The Crisis. January to June, 1643.
The next six months was the really critical time in the Lancashire Civil
War. In it the issue was finally decided, and by the end of the summer
the royalist resistance was practically overcome. In this period it was
for a time quite possible that the royalists would gain the upper hand;
their best planned operations were in these months, and they showed more
enterprise and energy than either before or afterwards. For a time at
least they more than stemmed the tide of defeat which was rising against
them. The fighting was now chiefly in royalist territory, mostly in
Amounderness and Leyland Hundred; but the engagements in the Fylde in
March were rather due to accident than otherwise, and the real struggle
resolved itself into mutual attacks on Preston, Lancaster and Wigan on
the one hand and on Blackburn and Bolton on the other. The Earl of Derby
was said to have intended a second assault on Manchester, but there was
never any probability of his being able to carry it out.
The isolation of Lancashire is illustrated in the early part of 1643, as
it is seen how events were developing here without regard to the course
of the general war or even of that in the neighbouring counties of
Yorkshire and Cheshire. The spring and summer of 1643 saw the highest
point of success which the King's cause attained during the war. In the
beginning of the year the royalists advanced in the west with the
victory of Bradock; and in the north by the beginning of the invasion of
Yorkshire by the Earl of Newcastle. In May, Hopton's victory over the
Earl of Stamford at Stratton secured Cornwall for the royalists; and
they won further victories over Sir William Waller at Lansdown and at
Roundway Down in July. Rupert took Bristol by storm. And in Yorkshire by
the end of the summer Newcastle was nearly supreme. After his defeat of
the Fairfaxes at Adwalton Moor in July, all the county except Hull was
in his hands. It was, on the other hand, just in these two months that
the royalist cause was being overthrown in Lancashire. In February they
had lost Preston, and though they made a short revival in the following
month, by the end of April their complete reduction was only a question
of time, and by the end of the summer only a few places remained in
their power.
The Parliamentarian leaders spent some days in Preston in disposing of
the numerous prisoners which they had taken, and in erecting new
fortifications. This was done under the direction of Rosworm. Colonel
Shuttleworth also sent out summonses for surrender to all the
neighbourhood, and many came in and made their subjection. It was,
however, only a matter of necessity, for the district remained royalist
in sympathy. An expedition was then sent out to take possession of
Hoghton Tower.[85] It consisted of three foot companies mostly Blackburn
men, one of them being commanded by Captain Starkie, son of Colonel
Starkie of Huntroyd. They found Hoghton Tower garrisoned by no more than
30 or 40 musketeers, far too few to hold so large a place. The house was
summoned and the garrison asked for a quarter of an hour delay. When
that time expired they asked for another quarter of an hour in which to
decide, and finally surrendered the Tower upon promise of quarter. This
was a victory, however, which was more costly to the Parliamentarian
party than many defeats; for after Captain Starkie and his company had
entered the Tower an accidental explosion of gunpowder wrecked part of
the building, and killed the captain and 60 of his men. An accusation of
treachery was of course made against the garrison, and six of the
royalist soldiers who had not been able to escape were detained; but
there seems no reasonable doubt that the explosion was due to accident
only.[86]
Two days after this occurrence (Thursday, Feb. 16) a determined attack
was made on Bolton by the royalist garrison from Wigan. Though the
actual assault was a surprise some danger must have been expected, for
Bolton was garrisoned by 500 men under the command of Colonel Assheton,
drawn from various places. It included the companies of Captain Buckley
of Oldham, Captain Schofield of Rochdale, Captain Holt of Bury, and
Captain Ashhurst from Radcliffe Bridge. The royalists, consisting of 11
companies of foot and two of dragoons, together with two troops of
horse, left Wigan, which is nine miles by road, early in the morning,
surprised the enemy's scouts, and were within sight of Bolton before
their movements were suspected. If they had attacked the town
immediately the surprise would have been complete; but they made a
detour instead, and approached from the south. As it was, however, they
had a great initial advantage, for they surrounded Bolton on all sides
before help could be summoned. They then advanced towards Bradshawgate,
and overpowered the soldiers in the three outworks which were at a
little distance from the walls. Captain Ashhurst with 24 men was
intercepted by 60 royalists as he retreated towards the town; but with
some loss he cut his way through, and gained the shelter of the chain
and mud walls at the end of the street. The royalists followed and set
fire to a house outside the chain, while they occupied some others and
from them fired on the Parliamentarian troops, who were forced to fall
back along the street. Then, having secured an entrance into a royalist
house, they took the defenders in the rear. One Parliamentarian officer,
Serg.-Major Leigh, had his horse shot under him, and was himself wounded
in the arm while mounting another. Finally, however, two of the garrison
forced an entrance into the royalists' houses, and Captain Ashhurst with
16 men breaking in from the other side, the town was gradually cleared
of the royalist troops. While the fight lasted their horse without the
town had prevented reinforcements from coming in, but now hearing the
shouts of approaching troops they hastily retreated towards Wigan.
