CHAPTER VI.

Fall of Nankin.--Manchoo Cowardice.--Immense Booty.--Sir George

Bonham's Arrival at Nankin.--"The Northern Prince."--The

Ti-pings fraternize.--Sir George Bonham's Dispatch.--The Ti-ping

Reply.--Further Communication.--Its Friendly Nature.--Ti-ping

Literature.--Its Religious Character.--Bishop of Victoria and

Dr. Medhurst's Opinions.--Ti-ping Publications.--The New

Testament.--Monarchy Established.--Occupation of Nankin.--A

Fatal Mistake.--Imperialist Advantages.--Advance of the

Ti-pings.--Manchoo Operations.--The Tsing-hae Army.--The

Retreat.--Tien-wang's Mistake.--His Opportunity Lost.--Manchoo

Tactics.--Imperialist Outrages.--Ti-ping Moderation.--The Triad

Rebels.--They Evacuate Amoy.--Captain Fishbourne's

Description.--Triads Capture Shanghae.--Imperialist

Aggressions.--Jesuits' Interference.--The French attack the

Triads.--Shanghae Evacuated.--British Interference.--Its

Consequences.

Upon the 19th of March, 1853, after a short siege of only eleven days,

Nankin, the ancient capital of China, fell into the hands of the

Ti-pings. Considering the importance of the city, and the strong

garrison it contained, its capture was effected very easily. It was

attacked from the river, upon the northern side, and while one division

sprang a mine under the north-east angle of the wall, another blew down

the I-Fung gate, both storming together and carrying the city with but

little resistance. The Chinese troops in garrison are stated to have

numbered about 15,000, though, considering the unusually large

proportion of Tartar troops, it is probable their strength must have

been greater. They made scarcely a show of opposition to the stormers,

many taking to flight and escaping through the south and west gates, or

surrendering and joining the Ti-pings. The Manchoo troops of the Eight

Banners are estimated to have mustered at least 8,000, and including

their families, not less than 20,000. Yet these men, who had already, in

the wars with Great Britain, shown they could fight well and bravely,

and who were now in a position to offer a stubborn defence, were killed

with hardly an effort to defend themselves. It might naturally have been

expected that, for the honour of their nation, for their emperor, for

their wives' and their children's, and their own lives, in fact, for

everything dear to them, they would at least have made a determined

resistance. They well knew from the insurgents' proclamations, and their

previous acts, that they would meet with little mercy, but seemed to

have been completely paralyzed, and neither able to fight nor flee,

throwing themselves on the ground before the victorious Ti-pings and

crying "Oh Prince, Prince, spare us! spare us!"

Two days after the capture of Nankin, the Tien-wang announced by

proclamation that he had established his court and seat of government

there.

It is believed the Ti-pings were materially assisted in the capture of

the city by confederates within the walls, who lighted signal fires and

created confusion; while the fact of their finding confederates

everywhere, even in the Imperialist camps, to post their proclamations

with impunity, proves the wide-spread popularity of the movement at that

time. With remarkable celerity, within twelve days after the capture of

Nankin, the principal adjoining cities were taken and garrisoned.

Chin-kiang, Yang-chow, and Kwa-chow fell into the hands of the Ti-pings

without opposition, the garrisons having fled with precipitation on

their approach.

The capture of these important cities was even of more moment than that

of Nankin; for Chin-kiang being situated at the southern entrance of the

Grand Canal into the Yang-tze, and Kwa-chow at the northern, gave them

entire command of the canal itself, the great medium of communication

between the southern provinces and the capital, and the route by which

all the grain supplies were conveyed to the north. Immense booty was

captured at these places, and conveyed to Nankin. At the latter city the

military chest that fell into their hands alone contained about £120,000

sterling; while the stores of rice and provisions were enormous. At

Kwa-chow they captured more than a thousand junks laden with tribute

grain on its way to Pekin by the Grand Canal.

The singular panic of the Manchoos was probably caused by their fear of

a retributive Providence having overtaken them for the indiscriminate

slaughter of the Chinese by their ancestors; for in no other way is it

easy to account for the helplessness with which they resigned themselves

to their fate at Nankin.

The Chinese people at this time seemed to look upon the success of the

rebellion as certain. Distant cities commenced to send tribute to the

Tien-wang, and a deputation from Hang-chow was directed by the Ti-ping

authorities to return, as they were not in want of money, and did not

wish the people of Hang-chow to become compromised; thus displaying a

praiseworthy consideration for their countrymen, whose fate they well

knew would be sealed if they fell into the power of the Manchoos after

offering allegiance to themselves.

Exaggerated reports of the Ti-ping successes had reached Shanghae, and

it was rumoured they were on the point of attacking that city. In

consequence of this, and to undeceive the Ti-pings with regard to the

Manchoo proclamations which were diligently circulated, stating the

foreign "barbarians" were about to send their war ships against the

insurgents at Nankin, Sir George Bonham, H.M.'s plenipotentiary in

China, decided to pay a visit to Nankin, partly to explain the British

intention of _perfect neutrality_, and partly to ascertain the extent,

creed, and objects of the revolutionists.

Before leaving Shanghae a meeting was held at the British Consulate, to

consider the course of policy to be adopted in the event of an attack

by the insurgents. Captain Fishbourne, R.N., senior naval officer upon

the station, reports:--

"The question was raised as to whether we should undertake the

defence of the city. Sir George Bonham, however, decided that it

was incompatible with the line of policy he had determined on."

It is only a pity that later British representatives have not been

influenced by a similar sense of justice.

With these views Sir George Bonham embarked on board H.M.S. _Hermes_,

and started for Nankin on the 22nd of April, 1853. The first appearance

of the Ti-pings is thus described by the commander of the ship:--

"The sight which met our eyes on our fairly opening

Chin-kiang-foo to view was a very striking one. Their scouts had

evidently sent forward the news of the approach of an enemy,

which had flown like lightning almost, and had called up armed

warriors in all directions to resist attack. The river-side for

a full mile was lined by batteries and stockades, which were all

occupied by men in red head-dresses--some with red belts, and

dresses made parti-coloured by a large patch on each man's

breast and back, with the badge of the Taeping-wang's army.

Thousands, again, were occupying the heights, waving hundreds of

banners in defiance. Many others were crowding down towards the

river-side as if to be the first in the fight, should we attempt

to land, or to support those in the forefront. Here and there

were to be seen men in red or yellow hoods, and capes of the

same colour, on horseback, galloping along the lines, their

standard-bearers and guards hurrying after them as best they

could, all evincing an enthusiasm and a unity of purpose that

proved them something more than mere hirelings."

Upon the arrival of the _Hermes_ at Nankin, she anchored outside

gun-shot from the batteries, in order to avoid misunderstandings, she

having been fired upon at Chin-kiang by the Ti-ping forts, when she was

followed closely by an Imperialist flotilla, which took advantage of her

proximity to lead the Ti-pings to believe that she was one of the

foreign vessels of war they had stated in many proclamations were

engaged to assist them. Mr. Meadows, of the consular service,

accompanied by Lieutenant Spratt, proceeded on shore for the purpose of

negotiating a meeting between Sir George Bonham and the chief

authorities at Nankin.

Mr. Meadows was received in the northern suburb of Nankin by the

Northern Prince, and the Tien-wang's brother, the Assistant Prince. In

his report of the communication with these two chiefs, he says:--

"But I also explained, as authorized, the simple object of his

(Sir George Bonham's) visit; viz., to notify the desire of the

British government to remain _perfectly neutral_ in the struggle

between them and the Manchoos, and to learn their feeling

towards us, and their intention, in the event of their forces

advancing towards Shanghae.

"To all this the Northern Prince listened, but made little or no

rejoinder; the conversation, in so far as directed by him,

consisting mainly of inquiries as to our religious belief, and

expositions of their own. He stated that, as children and

worshippers of one God, we were all brethren; and after

receiving my assurance that such had long been our view also,

inquired if I knew the heavenly rules (Tien-teaou). I replied

that I was most likely acquainted with them, though unable to

recognize them under that name; and, after a moment's thought,

asked if they were ten in number. He answered eagerly in the

affirmative. I then began repeating the substance of the first

of the Ten Commandments, but had not proceeded far before he

laid his hand on my shoulder in a friendly way, and exclaimed,

'The same as ourselves! the same as ourselves!' while the simply

observant expression on the face of his companion disappeared

before one of satisfaction, as the two exchanged glances.

"He then stated, with reference to my previous inquiry as to

their feelings and intentions towards the British, that not

merely might peace exist between us, _but that we might be

intimate friends_. He added, we might now, at Nankin, land and

walk about where we pleased. He reverted again and again, with

an appearance of much gratitude, to the circumstance that he and

his companions in arms had enjoyed the special protection and

aid of God, without which they would never have been able to do

what they had done against superior numbers and resources; and

alluding to our _declarations of neutrality and non-assistance

to the Manchoos_, said, with a quiet air of thorough conviction,

'It would be wrong for you to help them, and, what is more, it

would be of no use. Our Heavenly Father helps us, and no one can

fight with Him.'"

