powder and was likewise burnt into

the clay. It is also possible, but by no means probable, that they used

a black pitch or asphalt, which was dissolved in oil of turpentine;

perhaps they used liquid pitch, and painted the vessels with it. The

burning of these would likewise produce coal-black, which in later times

was called the _Atramentum indelibile_ of Apelles. This is the manner in

which colour and gloss were given to Hellenic terra-cottas.

[Illustration: No. 33. Inscribed Trojan Vase of Terra-cotta (8½ M.).]

[Illustration: No. 34. Inscription on the Vase No. 33.]

“The white colour with which the engraved decorations of the Trojan

terra-cottas were filled, by means of a pointed instrument, is nothing

but pure white clay. In like manner, the painting on the potsherd given

above,[70] is made with white clay, and with black clay containing coal.

The brilliant red colour of the large two-handled vessels (δέπα

ἀμφικύπελλα)[71] is no peculiar colour, but merely oxide of iron, which

is a component part of the clay of which the cups were made. Many of the

brilliant yellow Trojan vessels, I find, are made of grey clay, and

painted over with a mass of yellow clay containing oxide of iron; they

were then polished with one of those sharp pieces of diorite which are

so frequently met with in Troy, and afterwards burnt.

The large marshes lying before the site of Ἰλιέων κώμη, and discussed in

my second memoir, have long since been drained, and thus the estate of

Thymbria (formerly Batak) has acquired 240 acres of rich land. As might

have been expected, they were not found to contain any hot springs, but

only three springs of cold water.

In my twenty-second memoir I have mentioned a Trojan vase, with a row of

signs running round it, which I considered to be symbolical, and

therefore did not have them specially reproduced by photography.

However, as my learned friend Émile Burnouf is of opinion that they form

a real inscription in Chinese letters,[72] I give them here according to

his drawing.

M. Burnouf explains them as follows:--

[Illustration:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

puisse (la) terre faire germer dix labours dix .

8 9 10 11

dix dix dix pièces d’étoffes

\----mille----/

]

and adds: “Les caractères du petit vase ne sont ni grecs ni sanscrits,

ni phéniciens, ni, ni, ni--ils sont parfaitement lisibles en chinois!!!

Ce vase peut être venu en Troade de l’Asie septentrional, dont tout le

Nord était touranien.” Characters similar to those given above

frequently occur, more especially upon the perforated terra-cottas in

the form of volcanoes and tops.

As the Turkish papers have charged me in a shameful manner with having

acted against the letter of the firman granted to me, in having kept the

Treasure for myself instead of sharing it with the Turkish Government, I

find myself obliged to explain here, in a few words, how it is that I

have the most perfect right to that treasure. It was only in order to

spare Safvet Pacha, the late Minister of Public Instruction, that I

stated in my first memoir, that at my request, and in the interest of

science, he had arranged for the portion of Hissarlik, which belonged to

the two Turks in Kum-Kaleh, to be bought by the Government. But the true

state of the case is this. Since my excavations here in the beginning of

April 1870, I had made unceasing endeavours to buy this field, and at

last, after having travelled three times to Kum-Kaleh simply with this

object, I succeeded in beating the two proprietors down to the sum of

1000 francs (40_l._) Then, in December 1870, I went to Safvet Pacha at

Constantinople, and told him that, after eight months’ vain endeavours,

I had at last succeeded in arranging for the purchase of the principal

site of Troy for 1000 francs, and that I should conclude the bargain as

soon as he would grant me permission to excavate the field. He knew

nothing about Troy or Homer; but I explained the matter to him briefly,

and said that I hoped to find there antiquities of immense value to

science. He, however, thought that I should find a great deal of gold,

and therefore wished me to give him all the details I could, and then

requested me to call again in eight days. When I returned to him, I

heard to my horror that he had already compelled the two proprietors to

sell him the field for 600 francs (24_l._), and that I might make

excavations there if I wished, but that everything I found must be given

up to him. I told him in the plainest language what I thought of his

odious and contemptible conduct, and declared that I would have nothing

more to do with him, and that I should make no excavations.