Captain Radcliffe arrived with 200 fresh soldiers from Manchester, but
too late to take any part in the battle.[87]
This first royalist attack on Bolton was one of the hardest fought
encounters of the whole war. Colonel Assheton himself is said to have
showed much bravery, and the hand-to-hand fighting was severe. The
losses on either side are difficult to estimate; they seem as usual to
have been understated by the Parliamentarian writers. The day after the
unsuccessful royalist attack on Bolton, Serg.-Major Birch was sent from
Preston with a company of foot to occupy Lancaster. The royalists had
never had a garrison in that town, probably thinking it quite secure
from attack; there were only a few soldiers in the Castle. Birch entered
the town without opposition, and summoned Sir John Girlington and Mr.
Kirkby, who were in the Castle, to surrender; being quite unable to
defend the place they did so, and were allowed to march away; Birch
thereupon took possession of the town for the Parliament. A garrison was
left in the Castle under the command of Captain William Shuttleworth.
The Parliamentarians did not long retain possession of Lancaster at this
time, but their expedition represents a great advance on former
operations. Lancaster is 17 miles north of Preston, which had hitherto
been the limit of their territory.
After this there was some weeks quiet in Lancashire, and the actual
recommencement of hostilities was due to a rather curious accident. A
large vessel appeared off Rossall Point at the north-west corner of the
Fylde, and lay off shore at anchor discharging her guns, for three or
four days. She was at first thought to be a royalist vessel; but as no
attempt was made to land, a pilot was at length sent out and the ship
found to be the Saint Anne of Dunkirk, a Spanish frigate, belonging to
the Dunkirk squadron, which had been driven out of her course by
contrary winds. She carried recruits on their way to be trained in the
Low Countries. Finding that her presence in those waters was quite
accidental, the ship was beached in the mouth of the Wyre on the
Rossall side (that is in the present Fleetwood Harbour), and she was
taken possession of in the name of the Parliament. The Earl of Derby,
however, who was at Lathom, heard of the occurrence, and setting off
hastily with one troop of horse, he crossed the Ribble and stayed that
night (Saturday, March 4) with Mr. Clifton at Lytham Hall. The same day
four foot companies of the Parliament's troops arrived in the Fylde from
Preston under the command of Major Sparrow, and quartered round
Poulton and Singleton. But the conduct of the Parliamentarians was
incomprehensible. Next morning (Sunday, March 5) Sparrow drew out his
men at a place called The Hoes (now Layton Common), but hearing that the
Earl was on his march northwards from Lytham, he retreated, ferried his
men over the Wyre, and marched them along the eastern bank of the
Estuary to a point opposite to the present town of Fleetwood.[88]
Meanwhile Derby rode straight to the ship without resistance; he took
prisoners Colonel Dodding and Mr. Townson of Lancaster who were on
guard, set the ship on fire, and taking with him the Spanish officers
and their ladies rode hurriedly back to Lathom the same night, stopping
only to search Rossall Hall for arms on the way.[89] As the Saint Anne
burned the guns discharged, and fell either into the bottom of the ship
or into the water. But the Parliamentarians recovered most of them and
sent them by sea to Lancaster to strengthen the fortifications there.
[Illustration: THE SPANISH SHIP IN THE FYLDE, MARCH 1643]
Major Sparrow explained that he had crossed the river in order to
guard the ship more effectually, but it is impossible to see how this
could have been so. He was apparently guilty of carelessness if not of
cowardice; as the "Discourse" put it "being as feared of the Earl as the
Earl was of him." If he had only done as he was advised and retreated
towards Rossall, he would have saved the ship and checked the royalist
advance, for Derby could not have attacked in face of such superior
numbers. The Spanish Ambassador disclaimed all intention of interfering
in the English Civil War, and requested that the crew might be sent
safely to London and so to Flanders. The House of Lords passed two
resolutions to this effect, and as far as the officers were concerned
they were probably carried out; but the unfortunate sailors were thrown
on the hostile countryside. Some of them died of hunger, and some of
them more fortunate who obtained shelter were unable to recover from the
privations which they had endured while at sea.[90] This incident is a
somewhat unpleasant illustration of the customs of war in the
seventeenth century. No one seemed to consider that the foreign ship
cast ashore by accident had any claim to fair treatment. Each side took
possession of it in turn; and after the royalists had burnt the vessel
the Parliamentarians returned and seized as many of the guns as they
could. Both parties were quite indifferent to the fate of the unhappy
crew.
During the months of March and April there was almost incessant fighting
in Lancashire with varying fortune. At the end of February the
Parliament held both Preston and Lancaster, and Blackburn and Bolton
besides, the royalists still keeping possession of Wigan, Warrington and
Liverpool; and repeated attempts were now made by each party on the
positions of the other side. The royalists showed in these two months
better generalship and greater energy than at any other time during the
war; it almost seemed at one period as if they might gain the upper
hand; but they were gradually overcome and the early summer found the
fate of the county practically decided.
The royalists were the first to take action. About the middle of March a
plan was formed to recover the Spanish guns from Lancaster.[91] The Earl
of Derby marched out of Wigan on Monday, March 13, with 600 foot and 400
horse, and on the Tuesday night stayed again with Mr. Clifton at Lytham
Hall, his men being quartered round Kirkham. He stayed a day or two in
order to summon the Fylde, which was entirely royalist in sympathy, and
so added to his numbers 3000 clubmen over whom officers were appointed.