Captain Fishbourne, of the _Hermes_, says:--

"Meanwhile the news soon spread amongst the insurgents that we

were brethren, and numbers came immediately to fraternize. They

appeared much pleased at our wearing our hair long in front like

themselves, and without tails.... Numbers continued to flock on

board, and as the question of friendliness was settled, we

weighed, to move closer to the city walls, whilst many of the

insurgents fell into the capstan to assist, and seemed to enjoy

it all as great fun. In a manner _quite unlike any Chinese we

had ever met_, they at once met us on the most friendly terms,

and remained so the five days we were there. * * *

"29th (April). Again the decks were crowded with visitors; some,

on going down amongst the men, observed some josses (idols) that

they had picked up as curiosities, some of them from Rangoon,

and intimated by gestures that these were very bad and useless.

They conducted themselves in a frank and friendly way towards

all; their bearing was quite different to that of any Chinese

that we had ever met; so much so, that our men remarked it; and

had any one asserted ten days previously that so many hundred

Chinese would have been on board, and yet nothing have been

stolen, not one in the ship but would have said, 'It is

impossible.'"

A slight misunderstanding having occurred with regard to the

unceremonious style in which the Ti-ping chiefs replied to the first

letter sent to them immediately upon the arrival of the _Hermes_, Lae, a

secretary of state, proceeded on board to arrange matters for Sir George

Bonham's reception. This was settled to take place the next day; but he,

apprehending difficulties in the way of ceremonial might perhaps

interfere with the good feeling then existing, sent an excuse,

accompanied by the following dispatch, which was delivered by Captain

Fishbourne and Mr. Meadows:--

"_Hermes_, off Nankin, April 30, 1853.

"I received yesterday your message conveyed through the

ministers sent on board for that purpose, to the effect that you

were willing to receive me in the city, in the event of my being

desirous of paying you a visit. It was at first my intention to

see you on shore, but the weather and other circumstances

prevent my doing so, and therefore I have to convey to you in

writing the sentiments I should have communicated to you

verbally, had I visited you. These sentiments are to the

following effect."

After stating the position of the British nation with regard to the

Manchoo government, the existence of the treaty and trading regulations,

&c., the dispatch goes on to say:--

"Recently, however, it came to my ears that a contest was going

on between the native Chinese and the Manchoos, and that you,

the Eastern Prince, had taken Nankin. A variety of reports

connected with the subject were in circulation, and certain of

the Manchoo authorities had issued a proclamation to the effect

that they had borrowed the services of ten or more steamers of

Western nations, which would proceed up the Yang-tze to attack

your forces. This is altogether false. It is the established

custom of our nation _in nowise to interfere with any contests

that may take place in the countries frequented by our subjects

for commercial purposes_. It is therefore _totally out of the

question_ that we should now in China lend the services of our

steamers to give assistance in the struggle. Of the lorchas

hired by the Manchoo authorities, and the square-rigged vessels

purchased by them, I know nothing. British merchant vessels are

not allowed to hire out their services for such contest; but I

cannot prevent the sale of vessels, the private property of

British subjects, any more than I can prevent the sale of cotton

manufactures or other merchandise."

Again the dispatch states:--

"In short, it is our desire to remain _perfectly neutral_ in the

conflict between you and the Manchoos."

This guarantee of neutrality would have effected much good, and avoided

much evil, had it been acted up to; but unfortunately such was not the

case--it did not suit the policy of England to act on that occasion in

the same manner as when the Confederate steam rams were seized in the

Mersey.

Sir George Bonham's dispatch was carried ashore by Captain Fishbourne,

who was received by several chiefs, whom he thus describes:[17]--

"The appearance and bearing of all those men gave me the idea

that they were clever, decided, and determined; and from the

constant solemn appeal to heaven to witness their assertion, or

in reference to their belief, they showed themselves to be under

a settled conviction that their mission was from thence."

The following dispatch is the reply of the Ti-ping chiefs to Sir George

Bonham's:--

"We, Prince of the East, Yang, the Honae teacher, and the master

who rescues from calamity (an ecclesiastical title), Principal

Minister of State, and Generalissimo; and

"Prince of the West, Seaou, Assistant Minister of State, and

also Generalissimo, both subjects of the Celestial dynasty, now

under the sway of T'aí-ping, truly commissioned by Heaven to

rule; hereby issue a decree to the distant English, who have

long recognized the duty of worshipping Heaven (God), and who

have recently come into the views of our royal master,

especially enjoining upon them to set their minds at rest and

harbour no unworthy suspicions.

"The Heavenly Father, the Supreme Lord, the Great God, in the

beginning created heaven and earth, land and sea, men and

things, in six days; from that time to this the whole world has

been one family, and all within the four seas brethren; how can

there exist, then, any difference between man and man? or how

any distinction between principal and secondary birth? But from

the time that the human race has been influenced by the

demoniacal agency which has entered into the heart of man, they

have ceased to acknowledge the great benevolence of God the

Heavenly Father in giving and sustaining life, and ceased to

appreciate the infinite merit of the expiatory sacrifice made by

Jesus, our Celestial Elder Brother, and have, with lumps of

clay, wood, and stone, practised perversity in the world. Hence

it is that the Tartar hordes and Elfin Huns so fraudulently

robbed us of our celestial territory (China). But, happily, our

Heavenly Father and Celestial Elder Brother have from an early

period displayed their miraculous power amongst you English, and

you have long acknowledged the duty of worshipping God the

Heavenly Father and Jesus our Celestial Brother, so that the

truth has been preserved entire, and the Gospel maintained.

Happily, too, the Celestial Father, the Supreme Lord and Great

God, has now of His infinite mercy sent a heavenly messenger to

convey our royal master the Heavenly King up into heaven, and

has personally endowed him with power to sweep away from the

thirty-three heavens demoniacal influences of every kind, and

expel them thence into this lower world. And, beyond all, happy

is it that the Great God and Heavenly Father displayed His

infinite mercy and compassion in coming down into this our world

in the third month of the year Mowshin (1848),[18] and that

Jesus our Celestial Elder Brother, the Saviour of the world,

likewise manifested equal favour and grace in descending to

earth during the ninth month of the same year, where, for these

six years past, they have marvellously guided the affairs of

men, mightily exhibited their wondrous power, and put forth

innumerable miraculous proofs, exterminating a vast number of

imps and demons, and aiding our Celestial Sovereign in assuming

the control of the whole empire.

"But now that you distant English have not deemed myriads of

miles too far to come and acknowledge our sovereignty, not only

are the soldiers and officers of our celestial dynasty delighted

and gratified thereby, but even in high heaven itself our

Celestial Father and Elder Brother will also admire this

manifestation of your fidelity and truth. We therefore issue

this special decree, permitting you, the English chief, to lead

your brethren _out or in, backwards or forwards, in full

accordance with your own will or wish_, whether to aid us in

exterminating our impish foes, or to carry on your commercial

operations as usual; and it is our earnest hope that you will,

with us, earn the merit of diligently serving our Royal Master,

and, with us, recompense the goodness of the Father of Spirits.

"Wherefore we promulgate this new decree of (our sovereign)

T'aí-ping for the information of you English, so that all the

human race may learn to worship our Heavenly Father and

Celestial Elder Brother, and that all may know that, wherever

our Royal Master is, there men unite in congratulating him on

having obtained the decree to rule.

"A special decree, for the information of all men, given (under

our seals) this 26th day of the 3rd month of the year Kweihaou

(1st May, 1853), under the reign of the Celestial dynasty of

T'aí-ping."

With a faithfulness above all praise, the Ti-pings have never broken

their promises, and although the British government have thought fit to

repudiate theirs, still, with an integrity really wonderful, the

Ti-pings, although they might fairly have done so, have never

retaliated. Had ministers of enlightened mind, or even ministers of

honour, taken advantage of that clause of the Ti-pings' line of

conduct--and which in spite of the British hostilities has remained

unaltered--to go "out or in, backwards or forwards," how great a result

would have been attained for themselves, and how glorious a future of

freedom and Christianity for the Chinese!

Sir George Bonham, it appears, took umbrage at some imaginative want of

respect in the dispatch of the Ti-ping chiefs; still, the following

extracts from a communication received from Lo-thai-kang, commander of

Ti-ping forces at Chin-kiang, the Triad chief who joined the society of

"God-worshippers" in Kwang-si, should have appeased his indignation:--

"We humbly conceive that when the will of Heaven is fixed, man

cannot oppose; and when views and feelings are correct, corrupt

imaginations cannot interfere therewith; hence it is that honest

birds select the tree on which they roost, and that virtuous

ministers choose the sovereign whom they intend to serve. But,

alas! these false Tartars have displayed their unruly

dispositions, in fraudulently depriving us of our lawful

patrimony; at home they have injured the subjects of our state,

and abroad they have warred against foreign states. On a former

occasion your _honourable_ nation, with upright views, marched

into our territory, for which you had doubtless good and

sufficient reason; but the impish Tartars opposed your entrance,

_which the inhabitants of China viewed with displeasure_; but

now our royal master has received the command of Heaven to

punish offenders, _to show kindness to foreigners_, and

_harmonize_ them with the Chinese, _not restricting commercial

intercourse_, nor levying transit duties on merchandise, while

he leads forward his martial bands, to the number of hundreds of

myriads, overcoming every opposition; from which it is clear

that the period has arrived when both Heaven and man unite in

favouring his design, and faithful and brave warriors exert

themselves on his behalf. But these fiendish Tartars, finding

their strength gone, and their resources exhausted, have

attempted to drive on your _honourable_ nation to exert

yourselves in their behalf, unabashed by the recollection that,

_on a former occasion, when matters went easily with them, they

made it their business to oppose you; and now, when they are in

extremities, they apply to you for succour, wishing to set our

two nations at variance, in order to avail themselves of any

advantage arising therefrom_. This, we presume, is already seen

through by you.

