Prince Rupert in Lancashire.
In the months of May and June, 1644, Lancashire for the first time
became involved in the general course of the war, and for some weeks it
was the centre of most important events. So much of other than merely
local interest had the first siege of Lathom House, that it influenced
the course of Rupert's march north, which was made in order to effect a
junction with the Earl of Newcastle to check the Scotch army which was
now on its way to the assistance of the Parliament. The Scots, 21,000
strong, under Alexander Leslie, Earl of Leven, had crossed the Tweed on
January 19, 1643-4. Newcastle at once summoned Rupert to come to his
aid, and marching northwards occupied the town of Newcastle; but he was
soon obliged to fall back on Durham. Meanwhile Sir Thomas Fairfax, after
the battle of Nantwich on January 25th, had rejoined his father in
Yorkshire, and the two soon began to recover the county for the
Parliament. On April 11th they stormed Selby, taking among other
prisoners Lord Bellasis, whom Newcastle had left in command during his
absence. This defeat obliged Newcastle to retreat still further
southwards, and he shut himself up in York which was blockaded by
Fairfax and the Scots on April 22nd.[137]
In January of this year Rupert had captured Aylesbury, and early in
March he set out to relieve Newark which had been invested by the
Parliament. The siege was raised, and the besiegers, who were commanded
by Sir John Meldrum, were forced to capitulate; but Rupert had to
return his troops to the garrisons from which he had borrowed them, and
almost without an army he marched back to the Welsh border, where he
occupied himself with raising fresh troops to go to the assistance of
the Earl of Newcastle.
As soon as his intentions for the north were known, the Earl of Derby
endeavoured to persuade him to march by way of Lancashire in order to
relieve Lathom House. The besieged Countess must have written to her
husband in a very different tone from that of her defiant answers to
Rigby; indeed if the Earl of Derby did not unduly exaggerate the
position of the garrison, they must have been in imminent fear of being
compelled to surrender. The petition was, however, seconded by the
Lancashire royalists, and the Earl of Derby promised that if Lathom were
relieved he would aid Rupert's further march with 2,000 men and a
considerable sum of money. It was pointed out that the towns of
Liverpool and Warrington were but weakly garrisoned, and that the
reconquest of Lancashire would be a great gain for the King's cause in
the north of England, "the rebellion in those parts being wholly
supported from there." Liverpool would be of immense use as the port
towards Ireland, and Derby and Prince Rupert had already discussed over
the map the possibility of reducing it.[138]
Sir John Byron, the royalist Governor of Chester, was persuaded to
support the scheme; and the Earl of Derby having personally written to
the King urging its desirability, Charles' approval was given. The
prospect of invasion had caused great consternation among the Lancashire
Parliamentarians as early as the middle of March;[139] but it was two
months after that before Rupert was able to move. Drawing his forces
together he began his advance towards Yorkshire about the middle of May.
On the 18th the royalists moved from Holt, Malpas, and Whitchurch, to a
more easterly position at Market Drayton; and next day they crossed the
River Weaver, and advanced to Audlem and Bruerton which are just over
the Cheshire border. A thousand Parliamentarian troops marched out of
Nantwich as far as Hatherton, but Rupert was not anxious to fight and
fell back to Audlem. (Monday, May 20th.) It was feared that he would lay
siege to Nantwich, but he passed to the east of that place, and on
Tuesday, May 21, his troops were quartered about Haslington and
Sandbach, while Rupert himself stayed at Betley. On May 24th the march
to Lancashire began, and the royalists lodged at Knutsford, which is
only ten miles from the Lancashire border; the following day they
advanced to Stockport, only seven miles distant from Manchester. Prince
Rupert's forces were estimated at 8,000 or 10,000 men, mostly cavalry,
and they were said to have 50 guns. At Stockport Colonels Mainwaring and
Duckenfield were posted with about 3,000 men to oppose his advance, but
they seem to have made very little resistance, and after a short
skirmish they broke and fled towards Manchester, leaving 800 prisoners.