But through Mr. Wyne McVeagh, at that time the American Consul, he

repeatedly offered to let me make excavations, on condition that I

should give him only one-half of the things found. At the persuasion of

that gentleman I accepted the offer, on condition that I should have the

right to carry away my half out of Turkey. But the right thus conceded

to me was revoked in April 1872, by a ministerial decree, in which it

was said that I was not to export any part of my share of the discovered

antiquities, but that I had the right to sell them in Turkey. The

Turkish Government, by this new decree, broke our written contract in

the fullest sense of the word, and I was released from every obligation.

Hence I no longer troubled myself in the slightest degree about the

contract which was broken without any fault on my part. I kept

everything valuable that I found for myself, and thus saved it for

science; and I feel sure that the whole civilized world will approve of

my having done so. The new-discovered Trojan antiquities, and especially

the Treasure, far surpass my most sanguine expectations, and fully repay

me for the contemptible trick which Safvet Pacha played me, as well as

for the continual and unpleasant presence of a Turkish official during

my excavations, to whom I was forced to pay 4¾ francs a day.

It was by no means because I considered it to be my duty, but simply to

show my friendly intentions, that I presented the Museum in

Constantinople with seven large vases, from 5 to 6½ feet in height,

and with four sacks of stone implements. I have thus become the only

benefactor the Museum has ever had; for, although all firmans are

granted upon the express condition that one-half of the discovered

antiquities shall be given to the Museum, yet it has hitherto never

received an article from anyone. The reason is that the Museum is

anything but open to the public, and the sentry frequently refuses

admittance even to its Director, so everyone knows that the antiquities

sent there would be for ever lost to science.

The great Indian scholar, Max Müller of Oxford, has just written to me

in regard to the owl-headed tutelary divinity of Troy. “Under all

circumstances, the owl-headed idol cannot be made to explain the idea of

the goddess. The ideal conception and the naming of the goddess came

first; and in that name the owl’s head, whatever it may mean, is

figurative or ideal. In the idol the figurative intention is forgotten,

just as the sun is represented with a golden hand, whereas the ideal

conception of ‘golden-handed’ was ‘spreading his golden rays.’ An

owl-headed deity was most likely intended for a deity of the morning or

the dawn, the owl-light; to change it into a human figure with an owl’s

head was the work of a later and more materializing age.”

I completely agree with this. But it is evident from this that the

Trojans, or at least the first settlers on the hill, spoke Greek, for if

they took the epithet of their goddess, “γλαυκῶπις,” from the ideal

conception which they formed of her and in later times changed it into

an owl-headed female figure, they must necessarily have known that γλαῦξ

meant _owl_, and ὠπή _face_. That the transformation took place many

centuries, and probably more than 1000 years, before Homer’s time, is

moreover proved by owls’ heads occurring on the vases and even in the

monograms in the lowest strata of the predecessors of the Trojans, even

at a depth of 46 feet.

I have still to draw attention to the fact, that in looking over my

Trojan collection from a depth of 2 meters (6½ feet), I find 70 very

pretty brilliant black or red terra-cottas, with or without engraved

decorations, which, both in quality and form, have not the slightest

resemblance either to the Greek or to the pre-historic earthenware. Thus

it seems that just before the arrival of the Greek colony yet another

tribe inhabited this hill for a short time.[73] These pieces of

earthenware may be recognised by the two long-pointed handles of the

large channelled cups, which also generally possess three or four small

horns.

DR. HENRY SCHLIEMANN.

[Illustration: No. 35. Fragment of a second painted Vase, from the

Trojan Stratum.

(From a new Drawing.)]

COMPARATIVE TABLE OF FRENCH METERS AND ENGLISH MEASURES, EXACT AND

APPROXIMATE.