"We remember, moreover, how on a former occasion we, in

conjunction with Bremer, Elliot, and Wanking (?), in the

province of Canton erected a church, and together worshipped

Jesus, our Celestial Elder Brother. All these circumstances are

as fresh in our recollection as if they had happened but

yesterday."

It is utterly impossible that anything could have been more satisfactory

than this first communication with the Ti-pings. Not only were all their

documents couched in the most friendly manner, affording a striking and

total contrast to those of the Manchoo; but in practice as well as

theory their conduct was excellent. They substituted for the old and

insulting epithets, "barbarian" and "foreign devil," hitherto applied to

all Europeans, the kindlier appellation of "foreign brethren;" while

instead of assuming the repellant and exclusive manner of the

Imperialists, they evinced the warmest friendliness and most candid

demeanour. So pleasing was their conduct generally, that all persons

having communication with them were unanimous in expressing their

favourable impressions. Captain Fishbourne, describing his visit in the

_Hermes_, says:--

"It was obvious to the commonest observer that they were

practically _a different race_. They had Gutzlaff's edition of

the Scriptures--at least they told us so; we know they had

twenty-eight chapters of Genesis, for they had reprinted thus

much, and gave us several copies; and some of them were

practical Christians, and nearly all seemed to be under the

influence of religious impressions, though limited in their

amount. They believed in a special Providence, and believed that

this truth had had a practical demonstration in their own case.

That though they had had trials and incurred dangers, these were

to punish and to purify. They had also successes, such as they

could have had only by God's special interference. They

referred, with deep and heartfelt gratitude, to the difficulties

they had encountered, and the deliverances which had been

effected for them, when they were but a few, and attributed all

their success to God.

"'They,' said one, speaking of the Imperialists, 'spread all

kinds of lies about us; they say we employ magical arts. The

only kind of magic we have used is prayer to God. In Kwang-se,

when we occupied Yung-ngan, we were sorely pressed; there were

then only some two or three thousand of us; we were beset on all

sides by much greater number; we had no powder left, and our

provisions were all gone; but our Heavenly Father came down and

showed us the way to break out. So we put our wives and children

in the middle, and not only forced a passage, but completely

beat our enemies.'

"After a short pause he added, 'If it be the will of God that

our Prince of Peace shall be sovereign of China, he will be the

sovereign of China; if not, then we will die here.'

"The man who, in every extreme, spoke these words of courageous

fidelity to the cause, and of confidence in God, was a

shrivelled-up, elderly little person, who made an odd figure in

his yellow and red hood; but he could think the thoughts and

speak the speech of a hero. He, and others like him, have

succeeded in impressing with their own sentiments of courage and

morality the minds of their adherents."

The _Hermes_ brought away from Nankin the following books, which were

published and circulated amongst the Ti-pings, viz.:--

1. The Book of Religious Precepts of the Ti-ping Dynasty.

2. The Trimetrical Classic.

3. An Ode for Youth.

4. The Book of Celestial Decrees.

5. The Book of Declaration of the Divine Will, made during the

Heavenly Father's Descent (in the Spirit) upon Earth.

6. The Imperial Declaration of Ti-ping.

7. Proclamations from Eastern and Western Kings.

8. Arrangement of the Army.

9. Regulations of the Army.

10. A New Calendar.

11. Ceremonial Regulations.

12. Book of Genesis, Chap. I.--XXVIII.

These furnished abundant proofs of the Christianity of the whole

movement. Errors, and some very grave, undoubtedly existed; but although

these have been sometimes animadverted upon in unmeasured terms, the

grand truth that the Ti-pings admitted and recognized the principal

points of the Christian faith, remained. Yet some persons seemed to

imagine the insurrection totally unworthy of Christian sympathy and

consideration, because their tenets of belief were not perfect;

forgetting that everything must have a commencement, and forgetting the

universally imperfect commencement of Christianity, even from the time

of the Apostles. Those who have made the religious error of the Ti-pings

an argument against them are not worthy of the smallest attention; for,

although they have been forward enough to declaim against the struggling

Christians, they have been altogether backward in the slightest attempt

to teach them better. Their own Christianity is scarcely so faultless

that they can afford to consign tens of thousands of professing, though

ignorant, Christians, to destruction; and were they ever so correct

themselves, still less should they be guilty of so unchristian an act.

The earnestness with which the Ti-ping government endeavoured to

promulgate the saving Word of God, is illustrated by the fact, that

then, and ever since, they circulated the Scriptures and all religious

publications entirely free of charge, a circumstance unparalleled in the

history of the world. Captain Fishbourne reports:--

"Before leaving Nankin they furnished us with many copies of

books which they had published, and of which they appear to

have had a large store, as they circulated them by every

possible means; they were seen by some officers of the _Hermes_

in boats that they _had sent off to drift down the river amongst

the Imperial flotilla_."

This singular mode of proceeding seems to imply that even at that early

period they recognized the truth of the Divine promise, "My word shall

not return unto me void," and with a holy simplicity were acting in full

confidence as to the results.

The Bishop of Victoria, in his estimate of the books of the Ti-pings,

has used the following language:--

"There are important questions which we have to consider

respecting the character of the religion of the insurgents;

_e.g._: Are its doctrines essentially those of the Christian

religion? Do the elements of truth preponderate over those of

error? Are the defects, which may be observable among them, such

as constitute a reasonable ground for condemning the whole

movement as one of unmingled evil, and the work of Satanic

power? Or, on the other hand, are they the natural shortcomings

of a body of imperfectly enlightened men, placed in a situation

of novel difficulty, labouring under almost unexampled

disadvantages in their pursuit of truth, without spiritual

instructors and guides, with only a few copies of the Holy

Scriptures, and those apparently in small, detached, and

fragmentary portions, with no forms of prayer or manuals of

devotion, having their minds distracted amid the arduous toil of

a campaign and the work of religious proselytism, with no

definite views or clear knowledge respecting the sacraments, the

Christian ministry, or the constitution of a Church--engaged in

a struggle for life and death--and yet, amid all these

hindrances and drawbacks, evincing a hopeful, praiseworthy, and

promising vigour of mind and independence of action, in the

great undertaking of a moral revolution of their country?

"We _do not hesitate to assert_ that ours is the latter and more

favourable view."

The following are the Rev. Dr. Medhurst's opinions of the same

publications. Of one hymn in particular, from "The Book of Religious

Precepts of the Ti-ping Dynasty," he says:--

"These lines constitute the redeeming feature of the whole book;

they deserve to be written in letters of gold, and we could

_desire nothing better_ for the Chinese than that they were

engraven on every heart. This one hymn is worth the four books

and the five classics of the Chinese all put together:--

"'How different are the true doctrines from the doctrines of the world!

They save the souls of men, and lead to the enjoyment of endless bliss.

The wise receive them with exultation, as the source of their happiness;

The foolish, when awakened, understand thereby the way to heaven.

Our Heavenly Father, of His great mercy and unbounded goodness,

Spared not His first-born son, but sent Him down into the world,

To give His life for the redemption of all our transgressions,

The knowledge of which, coupled with repentance, saves the souls of men.'"

Of "The Book of Religious Precepts of the Ti-ping Dynasty," he further

says:--

"This is decidedly the best production issued by the insurgents.

The reasoning is correct, the prayers are good, the ceremonies

enjoined (with the exception of the offerings) _are

unobjectionable_; the Ten Commandments[19] agree in spirit with

those delivered by Moses, and the hymns are passable. The

statements of the doctrines of human depravity, redemption by

the blood of Jesus, and the renewal of the heart by the

influence of the Holy Spirit, _are sufficient_ to direct any

honest inquirer in the way to heaven."

"'The Ode for Youth,'" he says, "gives some admirable lessons

regarding the honour due to God, who is the Creator and Father

of all. It sets forth in very clear terms the coming of Jesus

into the world for the salvation of men by the shedding of His

blood on the cross, and then goes on to detail the duties that

are required of us as parents and children, brothers and

sisters, husbands and wives, relatives and friends; concluding

with instructions as to the management of the heart and external

senses. Altogether it is an excellent book, _and there is not a

word in it which a Christian missionary might not adopt, and

circulate as a tract for the benefit of the Chinese_."[19]

"'The Book of Declaration of the Divine Will, made during the

Heavenly Father's Descent upon Earth,' details the examination

and detection of a traitor, on whom they were about to confer an

appointment, when the Father is said to have come down from

heaven in person,[20] on purpose to arraign and cross-question

the delinquent; and having brought his reason to light, to have

returned to heaven.

"There is no word of their having seen any form; but the idea of

the Father's presence seems to have been impressed upon the

minds of the bystanders.

"'The Book of Celestial Decrees' purports to be a collection of

communications from God our Heavenly Father, and Jesus our

Celestial Elder Brother. This is little, if anything, superior

to the preceding work.