The royalists occupied Stockport, and were joined there by some of
Newcastle's cavalry from Derbyshire. Rupert left some of these to
garrison Stockport, and moved on into Lancashire with the main body of
his army.[140]
The Parliamentarian leaders before York thought that Rupert ought to
have been stopped at Stockport.[141] There were two ways by which the
royalists might have entered Lancashire, either at Stockport or at
Warrington; probably the passage of the river Mersey at Warrington was
too strongly guarded for Rupert to attempt it, for he must have
preferred that way if he could have chosen. Not only was it the most
direct way to Lathom but it passed through country which was much better
affected to the King's cause than East Lancashire. But no doubt the
resistance offered at Stockport was very feeble. Rupert had certainly
not more than 10,000 men, and there should have been almost an equal
number available to oppose him. For the Lancashire leaders had refused
in April to send 2,000 men out of the county for the relief of the Earl
of Denbigh on account of the necessities of their own county.[142]
Lathom House, they said, was still unsubdued; the Earl of Derby
threatened invasion from Wirrall, and the Westmoreland royalists from
the north. It is true that some troops which had marched into Yorkshire
had been kept there to assist in the siege of York; but the two
Committees of Lancashire and Cheshire ought to have had far more than
3,000 men at Stockport to oppose the royalist advance. Perhaps one
reason for their failure was the acute differences which had broken out
among the Lancashire leaders. Complaints were made against Colonel
Dodding, Colonel Holland and others, and there was even insubordination
shown to Sir Thomas Fairfax. There seems to have been no ground for
the suspicions of Dodding. He had suffered considerably for the
Parliamentarian cause, and he continued to serve it faithfully. As
regards Holland the complaints were probably justified; he had always
been a rather lukewarm supporter of his party.[143]
As soon as Rupert had entered Lancashire his forces were considerably
increased, the local royalists flocking to him in large numbers. The
Earl of Derby joined him with all the forces he could raise. The
royalists had now to decide whether they would attack Manchester or
march straight for Lathom. On the day after Rupert's victory at
Stockport, Manchester was secured by Sir John Meldrum with one Scotch
regiment and one of Fairfax's consisting of Lancashire men.[144]
Apparently Meldrum had intended to arrive in time to prevent the
royalists' advance from Cheshire, but he was too late. Rupert, however,
had not much time to waste in sieges, and it was evident that Manchester
could not be taken except after a long investment. Rosworm describes an
attempt which was made by the royalists to induce him to betray the town
by promise of a large sum of money and advancement under Prince Rupert.
The intermediary was Peter Heywood. There may be some truth in the
account, but Heywood's plot to betray Manchester seems to have been made
about a month before this time, and Rosworm's narrative is here very
inaccurate. For instance he places Rupert's advance after the siege of
Liverpool in August, in which he himself was engaged.[145] Whether or
not the royalists attempted to gain Manchester by treachery, they
certainly made no approach on the town but keeping to the west they
moved by way of Barlow Moor and Trafford Park about three miles distant
from Manchester. Rupert's objective was now Bolton, the second Puritan
stronghold of the county.
When the news of Rupert's coming reached the camp of the besiegers
before Lathom House the only doubt was where they might escape. The
terror of Rupert's name was worth a great deal to the royalists. Colonel
Rigby showed great indecision; he could not make up his mind whether to
stay in Lancashire, or to cross into Yorkshire. His troops were first
removed to Eccleston Green, and they would then probably have been
marched to Manchester but for the fear of meeting Rupert on the way.
Rigby's own family were in Preston, and they at once escaped into
Yorkshire. In Preston also there were about 50 royalist prisoners
guarded by Captain Pateson and Captain Swarbreck; and they twice
received orders which were afterwards contradicted to join Rigby at
Eccleston. Finally they were directed to convey their prisoners to
Lancaster Castle. Leaving Preston on the same day that Prince Rupert
took Bolton they quartered one night at Myerscough Lodge; next day they
were attacked by a troop of royalist horse, and but for the timely
assistance of Colonel Dodding, who was quartered at Garstang on his
way towards Manchester, the prisoners would probably have been
released.[146]
Rigby finally made up his mind to go to Bolton, thinking that Rupert
would march either to Blackburn, or to Preston and Lancaster; but as it
turned out the Parliamentarians only reached Bolton on the day before
the royalists. Rigby occupied the town on May 27th, and next morning
Rupert appeared before the town; and finding Rigby and his men in
possession they determined on an assault.