+-----+-----------+-------------+-----------------+

| M. | Inches. | Ft. Inches. | Approximate. |

| | | | 1 M. = 3¼ ft. |

+-----+-----------+-------------+-----------------+

| | | | Feet. |

| 1 | 39·3708 | 3 3·3708 | 3¼ |

| 2 | 78·7416 | 6 6·7416 | 6½ |

| 3 | 118·1124 | 9 10·1124 | 10 |

| 4 | 157·4832 | 13 1·4832 | 13 |

| 5 | 196·8540 | 16 4·8540 | 16-1/3 |

| 6 | 236·2248 | 19 8·2248 | 19-2/3 |

| 7 | 275·5956 | 22 11·5956 | 23 |

| 8 | 314·9664 | 26 2·9664 | 26¼ |

| 9 | 354·3372 | 29 6·3372 | 29½ |

| 10 | 393·7089 | 32 9·7080 | 33 |

| 11 | 433·0788 | 36 1·0788 | 36 (12 yds.) |

| 12 | 472·4496 | 39 4·4496 | 39-1/3 |

| 13 | 511·8204 | 42 7·8204 | 42-2/3 |

| 14 | 551·1912 | 45 11·1912 | 46 |

| 15 | 590·5620 | 49 2·5620 | 49¼ |

| 16 | 620·9328 | 52 5·9328 | 52½ |

| 17 | 669·3036 | 55 9·3036 | 55¾ |

| 18 | 708·6744 | 59 0·6744 | 59 |

| 19 | 748·0452 | 62 4·0452 | 62-1/3 |

| 20 | 787·416 | 65 7·4160 | 65-2/3 |

| 30 | 1181·124 | 98 5·124 | 98½ |

| 40 | 1574·832 | 131 2·832 | 131¼ |

| 50 | 1968·54 | 164 0·54 | 164 |

| 100 | 3937·08 | 328 1·08 | 328 (109 yds.) |

+-----+-----------+-------------+-----------------+

N.B.--The following is a convenient approximate Rule:--“To turn _Meters_

into _Yards_, add 1-11th to the number of Meters.”

WORK AT HISSARLIK IN 1871.

CHAPTER I.

The site of ILIUM described--Excavations in 1870: the City Wall of

Lysimachus--Purchase of the site and grant of a _firman_--Arrival

of Dr. and Madame Schliemann in 1871, and beginning of the

Excavations--The Hill of HISSARLIK, the _Acropolis_ of the Greek

Ilium--Search for its limits--Difficulties of the work--The great

cutting on the North side--Greek coins found--Dangers from fever.

On the Hill of Hissarlik, in the Plain of Troy,

October 18th, 1871.

In my work ‘Ithaca, the Peloponnesus, and Troy,’ published in 1869, I

endeavoured to prove, both by the result of my own excavations and by

the statements of the Iliad, that the Homeric Troy cannot possibly have

been situated on the heights of Bunarbashi, to which place most

archæologists assign it. At the same time I endeavoured to explain that

the site of Troy must necessarily be identical with the site of that

town which, throughout all antiquity and down to its complete

destruction at the end of the eighth or the beginning of the ninth

century A.D.,[74] was called Ilium, and not until 1000 years after its

disappearance--that is 1788 A.D.--was christened Ilium Novum by

Lechevalier,[75] who, as his work proves, can never have visited his

_Ilium Novum_; for in his map he places it on the other side of the

Scamander, close to _Kum-kaleh_, and therefore 4 miles from its true

position.

The site of Ilium is upon a plateau lying on an average about 80 feet

above the Plain, and descending very abruptly on the north side. Its

north-western corner is formed by a hill about 26 feet higher still,

which is about 705 feet in breadth and 984 in length,[76] and from its

imposing situation and natural fortifications this hill of _Hissarlik_

seems specially suited to be the Acropolis of the town.[77] Ever since

my first visit, I never doubted that I should find the Pergamus of Priam

in the depths of this hill. In an excavation which I made on its

north-western corner in April 1870,[78] I found among other things, at a

depth of 16 feet, walls about 6½ feet thick, which, as has now been

proved, belong to a bastion of the time of Lysimachus. Unfortunately I

could not continue those excavations at the time, because the

proprietors of the field, two Turks in Kum-Kaleh, who had their

sheepfolds on the site, would only grant me permission to dig further on

condition that I would at once pay them 12,000 piasters for damages,[79]