"Their almanac appears to be in some measure founded upon that

originally prepared for the Chinese by the Jesuits, but prepared

by those who did not know much upon the subject, and therefore

they have adopted 366 days, the almanac copied from having been

one for leap-year. They, however, stated in contradistinction to

the ordinary Chinese almanac, that there are not any such things

as lucky days, 'as whoever shall with a true breast reverence

the Heavenly Father, the High Lord God, will be looked upon by

Him with complacency, and whatsoever times such please to attend

to their business, will be lucky and fortunate to them.'

"The book entitled 'The Regulations for the Army of the Ti-ping

Dynasty' is very remarkable for the _complete organization_

which it shows to exist amongst them, and for the _very

enlightened regulations_ it establishes for the treatment of the

people amongst whom they may be.

"'The Trimetrical Classic,'[21] so called from each line

containing only three words, is a very remarkable document, as

evidencing that the writer, if there was but one, possessed

great knowledge of both Old and New Testament history, of the

plan of salvation, and of practical Christianity. He appears,

also, to have much knowledge of Chinese history, and uses it to

guard against the hostility likely to rise amongst Chinese

against the Western nations, from the idea that they were

entirely indebted to them for a knowledge of the true God."

Although the above reports are very favourable as to the Ti-pings'

religion, still, upon many vital points they were undoubtedly defective;

but to qualify their shortcomings they subsequently published the Bible

in its full integrity, Old and New Testaments inclusive, copies of

which, with the Tien-wang's Imperial seal, are in possession of several

gentlemen in England.[22] Therefore, to denounce the Ti-ping movement as

evil and anti-Christian, because there exist _some_ errors of belief, is

not only most unjustifiable, but even implies that a person using such

an argument doubts the promised efficacy and result of God's Word.

The information gathered up to this time upon the religion of the

Ti-pings is particularly interesting and satisfactory; and if all

Christian men did not feel disposed to help them, they at least ought

not to have interfered against them; yet such was not the case, for even

at that early period many misnamed Christians, without in the least

_personally_ knowing anything of the movement, very loudly decried it.

Wrongful as this may seem, it only forms a part of the great

psychological problem--why it is that the minds of men will always, by a

vast majority, follow wrong instead of right?

The opposition the Ti-ping rebellion has met with from those whose

profession of Christianity should have made them its friends, can excite

no wonder; for, throughout the history of the world, has truth, freedom,

or Christianity, ever become manifest otherwise than through a dismal

vista of disbelief and bloodshed? It is a sad reflection, and a proof of

our frail, if not vile, mortality!

Some few months after the visit of the _Hermes_, the French war steamer

_Cassini_ proceeded to Nankin; she brought to Shanghae a reprint of the

remainder of Genesis, of Exodus, and a portion of the New Testament,

consisting of St. Matthew's Gospel, printed from the version of the Rev.

Dr. Gutzlaff.

This is the first account we have of the New Testament being seen

amongst the Ti-pings, although in some of their previous proclamations

it had been referred to: it proves the progress they were making; for

many of their errors were to be attributed to the fact that their belief

was grounded almost entirely upon the Old Testament. The Ti-pings have

been sadly abused for polygamy, &c., although I do not remember that

such facts have been made a _casus belli_ against the Imperialists; but

it must be remembered that as their laws were framed and already

constituted when the New Testament first came into their hands,

everything required to be altered; therefore people should recall the

maxim of Bacon, "that nature should be imitated by politicians, in the

_gradual_ character of her changes," and have the justice to admit, that

Hung-sui-tshuen, having made his laws as to marriage, &c., could not

possibly either overturn them at once, or see any reason to do so until

the truth either _gradually_ dawned upon him, or was inculcated by _some

of the many missionaries_ who overspread China. It seems very remarkable

that _none_ of them ever entertained this idea, excepting the American,

Mr. Roberts, who turned it to no advantage.

In the meanwhile, the possession of Nankin entirely altered the tactics

of the Tien-wang. Instead of continuing his rapid and triumphant march,

overcoming the Manchoos almost by the terror caused by the advance of

his forces, he settled down at what he had decided should become the

capital of his new empire; gathering together his followers in and about

Nankin and the neighbouring cities. For a month or two the whole Ti-ping

forces were busily engaged drilling, and fortifying the cities they

retained. During the same period, the Tien-wang and his chiefs were

employed constituting a regular government, with its attendant courts

and tribunals.

The government instituted was monarchical, Hung-sui-tshuen (the

Tien-wang) being the monarch; the other chiefs, titled Wang, bearing the

same relation to him as royal princes, that E-ching-wang, the Prince of

Kung, and the Soong-wang (one of the late Manchoo emperor's uncles) do

to the Manchoo dynasty.

The five principal leaders, besides their rank of Prince, constituted

both the Privy Council and Ministry. Six boards were formed, similar to

those of Pekin, with an additional one for Foreign Affairs. Yang, the

Eastern Prince, was appointed Prime Minister; Wei, the Northern Prince,

President of the Board of War; Fung, the Southern Prince, of the Boards

of Justice and Finance; Siau, the Western Prince, of the Civil Office

Board and Ecclesiastic Court; and Shih, the Assistant-Prince, of the

Board of Public Affairs and the Foreign Office.

The above arrangement was, however, subsequently altered, in consequence

of the increasing extent of the revolution. The five princes then

resigned their inferior appointments to others, continuing their duties

as Privy Council to the Tien-wang, and Supreme Generalissimos of the

five military divisions, into which their whole rule and territory were

divided. Other chiefs were elected to the dignity of Wang, with a rank

secondary to that of the Princes, and the whole formed a sort of

parliament. All the important affairs of state, such as the military

expeditions to be undertaken, plans of defence, &c., had first to

receive the sanction of this parliament, and were then submitted to the

Tien-wang for his approval. To a certain extent, the Tien-wang was

despotic in his government, for nothing could be undertaken without his

special sanction. This rule, although supreme, was still far from

constituting a despotism; and the ultimate decisions vested in him,

have, singularly enough, never created dissension in council. This is to

be accounted for not only by the fact that his subjects regarded him as

endowed with theocratical attributes, but also to the wisdom of his

mandates.

As it was impossible, during their belligerent state, to give full

effect to their Civil Boards or officials, the whole system of

government resolved itself into a military one, pending such time as

peace should be obtained, when they would be at leisure to cultivate the

arts and sciences, and form a legislature upon an entirely civil basis.

The occupation of Nankin has proved fatal to the success of the Ti-pings

hitherto. Insurrection, of whatever kind, to be successful, must never

relinquish the aggressive movement; directly it acts upon the defensive,

unless possessing some wonderful organization, its power is broken. The

principal element of revolutionary success is rapidity of action, and

when once this is forsaken, the consolidated strength of an established

constitution is advantageously brought to bear against rebellion.

The Tien-wang, by settling down at Nankin and commencing to defend his

position, committed a vital error, and one that lost him the empire. If,

instead of so doing, and affording his enemies time to rally and recover

from their wild panic, and concentrate their forces, he had aimed at the

one terminal point, Pekin, beyond all doubt, the very _éclat_ of his

victorious march would have carried him with an almost resistless

triumph into possession of the capital, and the consequent destruction

of the Manchoo dynasty would have given him the empire. The very fact

that for years afterwards, in spite of this unfavourable re-action, the

Ti-pings have been enabled, not only to hold their own against the

Imperialists, but to have utterly crushed them--had it not been for the

intervention of England--proves how easily they might have followed up

their first advantages.

Two courses were open to the Ti-pings, either of which, judging by their

career, would have led to the extinction of the oppressive Manchoo rule.

The first was, without a pause, to have continued their march upon

Pekin, abandoning each city as they seized it, and while enriching

themselves from the captured stores and treasuries, and strengthening

their forces by the crowds of discontented wherever they might pass, not

to have permitted the slightest reduction of their numbers by detaching

isolated garrisons.

The second would have been to have abandoned Nankin, and concentrated

all their forces in the southern provinces,--Kwang-tung, Kwang-se,

Kwei-chow, and Fo-keen,--a part of China, more than any other, bitterly

opposed to the Manchoos, and more important still, the native provinces

of the principal Ti-ping leaders. In this case, the whole of the country

south of the Yang-tze river could in a short time have been completely

wrested from the Manchoos, and then, if unable to obtain the whole

empire, they would at least have established a southern kingdom in

perfect integrity--and how superior this course of action would have

been to the irregular one they pursued!

It was not only a great mistake, but a great absurdity for the Tien-wang

to establish a capital, and set up a new dynasty before accomplishing

either of the foregoing courses.

Although for several years numbers continued flocking to the Tien-wang's

standard, still, they were not of the best material; the wealthier

classes, directly they found the revolution paused, paused too, and time

showed them that the obnoxious element was the Christian religion. So

long as the movement, in the earlier stages of patriotic excitement, was

looked upon as a means of overthrowing the foreign dynasty, it was a

national and a popular one; but as the foreign derived religious

character transpired, the bigoted and proud Chinese naturally began to

eye with suspicion a movement so vast, aiming not only at the subversion

of the reigning dynasty, but of the time-honoured superstitions,

ceremonies, and faith of the nation. The stationary phase, prejudicial

to any revolution, was doubly so to the Ti-ping, as it fully displayed

that the Christian, or foreign innovation, was as much their profession

as the popular anti-Manchoo feeling; but for this, the whole population

of China would have risen _en masse_ to throw off the foreign yoke.