The chances were obviously in favour of the royalists. They were quite
three to one in numbers, and were commanded by the dreaded Prince Rupert
and by the Earl of Derby. Their opponents were disheartened by an
unsuccessful three months' siege; moreover they were mostly newly raised
troops, and as there had been no garrison kept in Bolton for almost
twelve months the defences were considered out of repair. Nevertheless
the fight was very fierce and for a time undecided. The royalists
approached the town about 2 o'clock in the afternoon from the
south-west, and at once delivered an attack at several quarters; but
after about half an hour's hard fighting at close quarters the first
assault was beaten off. The royalists state that they lost 200 men in
this repulse. Colonel Rigby sent out of the town a troop of horse to
stave off the second attack, but these were defeated. The Earl of Derby
in person led the second attack, having requested Prince Rupert to allow
him for this purpose two companies of his own soldiers then under the
command of Colonel Tyldesley. After a quarter of an hour's desperate
fighting the royalists effected an entrance, the Earl being the first
man to enter. Some cavalry were admitted to another part of the town
through the treachery of one of the townsmen, and caught between the two
forces the Parliamentarian troops were routed. Each man saved himself as
he might, but against the overwhelming superiority of the royalist horse
in an unwalled town the defenders were helpless and the slaughter was
great.[147] Little mercy was shown by the infuriated royalists, Prince
Rupert having, on their own confession, at first forbidden quarter to be
given to any in arms. Seacome states that 2,000 Parliamentarian soldiers
out of a total of 3,000 were killed, and another royalist account puts
the slain at 1,600 with 700 prisoners. Both these estimates are probably
too high. It does not seem probable that Rigby had more than 2,500 men,
and large numbers of these certainly escaped, while more than 200 were
taken prisoners. A more reasonable estimate by a Parliamentarian writer
places the total loss on both sides at 1,200 to 1,500, which is more
likely to be correct. The Parliamentarians would not be likely to
over-estimate their own losses. Of this 1,200 or 1,500 no doubt the
larger number would belong to the town. Supposing the royalists to have
lost 200 men in the first attack and 200 more during all the rest of the
engagement, it would still make the losses of the town three or four
times as numerous, which is credible enough; for the Parliamentarian
troops would have lost very heavily in their flight, Rupert having a
large number of cavalry who could be of service in the pursuit. Colonel
Rigby's cleverness alone secured his own escape. Being on horseback he
mingled with the royalists as they entered the town, learned their
password, and posed for a time as one of their officers; then taking
advantage of the general confusion he rode away with one attendant into
Yorkshire.
The capture of Bolton, or "Bolton Massacre" as the Parliamentarian
writers called it, was the saddest incident of the whole war in
Lancashire. Nowhere else was the naturally bitter character of an
intestine struggle so unhappily illustrated; nowhere else were such
furious passions aroused; nowhere else was the slaughter so terrible.
The account by a townsman, "An Exact Relation of the bloody and
barbarous Massacre at Bolton in the Moors in Lancashire," etc., is
without parallel in all the contemporary authorities for the vivid
horror of its descriptions. Against the otherwise moderate conduct of
the Lancashire war this terrible incident stood out in sharp contrast.
It is of course easy enough for the historian, surveying it impartially
at a long distance of time, to explain why this was so. No one could
call Prince Rupert's methods of war merciful at any time; and in the
present instance he was in haste to relieve York, and would be sure to
make short work of any obstacles in his way. For the local royalist
troops engaged, it was the first experience of victory after many months
of defeat, and the garrison opposed to them was the same force which had
besieged Lathom House, against whom naturally the Earl of Derby and his
followers had a particular grudge. They were commanded by the hated
Rigby, and Bolton, 'the Geneva of the north,' was especially detested by
the opponents of Puritanism. All these considerations served to make the
capture of Bolton more than usually terrible. It is probable, however,
that the stories related by both sides of the outrages committed by
their opponents, are exaggerated if not invented. The royalists assert
that after their first attack had been beaten off, some prisoners taken
were put to death in their sight upon the walls of the town; and they
attribute their unrestrained slaughter on gaining the victory to this
act of cruelty. The statement is, however, made by Seacome, who is
notoriously inaccurate; and as it is quite unsupported by any other
testimony, it is impossible to believe it. On the other hand, horrible
stories of barbarity are related by the Parliamentarian writers as
having been committed by the victors, in some cases on defenceless
townsmen, and even on women and children. These are much more likely to
be true than the other, but they are probably exaggerated. The gravest
charge is that made against the Earl of Derby himself, that one Captain
Bootle, formerly in his service, was taken prisoner and brought before
the Earl at his own request to ask for mercy; and that Derby thereupon
drew his sword and ran him through the body in cold blood. This story
may be equally discredited.[148] Bootle was certainly killed during the
siege; and the royalists state that he was killed by the Earl of Derby
during the fighting, which is most probably true. Before his execution
Derby denied the charge; and it seems quite incredible that a man so
highminded and chivalrous, should have committed such an act even in the
excitement of victory. There was perhaps great cruelty shown by the
royalists, but not by Derby personally; and we must attribute the story
of the manner of Bootle's death to party malice.