and in addition they wished to bind me, after the conclusion of my

excavations, to put the field in order again. As this did not suit my

convenience, and the two proprietors would not sell me the field at any

price, I applied to his Excellency Safvet Pacha, the Minister of Public

Instruction, who at my request, and in the interest of science, managed

that Achmed Pacha, the Governor of the Dardanelles and the Archipelago,

should receive orders from the Ministry of the Interior to have the

field valued by competent persons, and to force the proprietors to sell

it to the Government at the price at which it had been valued: it was

thus obtained for 3000 piasters.

In trying to obtain the necessary firman for continuing my excavations,

I met with new and great difficulties, for the Turkish Government are

collecting ancient works of art for their recently established Museum in

Constantinople, in consequence of which the Sultan no longer grants

permission for making excavations. But what I could not obtain in spite

of three journeys to Constantinople, I got at last through the

intercession of my valued friend, the temporary _chargé d’affaires_ of

the United States to the Sublime Porte--Mr. John P. Brown, the author of

the excellent work ‘Ancient and Modern Constantinople’ (London, 1868).

So on the 27th of September I arrived at the Dardanelles with my firman.

But here again I met with difficulties, this time on the part of the

before named Achmed Pacha, who imagined that the position of the field

which I was to excavate was not accurately enough indicated in the

document, and therefore would not give me his permission for the

excavations until he should receive a more definite explanation from the

Grand Vizier. Owing to the change of ministry which had occurred, a long

time would no doubt have elapsed before the matter was settled, had it

not occurred to Mr. Brown to apply to his Excellency Kiamil-Pacha, the

new Minister of Public Instruction, who takes a lively interest in

science, and at whose intercession the Grand Vizier immediately gave

Achmed Pacha the desired explanation. This, however, again occupied 13

days, and it was only on the evening of the 10th of October that I

started with my wife from the Dardanelles for the Plain of Troy, a

journey of eight hours. As, according to the firman, I was to be watched

by a Turkish official, whose salary I have to pay during the time of my

excavations, Achmed Pacha assigned to me the second secretary of his

chancellary of justice, an Armenian, by name Georgios Sarkis, whom I pay

23 piasters daily.

At last, on Wednesday, the 11th of this month, I again commenced my

excavations with 8 workmen, but on the following morning I was enabled

to increase their number to 35, and on the 13th to 74, each of whom

receives 9 piasters daily (1 franc 80 centimes). As, unfortunately, I

only brought 8 wheelbarrows from France, and they cannot be obtained

here, and cannot even be made in all the country round, I have to use 52

baskets for carrying away the rubbish. This work, however, proceeds but

slowly and is very tiring, as the rubbish has to be carried a long way

off. I therefore employ also four carts drawn by oxen, each of which

again costs me 20 piasters a day. I work with great energy and spare no

cost, in order, if possible, to reach the native soil before the winter

rains set in, which may happen at any moment. Thus I hope finally to

solve the great problem as to whether the hill of Hissarlik is--as I

firmly believe--the citadel of Troy.