Through our Faith the Ti-pings have heroically, and, until the British

_Government_ added their weight to the adverse scale, successfully

maintained an unequal struggle for years. Should we not then rather have

assisted than opposed them? Why should we, who pride ourselves upon our

superior freedom, oppose the advance of Christianity, and perpetuate a

most corrupt and barbarous government in Asia--a government more foreign

to the people whom it crushes than the Russian is to the Poles? Can the

British nation sympathize with the rebels to one and not with those to

the other, particularly when the latter are endeavouring to propagate

the Christian faith? Can the English nation, one of the most Christian

and enlightened in the world, deny all sympathy to those carrying on the

greatest patriotic struggle on record, a struggle that _would_, by the

admission of many high-minded missionaries, have Christianized more than

one-third of the human race?

The Imperialists gained many advantages through the stationary position

of the Ti-pings. Whereas, before, they contented themselves with

following an advancing and triumphant army, and occupying the towns and

districts as they were evacuated, they were now enabled to recover from

the demoralizing effects of their numerous defeats, and to concentrate

their efforts upon one or two points. The prestige of success, a great

element with Chinese troops, was for a time lost to the revolutionists,

and the Tartar forces despatched from the north combining with those

lately following at a respectful distance in the rear of the Ti-pings,

soon invested Nankin and Chin-kiang with apparently overwhelming

numbers.

The blockade of Nankin, notwithstanding the strength of the investing

forces, was neither close nor effectual. Several expeditionary armies

were formed and despatched by the Tien-wang to raise the country in

different directions. He seems to have reckoned too much upon the

patriotic spirit of his countrymen, besides committing the error of

settling down and attempting to consolidate his own power before

overthrowing that of the enemy. It is even very probable, if all these

expeditionary armies had been combined into one and marched upon Pekin,

that that city would have fallen.

In May, 1853, a small army of about seven thousand men crossed to the

northern bank of the Yang-tze-kiang, and after defeating a body of

Tartar troops who disputed their passage, proceeded rapidly in a

north-west direction, through the provinces of Ngan-whui and Ho-nan.

Kai-fung, the capital of Ho-nan, the city containing the only tribe of

Jews found in China, was unsuccessfully attacked.

Passing rapidly on, the Ti-pings effected the passage of the Yellow

River, and attacked the city of Hwae-king. Here they were likewise

unsuccessful, and a large army of Imperialists having collected, some

from the north, some from the neighbouring garrisons, and united with a

considerable force that had been detached in pursuit from the army of

observation before Nankin, the siege was raised, and the Ti-ping line of

march to the northward checked. Diverging to the westward for nearly 200

miles, they entered the province of Shensi, and on the 4th of September

captured the city of Yuen-keuh. This was the first city of magnitude

taken since leaving Nankin, and the treasure and supplies found at this

place proved very acceptable to the worn and destitute army. They once

more turned northwards, and marched steadily forward in the direction of

Pekin, capturing many important cities on the way. Late in the same

month they entered Chih-le, the most northern province of the empire,

and that in which Pekin is situated. Advancing with rapidity, and

capturing city after city, towards the end of October they reached the

Grand Canal, and proceeding by this, in a few days arrived at and

captured the town of Tsing-hae, distant some twenty miles from the port

of Tien-tsin. Tsing-hae now became the head-quarters of the Ti-ping

army; while the main body occupied the place, a column was detached

against Tien-tsin, before which city it appeared on the 30th October;

but being repulsed with considerable loss, the whole army went into

winter quarters at Tsing-hae.

In the meanwhile, the Manchoo court at Pekin was seriously alarmed at

the progress the Ti-pings were making, they being now distant but a few

days' march. Every exertion was made to stop their further progress; not

only was the Manchoo garrison of Pekin despatched against them, but

large bodies of Mongols were engaged and sent before Tsing-hae early in

November; and these forces combining with the Imperialist troops that

had followed the Ti-pings from the first day they crossed the Yang-tze,

and continually receiving reinforcements from every garrison town they

passed, now closely blockaded the Ti-ping position.

Soon after the departure of the first northern army, in May, a large

force was marched back upon the old route taken by the Ti-pings in their

advance upon Nankin. Proceeding up the Yang-tze-kiang, Ngan-king, the

capital of the province of Ngan-whui, was captured and made a base for

further operations. Many cities were captured, and their stores and

treasuries convoyed down to Nankin. Two strong columns were now detached

from Ngan-king, one in a westerly direction, penetrating through the

provinces of Kiang-si and Hoo-nan, while the other started due north to

the reinforcement of the army blockaded at Tsing-hae. Early in 1854, the

western army having passed the Tung-ting lake, retraced a part of their

old line of march, capturing the numerous cities on the bank of the

Yang-tze river. About May this army arrived before the three cities of

Han-kow, Han-yang, and Wu-chang, the capital of Hoo-peh, conveying the

immense supplies they had already captured; after a short siege, these

important places fell, thus placing the Ti-pings in possession of all

the principal cities from thence to Chin-kiang, a distance of more than

450 miles, and comprising the richest and most fertile portion of the

Yang-tze provinces.

In the meanwhile the northern column (which left Ngan-king some time in

November, 1853), making forced marches through Ngan-whui, struck the

Grand Canal in the province of Kiang-su, and rapidly following its

course through Shang-tung, city after city falling before its victorious

march, crossed the Yellow River in March, 1854, and captured by storm,

on the 12th April, the strongly-fortified city of Lin-tsing, on the

border of the northern province, Chih-le.

During this time the army at Tsing-hae remained closely blockaded.

While, entirely cut off from all supplies or reinforcements, it became

fast reduced by sickness, famine, and the sword; the enemy, upon the

contrary (but a few days' march from Tien-tsin, the great northern

commercial city and grain depôt; in the immediate vicinity of Tartary,

and, moreover, hardy and inured to the keen wintry storms, so trying to

the lightly-clad southerners, comprising the Ti-ping forces) had

everything in their favour. Large bodies of Mongolian troops were hired

and despatched by the Manchoo government against the blockaded

rebels--the Manchoo reserves, and even a large contingent of volunteer

Chinese, were sent to swell the imperialist ranks; and while time fast

reduced the number and efficiency of the Ti-pings, their foe day by day

became more numerous and formidable. The small Ti-ping army at the first

scarcely mustered seven thousand strong. Owing to the rapidity of their

march, the numbers who joined them by the way were inconsiderable,

compared with the resources of the enemy; the only addition they

received of any importance was in the province of Ho-nan, where a

detachment of local insurrectionists, nearly five thousand strong,

joined them; but this reinforcement was more than cancelled by their

losses in battle and from disease. The courage and discipline of this

small army must have been something wonderful. The steadfast

perseverance of their onward march, in the face of seemingly

insurmountable difficulties; their steady resistance to the

overwhelming numbers of the fur-clad hardy Tartar cavalry--an arm in

which they were totally deficient, and could not effectually oppose;

their firm endurance of the rigours of the northern winter, close to the

icy steppes of Tartary, to which they were unaccustomed, and for which

they were unprepared; their isolated march of more than fourteen hundred

miles; the heroism with which they supported attack, and finally their

successful escape,--all constitute one of the most remarkable campaigns

of modern times.

During the months of November and December the besieged made several

desperate but unavailing sorties, the enemy in each case repulsing them

with heavy loss. At last, early in February, 1854, after an occupation

of more than three months, hopeless of success, with famine in their

camp, and no prospect of succour from their friends, the whole garrison

sallied out and succeeded in cutting their way through the besiegers.

With gallantry hitherto unknown to the Chinese, this small but heroic

band commenced the most arduous operation of any army,--a retreat in the

presence of a vastly superior enemy. Inch by inch they retired,

continually facing about to repel the pursuing host. Masses of Tartar

cavalry whirled around them, now charging impetuously on front, rear,

and flanks, now hurrying in advance to dispute some difficult passage;

heavy columns of infantry, surrounding them on every side, rushed

incessantly to the attack, confident in their overwhelming numbers, and

encouraged by the hope of reward; yet never for a moment did they

succeed in breaking the unfaltering and orderly retreat of the Ti-ping

army, which slowly retired with its face to the foe, until, after three

months' endurance, a junction was effected with the forces which

garrisoned the city of Lin-tsing.

It is a singular fact that the Manchoo government dreaded the approach

of the small Ti-ping army more than the advance of the allied English

and French upon Pekin in 1860. An extract from a memorial of the Board

of Censors to the Emperor, found in the Summer Palace, runs thus:--

"In 1853, when the Cantonese rebels overran the country,

advancing impetuously towards the north, the alarm excited in

the capital was many times more serious than that now

manifested."

The fate of the Manchoo rule hung trembling in the balance, and the

consciousness of well-merited destruction struck terror to the hearts of

the corrupt and sanguinary government. A little more energy and

determination at this period would have won the empire; had the first

northern army been able to maintain itself at Tsing-hae until the

arrival of the second, the dynasty of Ta-tsing would have terminated.