Prince Rupert sent all the twenty-two colours taken at Bolton to Lady
Derby at Lathom House, by the hand of Sir Richard Crane, but he did not
immediately march there himself. The Earl of Derby presented to Rupert a
ring worth £20 as a token of his gratitude; and at Lathom there were
great rejoicings. No garrison was left in Bolton, and the prisoners were
taken away bound two and two together, and sent over Hale Ford into
Cheshire where they were distributed between Chester, Shrewsbury, and
other places.[149] After this success the county came in very fast to
the royalists, and Derby soon had 5,000 men under his command.
The Parliamentarians never forgave the massacre at Bolton. Wrongly
accused as he was, Derby's share in the engagement was in part at least
responsible for the implacability with which his enemies pursued him to
the scaffold. From this time onwards the Parliament placed his name
among the list of those who were to be excepted from pardon in case
peace was made with the King. Bolton market place was chosen as the
place of his death in remembrance of the royalist victory there. As
regards the Prince, they delighted to ascribe his subsequent disaster to
the vengeance of Heaven for his cruelty in Lancashire. "The blood of
Bolton would not let him rest till all the glory he had got was lost in
one hour"[150] writes Baillie on July 12. At Marston Moor, though the
royalists were nearly successful, it was the ever victorious Rupert who
was driven off the field at the first encounter.
A collection for the relief of Bolton was made in Manchester Church and
Salford Chapel in June, and reached the total of £140, a large sum
considering the general distress which prevailed.[151]
When the Committee of both Kingdoms heard of Rupert's advance, they
wrote to the Earl of Manchester before York urging him to send a
considerable force to resist the Prince in Lancashire. (June 1st.) It
was urged that Rupert might secure Lancashire, capture the passes so
that he could send out troops into the neighbouring counties as he
liked, and by means of Liverpool take in supplies from the sea; by which
the war would be indefinitely prolonged. Similar letters were sent to
Fairfax and to Leven. But the Parliamentarian generals in Yorkshire,
rightly objected to dividing their forces; deciding that it was
impossible for them to deal with an enemy who was yet so far away, and
that for the present the West must look after itself. The Committee in
London were urgent, and letters passed daily during the month of June;
but their ignorance of the situation sufficiently illustrates the
absurdity of endeavouring to direct a campaign by votes of a Committee
distant 150 miles from the seat of war. The Earl of Denbigh, the
Parliamentarian general in the Midlands, defended himself at length and
with some heat from the charge that he was to blame in not being able to
check Prince Rupert's march by falling upon his rear.[152] At length Sir
Harry Vane was sent down to York to consult with the generals there; but
on arriving early in June he was speedily convinced that it was
impossible to divide the army as the Committee suggested. Assheton and
Rigby, who were in Yorkshire, naturally seconded the Committee's
opinion; but until the Earl of Manchester's foot had been brought to the
siege, progress had been very slow, and it would have been very unwise
to weaken the besieging force; as it was, York was closely beset on all
sides and might soon be expected to capitulate. The Committee were
evidently wrong. To divide the Parliamentarian army would have been
dangerous, to raise the siege of York would have played into the enemy's
hands. Rupert was in fact wasting time in Lancashire. His best chance
would have been to gather all the troops he could after his capture of
Bolton and to march straight on York; but he spent four precious weeks
before he left Lancashire. "I hope you will not have cause to apprehend
Prince Rupert's strength," wrote Manchester, "for excepting plundering,
at which his army is expert, no considerable places have been taken
possession of by his army."[153] The Committee of both Kingdoms indeed
over-rated Prince Rupert's ability. He was no great general though a
splendid cavalry officer. The plan which they sketched for him of
securing Lancashire and using it as a base was beyond his powers, even
if it had been possible under the circumstances. And the Lancashire
royalists had been so scattered before Rupert came, that they were not
able to give him any very substantial help. As long as it continued to
be impossible for the King to march north, Rupert might be left to
himself.