He was then joined by Sir John Girlington and Mr. Tyldesley with 600
more soldiers from York, of whom half were musketeers, and the whole
force set forward to Lancaster. Early in the morning of March 18 the
town was summoned, but they returned answer that all their arms were in
the disposal of the Parliamentarian troops in the Castle; and the
royalists prepared for an attack.
The Parliamentarians were disorganised and showed much irresolution.
There had been trouble among their troops at Preston, in which for a
time Sir John Seaton's life was in danger, and he had had to escape for
a while to Lancaster. When it was known that the royalists were on their
way to Lancaster Colonel Assheton marched in pursuit, but probably
because he was outnumbered refused to go any further than Garstang, in
spite of Seaton's remonstrances. In Lancaster there were some 600
Parliamentarian troops under Holcroft and Sparrow, but they were not
able to hold an open town against such superior numbers as the royalists
possessed and retreated into the castle. Captain William Shuttleworth
was killed before they were able to gain the shelter of the walls. The
Castle was not provisioned for a siege, and had no adequate water
supply, but the royalists made no attempt to take it, and dispersed
their troops through the streets, plundering and setting fire to the
houses. The town was thoroughly sacked.[92] The following day, hearing
that Assheton and Seaton were on their march from Preston they
retreated. In the meantime the garrison had broken out of the Castle
while the royalists were plundering and had secured provisions for some
days. The Earl of Derby seems to have been a great deal better informed
about the enemy's movements than were the Parliamentarians; for he was
able to outwit them again and escape their advance.[93] Both Seaton and
Assheton were now on their march from Preston with eleven companies of
foot and "some few ill-mounted horse that durst not look the enemy in
the face"; Assheton having collected what men he could from Salford
Hundred, and reached Preston on the 18th. On Monday, March 20th, Derby
removed his troops to Ellel about five miles south of Lancaster on the
main road; and hearing that Assheton was at Cockerham waited just long
enough to escape being caught, and marched with all speed to Preston,
which he expected would be left but poorly defended. He was right in his
conjecture, and the action of the Parliamentarian commanders showed
great carelessness or undue haste. It is only three miles from Ellel to
Cockerham, and the latter place is hardly on the direct route between
Preston and Lancaster. The Parliamentarians therefore reached Lancaster
only to find the enemy gone, and they had to content themselves with
reinforcing the garrison and replenishing the stores in the Castle.
Meanwhile Derby had marched straight on Preston, using great care to
prevent his approach being known; and he had almost reached the town
before news of his advance was brought. In Preston there had only been
left four companies of foot and five hundred clubmen under Colonel
Holland, and Colonel Duckenfield's troop of horse; but late at night as
it was the Friars Gate was strongly guarded, and all preparations made
for resistance. The townsmen, however, were strongly royalist in
sympathy, and as the Earl approached the garrison gradually melted away,
and led by Colonel Shuttleworth most of them made their escape as best
they could. The royalist ostlers had locked the stable doors and secured
the keys; so that many of the Parliamentarians being unable to get at
their horses were taken prisoners. The royalists again garrisoned
Preston, and plundered unmercifully any in the town who had been
suspected of disaffection to their cause (March 20).
Assheton hearing that the royalists had regained Preston, found his own
position at Lancaster untenable, and leaving a garrison in the Castle
marched into Blackburn Hundred, and by way of Chipping and Whalley into
east Lancashire. A week later Seaton writes from Manchester in great
despondency. He was without troops and his personal unpopularity was
still so great that he hardly dared to show himself in the streets. The
"Mercurius Aulicus" reported with rather less than its usual inaccuracy
that "all Lancashire except Manchester is in royalist hands."[94]
This was indeed the most spirited and successful operation conducted by
the royalists. They derived no doubt some advantage from the
disorganisation of the enemy's troops and their demoralisation owing to
insufficient pay and clothing, as also from the carelessness which
success had produced in the Parliamentarian officers; for their tactics
show to much greater advantage than those of Assheton and Seaton, and
for a time at least they regained much of the ground which they had
lost. It is possible that there were other successes besides those which
have just been described; one Parliamentarian writer even mentions a
capture of Blackburn; and in any case a bold following up of the
victories might possibly have led to a royalist reconquest of the
county.[95] The royalist star was now in the ascendant in the north of
England. Queen Henrietta Maria who had landed at Bridlington in
February, had overrun the greater part of Yorkshire; some of her troops
had advanced as far as Skipton, and were thus an additional menace on
the north-east of Blackburn Hundred.