The combined forces could assuredly have captured and held Tien-tsin

until the arrival of further reinforcements from Nankin, even if the

possession of that city, the grand supply depôt of Pekin, had not caused

the fall of the capital. The extraordinary northern march, and the

length of time that little army was able to retain its menacing

position, afford ample evidence that greater strength would have ensured

its success. Through neglecting that favourable and momentous

opportunity, the Tien-wang forfeited the grand object of his efforts

when open to his grasp. That his powerful mind was unequal to the

occasion is far less probable than that his expectations of his

countrymen were not realized. It is impossible that he could be ignorant

of the advantages of combination, and it appears certain that he

reckoned upon the general rising of the Chinese, as well as on the

omnipotent assistance of God. This is, in fact, manifestly plain from

his proclamations, and affords the only reasonable explanation of his

sending several small armies unsupported in totally divergent courses,

rather than concentrating all his available forces, and aiming directly

at the head-quarters of the Manchoo dynasty.

Although several smaller detachments joined the Ti-ping army at

Lin-tsing, it was unable to advance upon Pekin again; the favourable

moment having once passed, did not return. Several severe actions were

contested with no material advantage upon either side, and the

semi-steel-clad warriors of inner Mongolia were well matched by the

undefended revolutionists. Greatly harassed by the numerous cavalry of

the enemy, in May, 1854, the Ti-ping army slowly turned towards the

south, continually engaging the Imperialist forces and capturing many

important cities to the north of the Yang-tze river.

It is not generally known that Le-hsiu-ch'-éng, subsequently famous as

the Chung-wang, was the leader of the first northern expedition; but,

during my acquaintance with him, he has frequently reverted to it. From

his statements I inferred that he received no particular order to march

on Pekin, but simply a general one to conquer the country, and deliver

the people from the Manchoo rule. The direct march upon the capital was

his own determination, and the reinforcement eventually despatched to

his assistance was not at first intended, but was sent to him in

consequence of the request for more troops which he forwarded to Nankin

by disguised messengers after his passage of the Yellow River. He

declared that his troops had been within sight of the walls of Pekin,

and that he could easily have captured the city if the reinforcement had

joined him earlier; also that his retirement from Tsing-hae was caused

entirely by the volunteer troops of the Pekin district, the Mongols and

Manchoos being unable to stand against the attack of his men. If this be

true, it seems a singular fact that the Tartar dynasty should owe its

safety to the Chinese, although in the Pekin district it may fairly be

assumed that they have long become entirely Tartarized.

Meanwhile the Manchoos resorted to the most corrupt practices of a most

corrupt government, in order to obtain the necessary supplies to make

their defence. The sale of titles, offices, and degrees was carried to

an enormous extent. Twenty-three notifications were published in the

_Pekin Gazette_, putting up for sale every rank, honour, or emolument in

the kingdom. Prisoners were allowed to purchase their freedom, exiles

their return; functionaries were allowed to buy titles for their

maternal relatives, and any one and every one was allowed to purchase

for his father a rank superior to his own; in short, a system of entire

bribery and corruption was established.

Posthumous honours were also accorded to those who had been killed in

battle, extending to the fourth, fifth, or entire generation of their

ancestors; while those who ran away to fight another day received every

kind of degradation; all the complicated details of cunning deception

and bombastic warfare were resorted to by the Manchoo government in its

extremity.

The following document discloses facts connected with the troops of the

"paternal" government which might well have aroused the people to join

the Ti-ping standard of freedom.

Translated by Rev. Dr. W. H. Medhurst, Shanghae, Nov. 1, 1853:[23]--

"The petition of Luh-yu-ch'hang, Yuon-kwei-leang, Yeh-fung-chun,

Chin-sze-hang, Kin-ping-chin, and Wang-keing-chau, with many

others who reside in the various tythings of the 27th hundred,

and have to complain of robbery, rape, murder, and arson,

imploring that steps may be taken to repress further outrage,

and save the lives of the people.

"We, the above-named people, living in the quiet villages of the

various tythings of the 27th, and the 4th tything of the 25th

hundred, two or three miles distant from the city of Shanghae,

depend upon husbandry and weaving for our support, without

mixing in any outside disturbances. But recently, on the 30th of

October last, in the afternoon, the volunteer soldiers belonging

to the contingent from Hoo-kwang, came suddenly in a body, armed

with weapons, and rushed upon our villages, entering into our

several houses, to plunder our property; and when we reasoned

the matter with them they answered with scorn, and proceeded to

ravish our females; when we further pointed out the evil of

these proceedings, they immediately beheaded Wang-chang-kin and

Wang-keau-ke, while they stabbed to death Tsien-king-pang,

Chang-ko-kwang, and How-seih-ch'hang, besides wounding nine

others, both male and female. They then burnt down our houses,

amounting to seventy-seven apartments, a list of which is

appended to this petition.

"Our lives are now in the greatest danger, and the cry of

complaint is heard throughout the whole country on this account.

We have dared to prefix our names to the present petition, and

pray in a body the great officers to compassionate the poor

people, _who are after all the foundation of the country_. We

implore your gracious attention to this request, and pray you to

repress these volunteer soldiers, commanding them to obey the

laws and protect the people. A most fervent petition. Hien-fung,

3rd year, 10th month, 1st day. November 1st, 1853."

The following was the only notice taken of the above petition by Lew,

the Imperial commissioner:--

"Such things are doubtless very wrong, but they are the work of

idlers and vagrants, who personate my soldiers. I will issue

strict orders to my troops. Now go and be satisfied. _I hope a

worse thing will not befall you._"

While this was the common behaviour of the Imperialist troops in every

direction, the Ti-pings were acting as real deliverers to the people;

whatever excesses the besottedness of their spiritless countrymen may at

a later period have driven their new levies to commit. I cannot do

better than offer the contrast presented by the conduct of the Ti-ping

soldiery, in an account the Rev. Dr. Medhurst gives, in a letter quoted

in "Impressions of China," by Captain Fishbourne:--

"Having obtained admission into the city of Shanghae this

afternoon, I proceeded to one of the chapels belonging to the

London Missionary Society, where I commenced preaching to a

large congregation, which had almost immediately gathered within

the walls. I was descanting on the folly of idolatry, and urging

the necessity of worshipping the one true God, on the ground

that he alone could protect his servants, while idols were

things of naught, destined soon to perish out of the land; when,

suddenly a man stood up in the midst of the congregation, and

exclaimed:--'That is true, that is true! the idols must perish,

and shall perish. I am a Kwang-se-man, a follower of

Thai-ping-wang; we all of us worship one God (Shang-te), and

believe in Jesus, while we do our utmost to put down idolatry;

everywhere demolishing the temples and destroying the idols, and

exhorting the people to forsake their superstitions. When we

commenced two years ago, we were only 3,000 in number, and we

have marched from one end of the empire to another, putting to

flight whole armies of the Mandarins' troops that were sent

against us. If it had not been that God was on our side, we

could not have thus prevailed against such overwhelming numbers;

but now our troops have arrived at Tien-tsin, and we expect soon

to be victorious over the whole empire.' He then proceeded to

exhort the people in a most lively and earnest strain to abandon

idolatry, which was only the worship of devils, and the

perseverance in which would involve them in the miseries of

hell; while by giving it up, and believing in Jesus, they would

obtain the salvation of their souls. 'As for us,' he said, '_we

feel quite happy in the possession of our religion, and look on

the day of our death as the happiest period of our existence;

when any of our number die, we never weep, but congratulate each

other on the joyful occasion, because a brother is gone to

glory, to enjoy all the magnificence and splendour of the

heavenly world_. While continuing here, we make it our business

to keep the commandments, to worship God, and to exhort each

other to do good, for which end we have frequent meetings for

preaching and prayer. What is the use, then,' he asked, 'of you

Chinese going on to burn incense, and candles, and gilt paper;

which, if your idols really required it, would only show their

covetous dispositions, just like the Mandarins, who seize men by

the throat, and if they will not give money, squeeze them

severely; but if they will, only squeeze them gently.' He went

on to inveigh against the prevailing vices of his countrymen,

particularly opium-smoking. 'That filthy drug,' he exclaimed,

'which only defiles those who use it, making their houses stink,

and their clothes stink, and their bodies stink, and their souls

stink, and will make them stink for ever in hell, unless they

abandon it.'

"'But you must be quick,' he adds; 'for Thai-ping-wang is

coming, and he will not allow the least infringement of his

rules,--no opium, no tobacco, no snuff, no wine, no vicious

indulgences of any kind; all offences against the commandments

of God are punished by him with the severest rigour, while the

incorrigible are beheaded--therefore repent in time.'

"I could perceive, from the style of his expressions and from

his frequently quoting the books of the Thai-ping dynasty, that

he was familiar with those records, and had been thoroughly

trained in that school. No Chinaman who had not been following

the camp of the insurgents for a considerable time could have

spoken as he did.

"He touched also on the expense of opium-smoking, 'which drained

their pockets, and kept them poor in the midst of wealth, whilst

we who never touch the drug, are not put to such expense. Our

master provides us with food and clothing, which is all we

want, so that we are rich without money.'

"I could not help being struck also, with the appearance of the

man, as he went on in his earnest strain. Bold and fearless as

he stood, openly denouncing the vices of the people, his

countenance beaming with intelligence, his upright and manly

form the very picture of health, while his voice thrilled

through the crowd, they seemed petrified with amazement: their

natural conscience assured them that his testimony was true;

while the conviction seemed to be strong amongst them, that the

two great objects of his denunciation--opium and idolatry--were

both bad things, and must be given up.