After a few days rest at Bolton, the royalists marched at once to
Liverpool. They stated that Newcastle had sent word that he could still
hold out for a few weeks. The Liverpool of that day was a small town
situated on a ridge of land east of the Mersey, and sloping on the west
towards the river and on the east towards the country. It was strongly
fortified and held by Colonel Moore, who was the Parliamentarian
Governor. At the north end of the town was a high mud wall, and a ditch
12 yards wide and 3 yards deep was drawn round most of the landward
side. At the south end was a castle also protected by a ditch which
could be filled with water from the river; all the streets facing the
river were blocked up, while those on the other side of the town were
palisaded and defended with cannon. When Rupert first looked down on the
town from the higher ridge which overlooked it on the east he likened it
to a crow's nest which might easily be robbed; but before he had taken
it he said it might better be called an eagle's nest or a den of lions.
Flushed with their victory at Bolton, the royalists delivered a furious
attack expecting to overcome as they had done the other town; but at
Liverpool the fortifications were much stronger, and they were beaten
off with the loss of many men. They then established a blockade,
Rupert's main camp being placed at the Beacon, a full mile from the
town, from which he relieved his trenches and batteries twice daily. Day
after day a furious bombardment was directed against the defences,
Rupert's natural impatience being increased by urgent appeals which now
began to come from York. But for a fortnight the town continued to hold
out, and at least two attempts to storm were beaten off with loss. The
failure of the bombardment was partly due to an unusual defence which
was resorted to. The refugees from Ireland, of whom there were a great
many in the town, had brought over among other effects many bags of
wool, and the tops of the walls were lined with these bags, which proved
of great service in deadening the force of the enemy's shot. The
Parliamentarians also had command of the river, and a reinforcement of
400 English and Scotch troops from Manchester were marched to Warrington
and from thence sent to Liverpool by water. At length the royalists
gained an entrance at the north end of the town by a night attack during
Whit-week (June 12 or 13), and carried the town by storm. There was some
slaughter and much plundering; but there were still some ships in the
river, and when the royalists entered the town Moore embarked as many of
his soldiers as he could and himself escaped. He was afterwards much
blamed for deserting the town, and it was suggested that he had yielded
the northern works by treachery in order to ingratiate himself with
Rupert and save his own house, Bank Hall, which was on that side of the
town. But this suggestion seems to have been without foundation; and it
was afterwards stated in Moore's defence that when the royalists entered
Liverpool his soldiers refused to follow him, and that he himself only
retreated when resistance was hopeless, and embarked under fire.[154]
[Illustration: A Plan of LIVERPOOL, _AND THE POOL_; as they appeared
about the Year 1650.]
Prince Rupert left Sir John Byron as Governor of Liverpool, and himself
marched to Lathom House whose fortifications were considerably
strengthened under his direction. He promoted Captain Rawsthorne to the
rank of Colonel, and appointed him Governor of the fortress; Captain
Chisenhale was also made Colonel and accompanied Rupert into Yorkshire.
The Countess of Derby and her children had removed after the raising of
the siege to the Isle of Man.[155] Liverpool was garrisoned by Colonel
Cuthbert Clifton's regiment, newly raised in the Fylde.[156]
The Committee of both Kingdoms still persisted in its design of having
Rupert opposed on his march into Yorkshire; which might have been sound
policy provided no troops were withdrawn from the siege of York for that
purpose. On June 13, they directed the Earl of Denbigh to march into
Cheshire with all his forces and to keep in touch with the garrison at
Manchester which now numbered 5,000 men; and Colonel Hutchinson at
Nottingham was also told to be ready to march with 200 horse and 300
foot.[157] Later a general rendezvous was appointed, at which these
forces were to be joined by Lord Grey with 200 horse and 300 foot, and
by Sir John Gell from Derby with 500 horse and 500 foot. Apparently the
generals before York were at last prevailed upon to promise some troops
for Lancashire. By the end of June, Denbigh was said to be on the march;
but before the preparations were completed they were no longer needed.