As might be expected, the Earl of Derby now began to plan an advance
into the enemy's country. It is stated, probably with truth, that he
intended to form a second siege of Manchester; and he certainly did make
a second attack on Bolton on March 28, 1643. Bolton was, however,
prepared, and was well garrisoned, while the Parliamentarians had also
established a garrison for its additional protection, in the town of
Bury. The royalists came in sight of Bolton about 3 o'clock in the
afternoon, but after their summons for surrender had been refused, they
made no attack until dark. They then delivered a sharp assault on the
outworks and there was fighting at close quarters for some time. The
assailants were at length beaten off with the loss of ten men. After
some reinforcements to the town had come in from Bury the royalists
delivered another attack upon the south side of the town, and owing to
the darkness were able to get quite close to the mud walls before they
were observed; but this attempt met with no better success and they
finally retired with the loss of 23 men.[96]
This was, however, almost the end of aggressive tactics on the part of
the royalists. By this time the Parliamentarian leaders seem to have
restored the morale of their troops, and they soon regained the upper
hand in the county. The recovery was shown when four days after Lord
Derby's unsuccessful attack on Bolton, they besieged Wigan itself. This
was on Easter Eve, 1643. Their force consisted of 2000 foot, mostly
musketeers, and 200 or 300 horse, with 8 guns, under the command of
Colonel Holland; as Assheton's regiment was included Rosworm also
accompanied the expedition, and as usual he represents his own share in
the operations as very great. Wigan was commanded by Major-General
Blaire, a Scotchman who had been recommended to the Earl of Derby by the
King. Attacking fiercely at the south-east end of the town Assheton's
musketeers forced an entrance after an hour's fighting, and the Wigan
garrison which numbered 1,400 men broke and fled in disorder; many
prisoners were taken. Some of the garrison, however, retreated to the
Church Tower, and shooting from there did considerable execution on the
attacking force; and a threat to blow up the church with gunpowder was
necessary before they were reduced to surrender.[97] The town was then
thoroughly plundered by the Parliamentary soldiery. They did not,
however, occupy Wigan, but marched away the same night, their departure
being probably hastened by a report that the Earl of Derby was on his
way to its assistance. The Earl came as far as Standish Moor; but
hearing there that Wigan had been taken, plundered and abandoned by the
enemy he returned to Lathom. One Parliamentarian writer estimates the
amount of plunder taken in Wigan at £20,000.[98] Its loss naturally
caused some consternation at Lathom House which is only six miles
distant. Lady Derby wrote to Prince Rupert, "In the name of God, Sire,
take pity on us, and if you will come you may reconquer Wigan easily and
with much glory to your Highness. I know not what to say; but have pity
on my husband, my children, and myself who are altogether lost if God
and your Highness have not pity on us."[99] There was some reason for
her agitation. As Preston and Lancaster had been lost in the north, so
now Wigan had been lost in the west; and a great effort would be
necessary if the royalist cause in Lancashire were not to suffer defeat.
The next encounter, however, went in their favour. Elated at their
success at Wigan, "that impregnable piece the enemy's pride and
presumption our fear and despair," the Parliamentarian troops assaulted
Warrington on April 5th. In this they joined Sir William Brereton, the
commander-in-chief in Cheshire, who towards the end of March was
quartered with his horse at Nantwich; and he had sent for 500 foot to
join him in the attempt. Warrington was strongly held, the Earl of Derby
being there in person. On Monday, April 3, Captain Ardern and some other
captains approached the town from the Cheshire side, but the royalist
garrison seeing the smallness of the force, sallied out and routed them
on Stockton Heath, having by a ruse given Ardern to understand that they
were of his own party. Brereton's main forces shortly afterwards coming
up were at a second attack also defeated by the royalists. Brereton,
however, remained on the ground, and having been joined by Holland's
troops from Manchester the two together made an attack on Warrington on
April 5th. The advance was from two sides, from the east near the
Parish Church, a battery being placed on Moot Hill, and from the west
where Brereton's men occupied the house of one Edward Bridgman at
Sankey, about a mile from the town. The royalists, however, fought with
great determination, and in spite of their numbers the Parliamentarians
were unable to effect an entrance on any point. "Wigan (thought
impregnable) proved easy; Warrington (thought easy) proved now
impregnable."[100]
It has been stated that the operations round Warrington at the beginning
of April, 1643, were the critical events of this Spring; but really the
decisive contest occurred at the end of the month and was fought in
north-east Lancashire between Padiham and Whalley. The Parliamentarian
forces in Blackburn Hundred were still very disorganised and evidently
discouraged by their reverse at Warrington on April 5th. After that
action the Earl of Derby removed to Preston, where he made preparations
for following up his success, calling a general muster there about the
middle of April. Accompanied by Lord Molyneux, Sir Gilbert Hoghton,
Colonel Tyldesley, and other well known royalists he marched out of
Preston at the head of eleven troops of horse, 700 foot, and many
clubmen mostly from the Fylde, numbering in all about 5000 men. Keeping
on the north bank of the Ribble they reached Ribchester at noon on
Wednesday, April 19, crossed the river by ferry at Salesbury, and
marched on Whalley. The Parliamentarians were completely taken by
surprise. Two troops of horse at Dukenhalgh Hall near Clayton-le-Moors
were their only forces in the neighbourhood, and these retreated to
Padiham, after sending to warn Colonel Shuttleworth, who was at his
house at Gawthorpe. Shuttleworth received the message during the night,
but he at once sent out summonses to the countryside, and next morning
one additional troop of horse and about 500 foot had collected (Ap. 20).
The Earl of Derby instead of continuing his march had occupied Whalley,
and early on the same morning he drew up his troops on the east side of
the river Calder, apparently waiting to be attacked. Derby himself had
quarters in Whalley Abbey, Sir Ralph Assheton's house. The royalists
made a great mistake in not at once advancing in force. After some
delay, however, they advanced and the scouts of both sides approached
each other near Read Hall, half way between Padiham and Whalley. The
royalists were so overwhelmingly superior in numbers that Shuttleworth
and his captains refused to engage with them, and ordered a general
retreat towards Padiham.[101] But the soldiers took matters into their
own hands and "being resolute men replied to the Captains boldly bidding
them take what course they pleased for their safety, yet they would
adventure themselves, see the enemy and have one bout with them, if God
will." Shuttleworth, therefore, drew out his men to await the royalists'
advance.