"He spoke an intelligible Mandarin, with an occasional touch of

the Canton or Kwang-si brogue. His modes of illustration were

peculiar, and some of the things which he advanced were not such

as Christian missionaries were accustomed to bring forward. The

impression left on my mind, however, was that a considerable

amount of useful instruction was delivered, _and such as would

serve to promote the objects we had in view, in putting down

idolatry, and furthering the worship of the true God_."

At this time the city of Shanghae was in possession of the Triad rebels

(the society sworn to expel the Manchoos), who have not unfrequently

been confounded with the Ti-pings, to the prejudice of the latter.

Late in the summer of 1853, some few months after the capture of Nankin

by the Ti-pings, the Triad society, alive to the advantages of the

movement, rose up against the obnoxious Manchoos in many parts of the

country.

About the end of July, a body of the Triads succeeded in gaining

possession of the city of Amoy, one of the treaty ports, meeting with

but slight resistance, the inhabitants being glad to receive them. By

their singularly moderate conduct, the movement became very popular; in

fact, all their supplies were brought in by the country people, and

their principal strength was composed of these villagers, who remained

and fought against the Imperialist troops as long as the insurrection

lasted. Several cities in the neighbourhood were captured, and the

wealthy classes remained aloof from both contending parties; their

disposition towards the government was far too adverse for them to

assist it; but they contented themselves with simply withdrawing their

support, well knowing the savage revenge the "paternal" rulers would

wreak upon them and their helpless families, if they were to join the

rebellion, and it should afterwards fail. The country people throughout

the district remained hostile to the Imperialists until their recapture

of Amoy, when, to save their own and relatives' lives, they were

compelled to return to the Manchoo slavery, those being lucky who

escaped the indiscriminate vengeance of the government.

Captain Fishbourne, senior naval officer on the station, was present at

Amoy when it was captured by the Triads. He reports:--

"The insurgents having placed guards over the European Hongs,

_there was nothing to apprehend_, so we proceeded to Hong-kong,

when, after landing Sir George Bonham, we returned in the

_Hermes_ to Shanghae."

Upon the 11th of November the city of Amoy, which had been for some time

besieged by a vastly superior force of Imperialists, was evacuated by

the Triads, who, being short of supplies, marched out of the city in

broad daylight unmolested by the cowardly besiegers, who then marched in

to perpetrate the most revolting barbarities, in their ordinary manner,

upon the defenceless inhabitants. A large squadron of pirates composed

the naval force employed by the Imperialists in their siege of the city,

in the same manner as in their attack upon Ningpo when held by the

Ti-pings, on the 10th May, 1862, although upon this latter occasion the

Imperialist pirates were successful, an alliance having been entered

into between them and the British squadron commanded by Captain Roderick

Dew, R.N.

Captain Fishbourne, who was an eye-witness of the return of Amoy to

Manchoo rule, thus describes it:--

"Having engaged pirates, the authority was committed to them, to

sanction the atrocities that these would certainly commit; and,

as if that were not sufficient, they encouraged them to more

than they might otherwise be inclined to, for they promised

them six dollars for each head they would bring in.

"On the entry of these savages, the first thing they did was to

disperse in every direction in search of heads; regardless of

anything save that the people who possessed them should be

helpless; it mattered not to them that they were equally infirm

and unoffending: they had heads--these they wanted.

"All found were brought to the Chinese admiral" (it is said, the

same pirate chief who afterwards became Captain R. Dew's ally),

"whose vessel was close to us, so we saw all that was passing.

He then issued a mandate for their destruction. At first they

began by taking their heads off at the adjoining pier; this soon

was fully occupied, and the executioners becoming fatigued, the

work proceeded slowly, therefore an additional set commenced

taking their heads off on the sides of the boats. This also

proved too slow for them, and they commenced to throw them

overboard, tied hand and foot. But this was too much for

Europeans; so missionaries, merchants, sailors, marines, and

officers, all rushed in, and stopped further proceedings. The

mandarins, executioners, staff and all, took themselves off very

quickly, for fear of consequences they could not calculate upon,

but which they felt they had richly deserved: 400 poor creatures

were saved from destruction; 250 of these were wounded--some

with twenty, others less, but more dangerous wounds. Some had

their heads nearly severed; about thirty died. The Mandarins

then removed their scene of butchery a mile outside the town;

and during the next two days, after having obtained possession,

they must have taken off upwards of two thousand heads, or

otherwise destroyed that number of people. For days bodies were

floating about the harbour, carried out by one tide and brought

back by another, each time not quite so far, so that finally

they were only disposed of by being taken to sea.

"The only feeling the brutal pirates evinced, was that of

disappointment at being deprived (as they said) by us of three

thousand dollars.[24]

"Often during the operations, the poor people complained of the

treatment of the Imperialists; and it was certainly pitiable to

behold the needless destruction of property--needless if the

Imperialists had been soldiers or men--such never won or kept an

empire; _yet none of the Imperial forces are better_.

"Nor can it be said that these were the acts of subordinates,

for which the government was only remotely responsible, for they

were specially dictated by the Viceroy of the province, who was

a Tartar, and an uncle of the Tartar emperor. He even enjoined

the violation of solemn compacts entered into between the

Mandarins and heads of villages, before they would give up the

leaders in the revolt. The Mandarins avowed, that after the

government of Amoy was established, they meant to carry fire and

sword through the surrounding districts, as the people were all

tainted with revolutionary principles."

Well may it be asked--Were the people of England aware of these

enormities when they cherished and sustained the Manchoo? It cannot be

credited; and, therefore, it is well to point out what kind of

government they supported, what description of men they made war upon,

and what were the results of their interference.

On the 7th of September, Shanghae, another of the treaty ports, was

captured, and several other places in the neighbourhood were attacked by

different bodies of Triads. At this city also they seem to have behaved

with remarkable moderation, and are said to have found about £70,000 in

the treasury.

Although totally unconnected with the great Ti-ping revolution, they

still looked hopefully towards it, and, after some little hesitation,

sent a deputation, as likewise from Amoy, tendering their allegiance to

the Tien-wang. He, however, refused to accept them, despite the enormous

advantages he would have derived from the possession of the treaty

ports, until such time as they should understand and profess

Christianity; and it was probably one of the teachers he sent to them,

whose speech was reported by Mr. Medhurst in the letter quoted from a

few pages preceding.

Captain Fishbourne reports of them:--

"They know nothing of Christianity, but are very tolerant, and

allowed the missionaries a latitude in teaching, never before

enjoyed. They have lost all faith in idolatry, and no longer

cared to preserve appearances, by continuing idolatrous worship,

though some of them still use superstitions and idolatries. They

have behaved with much moderation, _and the facilities for trade

have been even greater than under the Tartar Imperial rule_. Of

course the import trade has been limited, because of the

disturbed state of the country; the export trade, on the other

hand, had been unusually great, not from any protection or

facilities afforded by the Imperial authorities, but a desire on

the part of holders of goods to realize."

While the Triad insurgents continued to manifest the most friendly

feeling towards the European residents at Shanghae, the Imperialist

troops collecting to the siege of the Chinese city, in their usual

style, became very dangerous and hostile. It was reported by Captain

Fishbourne:--

"Thus the Imperial troops made it a habit to place their targets

for ball practice, so that the riding-course and principal place

of resort for all foreigners, should be rendered dangerous, or

impassable."

Several times the European settlement was attacked by them, and was once

attempted to be fired; and, at last, so outrageous had they become, that

the British and French forces--in all less than three hundred men--were

compelled to attack their camp, and drive them further away from the

settlement, inflicting a loss, it is said, of three hundred killed;

losing themselves only two killed and fifteen wounded.

As it is universally known these Triad rebels were in every way

_inferior_ to the Ti-pings, and as they were allowed to capture the

treaty ports, and their conduct was always so friendly to Europeans, and

so far superior to that of the Imperialists, it _does_ seem a little

extraordinary that the British public have not penetrated the falsity of

the statement subsequently urged against the Ti-pings, in order to

attempt the palliation of the infamous policy of driving them from

Shanghae and Ningpo,--that the treaty ports must be held against the

Ti-pings, because, if the latter were to capture them, an immense amount

of British property and British lives _would_ be destroyed, &c.

During the Triads' occupation of Shanghae, a formidable, though at first

secret, opposition was insidiously at work against them among the

European community--the hostile intrigues of the Jesuits. These

priests, with a constancy and perseverance worthy a better cause, are

found plotting and making converts to a pseudo sort of Christianity all

over the country. It so happens, that to propitiate the Chinese, or not

to shock them by too great a departure from "old custom," they are

allowed to retain most of their idolatrous forms of worship, to which

are added the usual figures of the manifold saints, &c., of the Romish

church. Now the Ti-pings, who are strict iconoclasts, having several

times fallen foul of Roman Catholic establishments in the interior, and

in each case mistaken the figure of the Virgin Mary with a male child in

her arms for the very similar idol of Budha, have naturally confounded

Jesuitism with the Budhism it resembles. Consequently, the

Tartar-worshipping Jesuits are the most bitter enemies the Ti-pings have

ever had, knowing, as they do, that the success of the latter would

entirely destroy their work, and drive them from the many positions they

hold throughout China. Therefore, when the Jesuits ascertained the

Triads not only announced themselves as being about to join the

Tien-wang, but had actually sent deputations to, and received

instructors from him, they at once commenced intriguing for their

overthrow. The French consul and the French senior officer on the

station were both priest-ridden and bigoted men, and eventually, for

certain valuable considerations, assistance was afforded to the

Imperialists, and the Triads were driven out of a Chinese city without

the slightest shadow of justice or reason.