Early in June Rupert was joined by Lord Goring with reinforcements of
cavalry, which brought his army up to nearly 15,000 men; but even still
there were delays. Disquieting rumours reached the Prince of the
opportunity which his enemies at court were making in his absence to
accuse him to the King. It was "the common discourse of the Lord Digby,
Lord Percy, Sir John Culpeller, and Wilmot, that it is indifferent
whether the Parliament or Prince Rupert doth prevail." Naturally Rupert
was so enraged "that he was once resolved to send the King his
commission and get to France. This fury interrupted his march ten days."
At last, however, the Prince set out on his way to York. He stopped at
Preston, where a banquet was prepared for him, but he refused it saying
"Banquets were not fit for soldiers," and instead carried the Mayor and
Bailiffs prisoners as far as Skipton Castle where he left them.[158] He
probably used both the roads out of Lancashire by Clitheroe and Colne;
and his march was harassed by Colonel Shuttleworth. Several skirmishes
took place, which were not to the royalists' advantage. Garrisons were
left in Clitheroe and Skipton Castle. On June 25th Rupert was said to be
still in Lancashire, and the Cheshire royalists were still hoping to
catch him on his march; two days later his advance guard was at Skipton;
but after this he marched more swiftly. On Monday, July 1st, the
Parliamentarian armies raised the siege of York on hearing that Rupert
had passed Knaresborough; and the battle of Marston Moor was fought on
the following day.
Marston Moor was the most important battle of the whole civil war, and
the importance of the coming engagement was fully realised before it
took place. Both sides as usual invoked the Divine aid. "If God help us
to take York and defeat him (Rupert) the business is ended in England,"
wrote Baillie on June 9th, and in the same strain Colonel Robert Byron
wrote to Ormond after the battle but before its result was known: "And
doubtless it is the greatest business that hath been since the war
began. God Almighty give the Prince good success."[159] Perhaps nowhere
was the event of the battle awaited with greater anxiety than in
Lancashire. Rupert's coming had changed again the whole state of affairs
in that county. "Half of the county at this time was under their power,
viz., Derby, Leyland, and Amounderness Hundreds from the taking of
Bolton, May 14th, till the 20th August." While the Prince was in
Lancashire the royalists showed great activity so that they might hold
out after he had gone. On the result of Marston Moor depended whether or
not this state of things should remain; but with the defeat of the
royalists the tables were turned again. Instead of having to fight
on the defensive against the victorious enemy the Lancashire
Parliamentarians had now only fugitives to deal with. After the battle
Rupert stayed one night in York, then made his way back by the Yorkshire
Dales into Lancashire; but while his first appearance in the county had
been a progress of victory, at his second coming he headed only
fragments of a defeated army, which were anxious to escape without
further fighting. Indeed what fighting there was took place with his
lieutenants. The Prince himself was at Hornby Castle on July 8th; from
there he marched hastily through the Fylde to Preston and then down the
western coast and so over Hale Ford into Cheshire. His forces, however,
remained in Lancashire for a month afterwards. The Committee of Both
Kingdoms were still in great fear of what Rupert might do, and urged
Fairfax to send forces after him; but Rupert was anxious to get out of
Lancashire as fast as he could, and the forces which he left were in a
scattered condition and without ammunition. They were under the command
of Goring, Molyneux and Tyldesley, and they remained in Amounderness
Hundred, until at length Sir John Meldrum was despatched from York with
1,000 horse to clear the county. Reinforced with Lancashire foot, he set
out in search of the enemy about August 10th, and the royalists on
hearing of his approach retreated again over the Ribble into the Fylde.
Some of them, however, under Lord Ogleby and Colonel Huddleston of
Millom attempted to reach Lathom House and were encountered near Walton
by Colonel Dodding. The royalists, consisting of 400 horse, outnumbered
Dodding, but word being sent to Colonel Nicholas Shuttleworth who was
near Blackburn, he hastened up and thus reinforced, Dodding routed the
royalists and captured 40 or 50 prisoners, including Huddleston and
Ogleby (Aug. 15). The remainder escaped to Lathom, but few of them could
get through the lines there, the siege having been renewed. There seems
to have been a further skirmish at Ribble Bridge a few days later.