[Illustration: BATTLE OF WHALLEY, APRIL, 1643.]
About a mile from Whalley on the high road to Padiham a bye-road turns
up the hill to the left; after passing a further turn to Sabden it
leaves on the right hand a farm house called Easterley, crosses Sabden
Brook, skirts the grounds of Read Hall, and descends again to join the
main road. There seems no doubt that in this now secluded and very
beautiful lane, the decisive encounter of the Civil War in Lancashire
began.[102] The Parliamentarian troops awaited the royalist advance
just above Read Hall, hiding their musketeers behind the stone walls on
either side of the lane. Presently they saw the advance guards
descending the hill by Easterley to the Brook. As the royalists mounted
again out of the hollow they were surprised by a well-directed volley
which threw them into disorder; and the Parliamentarians followed up
their advantage so well that the royalists broke and fled back towards
Whalley pursued by the Parliamentarian foot. Tyldesley himself was with
the advance guard and joined in the flight. Gaining confidence as they
proceeded, Shuttleworth's men pressed the royalists hard, and by the
time they had reached Whalley the retreat had become a rout. The
royalists remaining in Whalley, being taken by surprise, were not able
to make any stand, but joined the flying troops, who were now pursued
along the way they had come through Langho towards the River Ribble. The
chase extended over about five miles; and the Parliamentarian troops as
they followed found the country strewn with arms which the royalists had
cast away in their flight. The Earl of Derby himself with difficulty
maintained some sort of order in the rearguard. Arrived at Salesbury,
horse and foot plunged into the water without waiting for the boats, and
waded the river up to their necks. Once across they were safe from
attack, but the flight continued to Preston, and Derby did not draw rein
until he reached Penwortham Hall near Preston, where he stayed the
night.[103]
This was the most remarkable victory of the war in Lancashire, and it
was decisive. The royalists had been successful at Warrington; and on
this occasion their army must have outnumbered their opponents by at
least four to one. The Parliamentarians were quite unprepared, and in
all probability if Derby had advanced directly on Padiham the result
would have been very different. As it was the defeat showed the real
weakness of the royalist cause in Lancashire. The Earl of Derby left the
county a few weeks later to join the Queen in Yorkshire; and he never
led an army in Lancashire again until the ill-fated expedition of 1651.
After this the supremacy of the Parliamentary cause was never in real
doubt.
Assheton was not slow to follow up the victory at Whalley. Two days
later he marched on Wigan (April 22), which was occupied by Colonel
Tyldesley with 9 troops of horse and 700 foot; Assheton had 2,200 horse
and foot mostly belonging to the Manchester garrison, and the royalists
were in no condition to resist superior numbers. They fell back on
Lathom without fighting, and Assheton demolished all the out-works and
fortifications at Wigan, burnt the new gates and posts, and made
the townsmen swear not in future to bear arms against "King and
Parliament."[104] Derby himself seems to have been at Prescot, but on
Assheton advancing against him he retreated to Lathom, and then the
Parliamentarians gradually moved northwards and westwards, driving the
enemy before them. On hearing of the loss of Wigan, the Queen sent a
message to Lord Derby not to engage the enemy again until she sent him
reinforcement; but having waited for a fortnight in vain he was
persuaded by Molyneux and Tyldesley to endeavour to hasten it in person.
There is no doubt that the Queen at this time intended to invade
Lancashire. She writes from York to the King on April 23 "my
proposition is this--to detach from the body of the army 2000 footmen
and 1000 horsemen, 200 dragoons and some cannon and to send them at once
into Lancashire to join with Earl Derby and to clear out that county,
which I hope can be done in ten or twelve days, and then come to join me
at Newark"; and three weeks after this she writes again that the army
was to march directly on Leeds, Bradford and Halifax. Derby was to
return, to collect what troops he could, and remain on the defensive
until "the army can march to Manchester which I hope will be soon; for I
believe that Leeds being taken, the other two places will be
inconsiderable, and so Manchester will come into play; which if we take
it all Lancashire is yours."[105] These plans were, however, frustrated
by the royalist defeat by Sir Thomas Fairfax at Wakefield in May; and
there was no longer any hope of reinforcements to the Lancashire
royalists from the Queen's army. Derby returned to Lancashire; and a
rumour having come of a Scotch invasion by means of the Isle of Man, he
was persuaded to sail thither to prevent it. Returning to Lancashire
about the end of May, he hastily crossed the county with a very small
following, and rode to Whitehaven, whence he took ship to the Isle of
Man, landing there on June 15. The Countess of Derby and her children
remained at Lathom House.[106]
It is difficult to understand why Derby should have left Lancashire just
at a time when it appeared that the presence of a leader was most
necessary there; unless indeed he had already given up the cause as
hopeless. This explanation of his joining the Queen and of his departure
for the Isle of Man is his own, and is probably the true one though the
Parliamentarians put a much less favourable construction on his
movements. They hinted that his leaving Lancashire was due to cowardice.