Both the English and French authorities deprived the Triads of the

duties they were justly entitled to levy on all export or import trade.

At last the French admiral, appropriately named La Guerre, determined

that the time had arrived to fulfil his own and his Jesuitical

colleagues' peculiarly unrighteous intentions. The Triads were suddenly

attacked (December, 1854) without having given the slightest

provocation, and several of their men, who were engaged constructing a

battery outside one of the city gates, murdered by the French sailors. A

few days later they surprised fifteen poor rebels asleep in the same

battery, and these were also butchered. Two days previous to this,

Admiral La Guerre savagely bombarded the city, although it contained

upwards of 20,000 innocent inhabitants, among whom the shot and shell

committed much slaughter. Allied to the ferocious Manchoo, the French

closely blockaded the city, and cut off all communication.

Some people delight in terming the Ti-pings bloodthirsty monsters, &c.;

but the following extract proves that the French not only excelled the

rebels, but even surpassed the Imperialists in wanton cruelty. In

"Twelve Years in China,"[25] by John Scarth, Esq., we find the following

episode of the blockade by the civilized and most Christian allies of

the Manchoo:--

"The French proclaimed a strict blockade, and shot down all that

attempted to hold communication with the rebels. We _saw_ one

evening a poor old woman that had been attempting to take a

basket of food for some poor person in the city, struck by a

ball from the French lines; her thigh was broken, and she lay

helpless on the ground. How horrible did war appear, when the

sentry levelled his rifle again, and fired at the poor old

creature, driving up a shower of earth close to her side.

Another shot, and another, were fired; at last she was hit again

in the back! she cried to us for help, but we could render no

assistance, except by sending to report the circumstance at

head-quarters. Shot after shot was fired. There were some rebels

watching the butchery from the walls; they could see us

distinctly. We were within rifle distance; and feeling that if I

were in their position, I would shoot at every foreigner I saw,

while foreigners were committing such acts, I went away really

for safety's sake, sick at heart to see such monstrous cruelty.

The woman, it was afterwards reported, lay on the spot moaning

till nearly midnight, when her cries ceased, and it was supposed

_some of the rebels_ had got her into the city out of the way of

further immediate harm."

The French eventually breached the walls, and with their creditable

allies assaulted the city, only, however, to be beaten back with a loss

of one-fifth their number. The Triads were at last starved out, and upon

the Chinese New Year's night (17th February, 1855) evacuated Shanghae,

and cut their way through the Imperialist lines. Three hundred, who had

surrendered themselves to Admiral La Guerre, were by that officer given

up to the Mandarins, and tortured to death. During three days every

atrocity was perpetrated by the Imperialists upon the unfortunate

inhabitants caught within the city, or the rebels who were hunted down

in the country. Upwards of 2,000 were barbarously put to death within

three days. As Messrs. J. Scarth, Sillar, and others have written,--"The

Imperialist soldiers even burst open the coffins in the burial-grounds,

and dragged out the rebel corpses and beheaded them." Women were

horribly mutilated and put to death; rebels were crucified and tortured

with red-hot irons; some were starved to death in the streets of the

city; others were disembowelled, and very many slowly cut to pieces.

When the Triads captured the city, they killed only _two_ men, tortured

none, and respected private property. The papers at Shanghae

stated,--"When the French and Imperialists got possession of the city,

however, there was something like slaughter. Heads were hung round the

city walls in bunches; the Pagoda Bridge had nineteen on it, and in some

places they were piled up in heaps!"

The conduct of those British officials who seemed anxious to carry out

the Manchoo-assisting policy of Sir John Bowring, Admiral Stirling, and

others, is thus severely reflected on by Mr. Scarth, who was present:--

"The very inconsiderate zeal which characterized the conduct of

Mr. Lay, the then acting Vice-Consul, and Mr. Wade, at that time

one of the officials in the Chinese Custom-house service, and

the open manner in which these gentlemen lent their aid to the

Mandarins, was strongly commented on by nearly all the foreign

community."

At page 217 of his interesting work he says:--

"A schooner going from Woo-sung to Hung-kong was suspected of

being about to take Chin-ah-Lin[26] and several other of the

city people; a force consisting of Chinese troops _and some

English marines, accompanied by the acting Vice-Consul_ (_who

seemed to be imbued with some extraordinary motives_), went down

to search the vessel. This was discovered; but those desirous of

preventing further bloodshed quietly continued, notwithstanding,

in the work they were determined upon, getting the unfortunate

men away from danger."

Some who are acquainted with such matters may understand this

"extraordinary" exploit, while those who know little of Chinese affairs

may naturally wonder whether the "15,000 dollars" offered for

Chin-ah-Lin's head by the Vice-Consul's Mandarin friends had anything to

do with it.

Not only at the Shanghae massacre in 1855 did British officials display

their taste for the Manchoo alliance. During 1854-5-6 Englishmen

continually interfered against the rising of the oppressed Chinese. In

1854 Sir J. Bowring allied the British fleet with the forces of that

notorious monster Yeh, and thus contributed to the extermination which

desolated the province of Kwang-tung. The city of Canton was almost the

only place in the province still held by the Mandarins. It was secured

to them by British means, and its security doomed to death more than one

million innocent people.

While Yeh busied himself with exterminating man, woman, and child, and

razing to the ground nearly every village _through which the rebels had

passed_, H. B. M.'s ships of war chased the rebel squadrons along the

China coast, dealing with them as pirates, because, forsooth, they were

armed, and because they had captured Chinese vessels when endeavouring

to force the blockade of Canton; H.M.'s ship _Bittern_ and the steamer

_Paou-shun_ hemmed in one division of the rebel fleet in the Gulf of

Pe-chi-le, sinking nearly every vessel, and giving up the crew of the

only one captured to the Manchoo executioners. Two junks escaped and

joined another squadron at Chusan. Yet these vessels shortly afterwards

allowed two missionaries to pass their blockade, because, as the chiefs

said, "they were good men, and preached the faith of Yesu!" In the

harbour of Shih-poo the destruction of another fleet is described in

"Twelve Years in China":--

"The junks were destroyed, and their crews shot, drowned, or

hunted down, until at last the whole number, about 1,000 souls,

were sent to their last account,--the _Bittern's_ men aiding the

Chinese soldiers on shore to complete the wholesale massacre!

the _whole_ were not killed; _one_ man was remanded and kept

over for examination! The evidence against the fleet as pirates,

was to be collected _after_ the execution of the victims!"[27]

British policy towards China has, during the last decade, been

influenced by men led by a small party of Chinese custom-house

mercenaries, who, while hired by the Manchoos, were permitted to bias,

not only Sir John Bowring, but even Lord Elgin. The independent and

honourable policy of Sir George Bonham and his colleagues gave place to

an "interested Mandarin-worshipping" diplomacy that has made England the

ally and saviour of the most sanguinary, corrupt, and worn-out despotism

in the world. Messrs. Wade and Lay, sometime Lord Elgin's interpreters,

and sometime the custom employés of the Manchoo, _may_ have thought the

views they imparted to the former were correct; but at all events they

were too much personally interested in the welfare of their Mandarin

friends to be impartial. The principal effect of this has been that the

Manchoo-influenced officials have united the representatives of England

with the Jesuit-influenced representatives of France in perpetuating the

Tartar cruelties, and in destroying the Ti-ping attempt to liberate

China and establish Protestant Christianity throughout the empire.

At Canton, Shanghae, and elsewhere, in 1854, the Chinese would have

succeeded in their righteous endeavours to throw off the Manchoo yoke;

at Shanghae, in 1860, at Ningpo and Shanghae in 1862, and upon other

occasions, the Ti-ping revolution would have succeeded but for British

intervention.

FOOTNOTES:

[17] See "Impressions of China."

[18] Alluding to Hung-sui-tshuen's visions.

[19] See Appendix A.

[20] Dr. Medhurst here makes a misapprehension. The Ti-pings believe the

Holy Spirit descended into their midst and possessed Yang-sui-tshuen,

the Eastern Prince, who became its mouthpiece and medium. This closely

resembles revivalist meetings in Ireland, &c.; but the religious

metaphorical language of the original Chinese, with its fine subtilty,

makes any literal translation impossible; therefore the most limited

signification should be placed upon any English version of this, the

_bonne bouche_ of the anti-Ti-pings.

[21] See Appendix A.

[22] Copies of the first five books of the Old, and the whole of the New

Testament, printed by the Ti-pings at Nankin, are now to be seen in the

Indian Court of the Crystal Palace (Sydenham), where they are exhibited

by Mr. J. C. Sillar.

[23] Shanghae was at this time in possession of the Triad rebels.

[24] They received ample satisfaction afterwards at Ningpo, when, allied

with the British, they obtained 3,000 dollars' worth of heads, with full

interest.

[25] Page 207.

[26] The Triad leader.

[27] _Hong-kong Gazette_, 12th October, 1855.