As it is an established fact that hills which consist of pure earth and

are brought under the plough gradually disappear--that for instance, the

Wartsberg, near the village of Ackershagen in Mecklenburg, which I once,

as a child, considered to be the highest mountain in the world, has

quite vanished in 40 years--so it is equally a fact, that hills on

which, in the course of thousands of years, new buildings have been

continually erected upon the ruins of former buildings, gain very

considerably in circumference and height. The hill of Hissarlik

furnishes the most striking proof of this. As already mentioned, it lies

at the north-western end of the site of Ilium, which is distinctly

indicated by the surrounding walls built by Lysimachus. In addition to

the imposing situation of this hill within the circuit of the town, its

present Turkish name of _Hissarlik_, “fortress” or “acropolis"--from

the word حِصَاْر root حَصَرَ, to enclose, which has passed from the

Arabic into the Turkish--seems also to prove that this is the Pergamus

of Ilium; that here Xerxes (in 480 B.C.) offered up 1000 oxen to the

Ilian Athena;[80] that here Alexander the Great hung up his armour in

the temple of the goddess, and took away in its stead some of the

weapons dedicated therein belonging to the time of the Trojan war, and

likewise sacrificed to the Ilian Athena.[81] I conjectured that this

temple, the pride of the Ilians, must have stood on the highest point of

the hill, and I therefore decided to excavate this locality down to the

native soil. But in order, at the same time, to bring to light the most

ancient of the fortifying walls of the Pergamus, and to decide

accurately how much the hill had increased in breadth by the _débris_

which had been thrown down since the erection of those walls, I made an

immense cutting on the face of the steep northern slope, about 66 feet

from my last year’s work.[82] This cutting was made in a direction due

south, and extended across the highest plateau, and was so broad that it

embraced the whole building, the foundations of which, consisting of

large hewn stones, I had already laid open last year to a depth of from

only 1 to 3 feet below the surface. According to an exact measurement,

this building, which appears to belong to the first century after

Christ, is about 59 feet in length, and 43 feet in breadth. I have of

course had all these foundations removed as, being within my excavation,

they were of no use and would only have been in the way.

The difficulty of making excavations in a wilderness like this, where

everything is wanting, are immense and they increase day by day; for, on

account of the steep slope of the hill, the cutting becomes longer the

deeper I dig, and so the difficulty of removing the rubbish is always

increasing. This, moreover, cannot be thrown directly down the slope,

for it would of course only have to be carried away again; so it has to

be thrown down on the steep side of the hill at some distance to the

right and left of the mouth of the cutting. The numbers of immense

blocks of stone also, which we continually come upon, cause great

trouble and have to be got out and removed, which takes up a great deal

of time, for at the moment when a large block of this kind is rolled to

the edge of the slope, all of my workmen leave their own work and hurry

off to see the enormous weight roll down its steep path with a

thundering noise and settle itself at some distance in the Plain. It is,

moreover, an absolute impossibility for me, who am the only one to

preside over all, to give each workman his right occupation, and to

watch that each does his duty. Then, for the purpose of carrying away

the rubbish, the side passages have to be kept in order, which likewise

runs away with a great deal of time, for their inclinations have to be

considerably modified at each step that we go further down.

Notwithstanding all these difficulties the work advances rapidly, and if

I could only work on uninterruptedly for a month, I should certainly

reach a depth of more than 32 feet, in spite of the immense breadth of

the cutting.

The medals hitherto discovered are all of copper, and belong for the

most part to Alexandria Troas; some also are of Ilium, and of the first

centuries before and after Christ.

My dear wife, an Athenian lady, who is an enthusiastic admirer of Homer,

and knows almost the whole of the ‘Iliad’ by heart, is present at the

excavations from morning to night. I will not say anything about our

mode of life in this solitude, where everything is wanting, and where we

have to take four grains of quinine every morning as a precaution

against the pestilential malaria. All of my workmen are Greeks, from the

neighbouring village of Renkoï; only on Sunday, a day on which the

Greeks do not work, I employ Turks. My servant, Nikolaos Zaphyros, from

Renkoï, whom I pay 30 piasters a day, is invaluable to me in paying the

daily wages of the workmen, for he knows every one of them, and is

honest. Unfortunately, however, he gives me no assistance in the works,

as he neither possesses the gift of commanding, nor has he the slightest

knowledge of what I am seeking.

I naturally have no leisure here, and I have only been able to write the

above because it is raining heavily, and therefore no work can be done.

On the next rainy day I shall report further on the progress of my

excavations.

[Illustration: No. 36. A large Trojan Amphora of Terra-cotta (8 M.).]