And even his enemies at the Court made it an occasion of maligning him
by suggesting that he had more care for his own property in the Isle of
Man than for the royal cause in England. But at best he was sacrificing
the royalist interests in Lancashire. Three days after landing in the
Isle of Man Derby summoned a meeting of his tenants at Peel; but no
great eagerness was shown in response to his request for aid.
Meanwhile things had gone from bad to worse for the royalist cause in
Lancashire. After the capture of Wigan, Assheton had chased Molyneux and
Tyldesley from Ormskirk to Preston, and thence across the Ribble into
the Fylde. The royalists quartered at Kirkham for two days, but on
Assheton's approach made practically no resistance; they marched
northwards across the Wyre and through Cockerham to Hornby. Assheton
followed as far as Lancaster; he took from there 14 of the Spanish guns
and leaving the remainder to fortify the Castle, returned back through
Preston to Manchester. On the return march his men took advantage of his
temporary absence to make a detour through the Fylde, where they
plundered Royalists and Parliamentarians alike. After Assheton's return
Tyldesley crossed into Yorkshire to join the Queen; Molyneux proceeded
southwards again, and taking on his way a few prisoners whom he left at
Lathom went over Hale Ford into Cheshire.[107]
Warrington was the victors' next objective. On May 20, the Manchester
garrison marched out against it, and three days later met at Warrington
Sir William Brereton with a considerable force of Cheshire men, who had
left Nantwich on May 21. Next morning the besiegers' cannon were placed
in position and opened fire on the town. There was, however, no close
fighting, as the royalists had very little provision for a siege; and
on the following Saturday, May 27, a parley was called by Col. Norris,
the royalist Governor. During the week a garrison had been dislodged
from Winwick Church, three miles away, and the position of Warrington
had been rendered hopeless by the certainty that no help could be looked
for from the Queen. Accordingly Norris surrendered, his officers being
allowed their horses and pistols, while the men were suffered to depart
without their arms. Next day (Trinity Sunday, May 28) Sir George Booth,
lord of the manor, entered the town again. Only six men were reported to
have been killed in the last siege, four of the besiegers and two
royalists.[108]
Sometime before this Liverpool had been occupied for the Parliament,
apparently without opposition.[109]
The work of reducing the county was not yet, however, quite complete.
The royalists in North Lancashire, taking advantage of Assheton's
preoccupation in the south-west, laid siege to Lancaster. The castle,
however, held out for three weeks, and the other places being reduced,
Assheton marched to its assistance. The royalists did not wait for his
approach, but retreated and disposed some of their forces for the
defence of Hornby and Thurland Castles, the remainder marching to join
the Queen. Assheton immediately set out to effect the capture of these
places.
Hornby Castle is about nine miles north-east of Lancaster, Thurland four
miles further away. Approaching Hornby first, three companies of foot
were sent on before to reconnoitre; they fell into an ambush but
suffered little loss, though the royalist reports magnified it into a
great reverse. The castle was found to be very difficult of access,
being on a steep hill, and the building itself rising gradually from its
lowest point at the gatehouse. The besiegers, however, captured a
soldier escaping from the Castle, and from him learnt that it was
possible to enter by some windows high up on the east side of the
building at the end of the hall. This adventurous effort succeeded.
Under cover of a frontal attack on the gatehouse, a party armed with
ladders, ropes, and combustible materials, effected an ascent of the
windows, and set the Castle on fire; attacked thus in two places the
garrison surrendered at discretion.[110]
Next day the Parliamentarian troops marched on to Thurland, which was
given up at their summons with little or no fighting. Sir John
Girlington himself was taken prisoner, and also many royalist ladies who
had found a refuge in this last stronghold. Much spoil of money and
plate was also made.
Thus by June, 1643, practically all Lancashire was for the first time in
the hands of the Parliament; Lathom House and Greenhalgh Castle being
now the only places where the royalist flag was still flying. Many of
the Parliamentarian soldiers returned to their homes. "Now the whole
county being cleared of all the King's forces way was made that all such
as had fled out of any part thereof might return to their wives,
children and friends and have what their enemies had left them."
FOOTNOTES:
[85] Hoghton Tower was practically a ruin half a century ago, but has
since then been very carefully restored, and is now to outward
appearance much as in the old days. It occupies a commanding position on
a hill six miles from Preston and four miles from Blackburn, standing
about 550 feet above sea level.
[86] "A punctuall relation of the passages in Lancashire this weeke,
etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 79). Lancashire's "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p.
127). "Discourse," p. 24. "Certaine Informations," No. 6, Feb. 20-27.
The first and last of these accounts make allegations of treachery but
not the other two; and the "Valley of Achor" would not have omitted the
charge if it had not been quite baseless. The "Discourse" ascribes the
disaster to "want of heedfulnesse," and the "Valley of Achor" is still
more definite: "It dispossessed them by the help of Powder to which
their disorders laid a Train fired by their neglected matches, or by
that great Souldiers' Idoll, Tobacco." "O that this thundering alarm
might ever sound in the eares of our Swearing, Cursing, Drunken,
Tobacco-abusing Commanders and Souldiers unto unfaigned Repentance. For
do they think that those upon whom the Tower fell and slew them, were
sinners above the rest of the Army?"