Colonel Dodding then joined Sir John Meldrum, who reached Preston late
on Friday, August 16th, and quartered there on the following Saturday
and Sunday. On August 17th Goring joined the other royalists who were
encamped about Lytham and Kirkham, plundering greatly; they now numbered
about 2,700, nearly all cavalry. A rendezvous was appointed on
Freckleton Marsh on Monday, August 18th; and on the same day Meldrum
drew up his forces on Penwortham Moor, south of Preston, intending to
attack them. But he seems to have been ignorant of the country.
Intending to cross the Ribble below Preston, he found the passage
impracticable on account of the tide; and having wasted much time he was
forced to return to Preston and to march along the north bank of the
Ribble by way of Greaves Town and Lea Hall. From the latter place the
royalists were discovered across Freckleton Marsh crossing the river
some three miles away. Meldrum at once gave chase as fast as possible,
the horsemen each taking up a musketeer behind him for greater speed;
but when they reached the water the tide had again risen too high for
them to cross, and they were only in time to send a parting shot or two
after the royalists. Meldrum waited for the rest of his foot, and the
same night returned to Preston. Next day (Aug. 19th) he again set out in
pursuit, marching south-westward; and in the evening he encountered the
royalists near Ormskirk. They had been forced to make a detour on
reaching the southern bank of the Ribble in order to avoid Colonel
Assheton who lay with some troops near Hesketh Bank, and so had been
unable to escape further. Though it was 8 o'clock in the evening when
Meldrum came up with the royalists, he at once ordered an attack.
Colonel Booth's foot regiment opened fire and the royalists made very
little resistance; their defeat was completed by a charge of cavalry who
pursued as long as the light would allow. The royalists were quite
scattered. Their chief men managed to escape, but most of the officers
and 300 men were taken prisoners. The few who escaped fled southwards
and over Hale Ford into Cheshire. Prince Rupert was said to be on the
southern bank of the Mersey waiting for a chance to invade Lancashire
again; but this defeat made it impossible for him to do so.[160]
FOOTNOTES:
[137] "Cambridge Modern History," Vol. 4, pp. 320, 321; "C.S.P.," pp.
35, 39.
[138] Derby to Rupert, Chester, March 7, 1643-4: "I have received many
advertisements from my wife of her great distress and imminent danger,
unless she be relieved by your Highness, on whom she doth more rely than
any other whatever, and all of us consider well she hath chief reason so
to do" ("Rupert MSS.," Add. MSS. 18980, fol. 81). Derby's information
was that there were only 50 men each in the towns of Liverpool and
Warrington, the garrisons having been withdrawn to the siege of Lathom.
Sir John Byron to Rupert, Apr. 7, describes Lathom as in danger of being
lost: "The constant intelligence from that county every day is that if
your Highness only appear there, the greatest part of the rebels' forces
will desert them and join you, and that county being once reduced, all
this part of England will presently be clear." "Rupert MSS.," fol. 137;
"Clarendon" (Macray), Vol. 3, p. 339 (book 8, par. 17).
[139] Assheton to Moore, March 18 (Stewart MSS., "Hist. MSS. Com.," rep.
10, app. 4, p. 71). He has heard that the Princes are joined, and fears
that their objective may be Lancashire by way of Hale Ford or Liverpool.
In the meantime Derby continued to address urgent appeals to Rupert. He
has not been able to raise the regiments which the Prince had required
in order to raise the siege, "and the time is now past, for the enemy is
so close to the House that it is impossible for that design to take
effect which might have been some relieving of a distressed woman whose
only hope, next to Almighty God, is in your Highness's help." ("Hist
MSS. Com.," report 9, app. 2, p. 437.)
[140] Newspapers in "C.W.T.," 187; "C.S.P.," 173, 174.
[141] "C.S.P.," 1644, pp. 206, 207. They urged that there were only two
ways for Rupert to go, either through Warrington or Stockport; and that
both should be well guarded.
[142] Lancashire Committee to the Earl of Denbigh, May 16: "They profess
willingness to send some troops, but that if the older soldiers are
withdrawn the new recruits are not to be trusted" ("C.S.P.," 1644, p.
164). The regiments intended for Denbigh were Holland's and Booth's
(_ibid._, pp. 111, 123). Cf. also H. L. Calendar, "Hist. MSS. Com.,"
report 6, p. 13.