In his "Pilgrimages to Old Homes" (1906), p. 84, Mr. Fletcher Moss says
that it was the gate house into the second court which was blown up; but
it would rather seem to have been the Tower itself, which then crowned
the building on its eastern side.
[87] "Speciall Passages and Certain Informations from severall Places"
("C.W.T.," p. 77). "A punctuall relation, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 79). The
latter of these accounts is an extremely vivid narrative, and must have
been communicated, if not written, by an eye-witness. The former tract
gives the defenders' losses as five, the latter as eight or ten; and it
is stated that 100 of the royalists were either killed or mortally
wounded. These numbers must be received with considerable reservation.
The "Discourse" states incorrectly that Alexander Rigby of Burgh was
killed in this engagement. The "Valley of Achor" mentions a "new
invented mischievous Instrument which received this description at
Bolton: An head about a quarter of a yard long, a staffe of two yards
long or more, put into that head, twelve iron pikes round about, and one
in the end to stab with. This fierce weapon (to double their scorn) they
called a Roundhead." The Editor of "C.W.T." (p. 129) states that the
"Mercurius Civicus," June 2-16, 1643, gives a picture of one of these
"Roundheads."
[88] Apparently Sparrow crossed somewhere about the present Shard
Bridge. Unless it happened to be high tide, however, there would be no
need for a ferry. The River Wyre at this point is a broad expanse of
water when the tide is full, but at low water it shrinks to a width of
eight or ten yards, and can easily be forded for a long stretch.
[89] Rossall Hall is now the headmaster's house at Rossall School. The
Fleetwoods of Rossall were royalists, and the statement that Derby
plundered the house for arms can only be correct on the assumption that
the Parliamentarian party had previously taken possession of it.
[90] The "Discourse" (pp. 25-27) gives much the fullest account of these
operations; this writer is usually especially well informed with regard
to the Fylde. His estimate of the ability of Serj.-Major Sparrow is very
different from that given by Tilsley in his narrative of the capture of
Preston, but is probably more reliable. It is only fair to state,
however, in Sparrow's defence that Seaton says that the Earl also had
foot with him and 300 horse, and that there were 400 Spaniards; and that
Sparrow crossed the river in order to guard the ammunition which had
been taken from the ship. From Lytham to Rossall Point is about 13
miles, Layton Common lying half-way between the two places; Poulton is a
little nearer Rossall, and closer to the river. For the fate of the
Spaniards, Cf. "L.J.," Vol. 5, p. 652; "Hist. MSS. Com." Report 8, p.
63. Five names of officers are given, the chief being Don Francisco de
Aco and Don Alonzo Navarro. The date of the burning of the ship by the
royalists is given by the Earl of Derby in his Diary ("Stanley Papers,"
Pt. 3, Vol. 3, C.S. 70, p. 3, ed. Raines).
[91] Seaton says that the guns were 22 in number, including 8 brass
pieces, 2 demi-cannon, one minion, and 3 sacres. At first there was some
competition between Manchester, Bolton, Preston and Lancaster as to
which town should receive the guns, but the matter was decided in favour
of Lancaster, which was in more royalist territory, and perhaps also
because of rumours of the projected attack.
[92] On July 7, 1645, Parliament ordered that "when this unnatural war
shall be ended" Lancaster should receive the sum of £8,000 out of the
estates of delinquents who were actually present at the siege ("C.J.,"
Vol. 4, p. 168). Payment of this relief was long delayed; and on
December 23, 1647, the House ordered that the inhabitants of Lancaster
should farm papists' and delinquents' estates to the value of £2,000 for
one year, in part of their former vote. The Castle was later to cause
considerable trouble to the authorities. In March, 1646-7 Parliament
ordered that it be dismantled, but for some reason the order was not put
into effect until years afterwards, in spite of its having been repeated
several times ("C.J.," Vol. 5, 101; "C.S.P.," 1649-50, pp. 385, 536,
etc., etc.).
[93] The royalist opinion of their prospects in Lancashire at this time
was very favourable. Cf. "Mercurius Aulicus," March 15, 1643: "By
letters of March 7, it is certified that affairs in Lancashire are not
so bad as reported. Wigan and Warrington still hold good for the King,
and in Liverpool, the principal town toward Ireland, there are some foot
companies of Sir T. Salisbury's regiment and a troop of Flintshire
horse. Lancaster is recovered by Col. Tyldesley." And again on March 31:
"Last Monday Mr. Kirkby came to the Queen asking for arms and reporting
that Lord Molyneux had taken Bolton."
[94] There are two accounts of the capture of Preston in the "Mercurius
Aulicus," 1643, pp. 150 and 159 respectively. The former is given in
"C.W.T.," p. 84. The fullest Parliamentarian account is in the
"Discourse," p. 29. Cf. also "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 132) and
Seaton's Letter "Chetham Miscellanies," Vol. 3 (No. 57). Seaton says
that though he was suffering from a fall from his horse he would have at
once pursued the royalists at Preston, but his men refused to follow
him. On the next morning, when news came of Derby's occupation of
Preston, none of them would remain in Lancaster; and Colonel Stanley's
three companies flatly disobeyed his orders. Evidently the men had got
quite out of hand, and Seaton was very unpopular. He gives as the reason
that he had restrained the soldiers from plundering at Preston. The
dates of the capture of Lancaster are given by the Earl of Derby in his
Diary "Stanley Papers," C.S. 70, ed. Raines, Pt. 3, Vol. 3, p. 3).
[95] "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 132). Probably one reason for the
unmanageableness of the troops was want of supplies and of pay. Cf. a
letter from Col. Holland to John Booth, Manchester, March 19, 1643,
concerning the condition of the regiments with which they have been
ordered to join Lord Denbigh for the relief of Wem. What with
"sicknesse, diseases, and other disasters of warre" the two regiments
together do not exceed 600 men, and these are so discouraged and
mutinous through want of pay and clothing that it is feared that they
will refuse to march ("Denbigh MSS.," Vol. 4, p. 265).
[96] "C.W.T.," p. 133. The "Mercurius Aulicus" contains a description of
a defeat of two Parliamentarian troops of horse by Lord Derby's
regiment; but this seems to have been invented.
[97] "Discourse," p. 36. "C.W.T.," pp. 134, 226. The last of these is
from Rosworm's "Good Service," and is the fullest. It has sometimes been
treated as if referring to the first attack on Warrington ("Discourse"
note, p. 113), but though the language is rather ambiguous, Rosworm is
evidently describing the taking of Wigan, where he himself was present.
He makes a strong charge of cowardice against Holland, whom, he states,
refused to leave any garrison in Wigan, though Rosworm himself offered
to remain there; and finally Holland marched away in such haste as to
endanger the safety of the forces. But the Parliamentarians cannot as
yet have hoped to garrison Wigan.
[98] Vicars' "Parliamentary Chronicle," Pt. 1, p. 297 ("C.W.T.," p. 94).
[99] Marlet, "Charlotte de la Tremoille," p. 86.
[100] "C.W.T.," pp. 94, 135. "Discourse," p. 31. There is a long note in
the "Discourse," pp. 112-124, giving an account of these operations. Cf.
also a paper by Dr. Kenrick in the "Transactions of the Lancashire and
Cheshire Historic Society," Vol. 4 (1852), p. 18. The attack is said to
have begun at four o'clock in the afternoon and lasted till dark. One
account states that the Earl of Derby declared that he would set fire to
Warrington rather than surrender it, and that Sir William Brereton
thereupon ordered a retreat in order to save the town. This was the
Parliamentarian way of explaining away their defeat. There is no Moot
Hill now, though Dr. Kenrick states that military relics have been found
on the site by excavation.
[101] Mr. Ormerod appears to assume that Colonel Assheton was in
command, and it is true that one of the accounts ("C.W.T.," p. 97) does
mention a Captain Ashton; but as he is not mentioned anywhere else he
was probably not present.
[102] The narrative in the "Discourse," p. 33, is very minute, being
evidently that of an eye-witness. He says that the first sight of the
royalists which their opponents had was "mounting out of a Hollow dingle
between Ashterley and Reed-head." This hollow dingle must certainly be
the depression through which Sabden Brook flows; the roadway now crosses
it by a bridge. The farmhouse on the right descending to the brook is
still called Easterley.
[103] "Discourse," pp. 31-34. "A True Relation of a great and wonderfull
Victory, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 95). The latter is largely reprinted in
"Continuation of Certain Speciall and Remarkable Passages," May 4-11.
The Ribble at Salesbury takes a wide curve, and is therefore somewhat
shallower. There is no 'boat' there now, but a bridge at Ribchester.
[104] "Speciall Passages," May 6 ("C.W.T.," p. 98).
[105] Marlet, "Charlotte de la Tremoille," pp. 88, 89. "Letters of Queen
Henrietta Maria," edited by Mrs. Everett Green (1857), pp. 190, 195.
[106] Seacome, p. 82. The Earl reached the Isle of Man on June 15; he
evidently found the island in a very turbulent state. The Queen wrote to
Newcastle: "Lord Derby is here. He is no longer capable of defending
himself or of raising troops."
[107] "Discourse," p. 39.
[108] Newspapers in "C.W.T.," pp. 100-101; _vide_ also "Perfect
Diurnall" (Cook), May 15-22. There is a tract in "C.W.T.," p. 102, which
professes to give an account of the surrender of Warrington, but it is
exceedingly unreliable.
[109] "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 138). Contradictory statements
are, however, made about a ship from the Earl of Warwick's fleet which
appeared in the Mersey at this time.
[110] "Discourse," p. 40. Hornby Castle has been largely re-built, the
lower portion of the lofty central tower being the oldest remaining
part. The Castle stands on an isolated hill, occupying a very strong
natural position. The hill on all sides is steep, and especially so on
the north-east side where its base is encircled by the River Wenning. It
was evidently on this quarter that the surprise attack was delivered;
but it is hardly possible now to judge of the danger of the enterprise.
The descent down to the Wenning, partially levelled at the top to make a
garden, is not an arduous climb; and the present buildings on that side
do not approach very near to the edge of the descent. On July 6 the
House of Commons ordered that Hornby Castle should be demolished in
order to avoid the expense of keeping a garrison there; and two days
later Assheton was directed to send the order down to Lancashire,
although no answer had been returned by the House of Lords ("C.J.," Vol.
3), pp. 158-159.