[143] "C.S.P.," pp. 173, 200. Cf. Rosworm's "Good Service," "C.W.T.,"
pp. 230-232. Some action of Fairfax's, it does not appear what, had
evidently provoked resentment. Dodding afterwards marched with his
regiment into Yorkshire, and fought at the battle of Marston Moor, where
he lost many of his men ("Discourse," p. 50).
[144] "Perfect Diurnall," June 3 ("C.W.T.," p. 188).
[145] Rosworm's "Good Service," "C.W.T.," p. 229. But cf. "C.S.P.,"
1644, p. 205, where a reference is made to a letter from Col. Moore
before Lathom on May 9, stating that Heywood's plot had then been
discovered and that he had fled. Rosworm says that Heywood was captured,
but released through Holland's influence.
[146] "Discourse," p. 49. The details are probably correct, though all
the dates in this narrative during May, 1644, are a fortnight too early.
[147] "C.W.T.," pp. 183, 188; "Seacome," p. 93; "Discourse," pp. 50, 51.
[148] For a full and thoroughly sound discussion of this incident,
_vide_ "Discourse" note, pp. 134-142. The only possible doubt of Derby's
innocence of the crime is that the charge is made with great detail by
the author of the "Discourse," who is an unusually impartial writer, and
had, moreover, a high opinion of Derby.
[149] Arthur Trevor to Ormonde, June 29: "My Lord of Derby is now
sending over to your excellency to barter for or buy arms and
ammunition. I shall, on his lordship's behalf, desire he may pay well. I
promise he is well able to do it, for upon the relief of Lathom he
presented the Prince with a ring worth twenty pounds sterling at most;
Sir Richard Crane, who carried the 22 colours to be left as trophy in
his house, a ring price 40 shillings, and W. Legge with four
candlesticks worth £10 in all." ("Carte MSS.," Vol. II, fol. 315.) The
rather cynical tone of this letter may be taken as an example of the
Earl of Derby's unpopularity with the royalist leaders. The ford at Hale
was for a long time the principal pass over the Mersey between Liverpool
and Warrington. It ceased to be generally used about 150 years ago; but
almost within living memory horses were taken over by this way for
hunting in Cheshire. It is now impossible to get across.
[150] "Baillie's Letters" (ed. Laing, 3 vols., 1841-2), Vol. 2, p. 203.
[151] "C.W.T.," p. 199.
[152] "C.S.P.," 1644, pp. 192, 200, 207, 223-225.
[153] "C.S.P.," 1644, p. 217.
[154] _Vide_ p. 37. "Discourse," p. 52; "C.W.T.," p. 199; "Seacome," p.
95. Ramsay Muir, "History of Liverpool" (1907), chap. 9, p. 16. Legge to
Trevor, June 13: "And now Liverpool is in our hands, I hope we shall
have a freer intelligence from Ireland than before we had. I assure you
that was the end we stopped ther for." In spite of this advantage, the
siege of Liverpool was not worth while, and the royalists admit that the
100 barrels of powder which it cost, left Rupert but ill provided.
("Carte MSS.," Vol. II, fol. 184, 313.) "Seacome," p. 96, says that the
siege lasted nearly a month, but this is evidently an error, for it
cannot have begun before May 30.
[155] "Seacome," p. 97. "July 30, 1644: My wife landed in the Isle of
Man." Derby's Diary, "Stanley Papers" (C.S. 70), ed. Raines, pt. 3, Vol.
3, p. 4.
[156] "Discourse," p. 52.
[157] "C.S.P.," 1644, pp. 231, 248, 272, 292.
[158] Trevor to Ormonde, Chester, June 26, 1644 ("Carte MSS.," Vol. 11,
fol. 312, 313; "Discourse," p. 52.
[159] Baillie to Spong, June 9 ("Letters," Vol. 2, p. 193). Col. R.
Byron to Ormonde, July 5 ("Carte MSS.," Vol. 11, fol. 495).
[160] "Discourse," pp. 57, 58; "C.W.T.," p. 204; "Denbigh MSS.," Vol. 1,
p. 275. It seems evident that if Meldrum had been better informed of the
fords across the Ribble below Preston, he might have caught the
royalists a day before he did. In the Parliamentarian newspapers the
number of prisoners taken was placed as high as 1,000 men. On July 15,
Sir George Booth at Dunham was informed that Prince Rupert was still at
Preston with 6,000 horse and some foot.