The Siege of Manchester.
From the days when it was a Roman fortress Manchester had probably been
the most considerable place in Lancashire. Leland had referred to it in
the previous century as the "fairest best builded quickest and most
populous town of all Lancashire": and as in those days the ring of towns
now surrounding it, the creation of the cotton trade, were non-existent,
Manchester was in proportion larger than now. It was the principal
market for the fustians which were manufactured at Bolton, Leigh and the
places adjacent. The following quotation is from Lewis Robert's
"Merchant's Map of Commerce" written in 1641.
"The town of Manchester buys the linen yarn of the Irish in great
quantity and weaving it returns the same again to Ireland to sell;
neither doth their industry rest here for they buy cotton wool in
London that comes first from Cyprus and Smyrna and work the same
into fustians vermilions dimities etc., which they return to London
where they are sold, and from thence not seldom sent into such
foreign parts where the first materials may be more easily had for
their manufacture."
Though Manchester was in the 17th century no more than a small unwalled
town its position at the junction of the Irk and Irwell gave it some
natural strength on the north and west sides; but there were no walls or
defences of any kind. The town consisted of a half circle of houses
round the Collegiate Church, with Deansgate and Market Stead Lane
branching off to the south-west and south-east respectively. The
population was probably from 5000 to 6000, and of Salford about
one-fourth of that.[44] The bridges over the Irwell and Irk described by
Leland were still all that existed during the Civil War; but the Chapel
on Salford Bridge which he mentions had fallen into ruin, and was during
the war often used as a prison. All that now remains above ground of the
Manchester of that day besides a few old public houses and one street
corner is the Collegiate Church, now the Cathedral, and the old College,
which is now Chetham Hospital.
If the Civil War had not broken out when it did Manchester might have
attained a distinction for which it had to wait for another 250 years.
In March, 1640-1, a proposal was made to establish a University in the
town. A petition was presented to Parliament urging the great distance
of Oxford and Cambridge and the great expense which was incurred at
those places, "so that divers gentlemen are induced to send their sons
to foreign universities or to allow them only country breeding." It was
pointed out that the north of England generally would benefit "which by
reason of the distance from Court and University suffers a double
eclipse of honour and learning," and Manchester was stated to be the
fittest place, being central in position and an old town "formerly both
a city and a sanctuary." Lord Strange was much interested in the scheme
and had promised to contribute liberally towards it; and the old
College, at that time disused and much neglected, was indicated as a
very suitable place for the University to be established.
Unfortunately the success of this very interesting scheme was made
impossible by the agitated condition of public affairs. An attempt was
made to secure Lord Fairfax's support, but he pointed out that even if
the opposition of Oxford and Cambridge and other difficulties did not
prove insuperable, Parliament had no leisure to discuss matters of such
local interest. In view of the trials of Stafford and of Laud and the
state of church affairs, a Manchester University bill had no chance of a
hearing.[45]
It was fortunate for the Parliamentarian cause in Lancashire that the
largest town in the county was on its side. The 'very London of those
parts' had as much weight then as now in local affairs, though not its
present importance in the national life. The Civil War gave Manchester a
national position such as it had never had before. There was no doubt
that the majority of the townsmen were against the King; the town was
not unanimous as the affray on July 15 had shown, but the fact that the
Manchester magazine alone was not secured by the royalists is
significant enough; we cannot credit the statements made to the
contrary. Curiously enough, however, Salford was royalist in
sympathy.[46]
During September, 1642, it was definitely known in Manchester that Lord
Strange was collecting troops for an attack upon the town. Towards the
end of the month the Parliamentarian newspapers contained disquieting
rumours about the royalist plans. Lord Strange was said to have 1000
foot, and it was thought possible that Rupert, and even the King might
join him.[47] The situation was critical; for the majority of the county
was on his lordship's side, and there was no garrison in Manchester, and
no fortifications of any kind. The townsmen were able, however, to
secure the services of a capable engineer to direct the defence. This
was John Rosworm, a German by birth, who had seen service in the Low
Countries, and had been in Ireland until the insurrection there broke
out. He had come to Manchester early in the summer of 1642; and when the
war began entered into an agreement signed by 22 of the principal
citizens of Manchester to defend the town for 6 months for the sum of
£30.[48] This engagement was renewed 6 months later, and eventually
Rosworm remained in the service of the town for more than six years
at a salary of £60 a year. Also in January, 1642-3, he became
Lieutenant-Colonel in Assheton's regiment of foot. Rosworm was a capable
officer and served the town well; but his own estimate of his services
is much higher than anybody else's, and his statements about the arrears
owing to him from the town must have been greatly exaggerated. His
service during the siege, however, was most valuable. It was only in
September that he was engaged by the town, and he at once began to make
such defences as were possible, by building mud walls at the street
ends, and fixing posts and chains to keep out the enemy's horse. These
preparations were only just completed in time; and even so it
was accident rather than otherwise which gave the town another
reinforcement. Sir Edward Fitton and Mr. Leigh of Adlington beginning to
disarm their tenants, the supporters of the Parliament from all the
neighbourhood round Manchester flocked into the town and completely
silenced any objections which the royalists there were making to the
works. All the present suburbs of Manchester were not, however,
favourable to the Parliament. On September 24 one John Scholes being
sent to ring the bells at Prestwich Church 'backwards,' was prevented by
the Rector, Isaac Allen. Allen was afterwards deprived of his living,
but it was urged in his favour that he was a man of blameless life, and
he had not directed his parishioners to take either side in the war. In
1645 he was allowed £40 per annum for maintenance.
Lord Strange mustered his troops at Warrington, and it was 10 o'clock at
night on Saturday, Sept. 24, when news reached the town that he was on
his march. The distance is only 18 miles, but delayed by the breaking of
a wheel of one of the gun carriages and probably also by bad roads, his
troops did not arrive before the town until the following day. Their
numbers are variously stated from 2000 to 4000 men, and they were
probably about half way between these estimates. With Lord Strange were
Lord Molyneux, Sir Gilbert Hoghton, Sir Alexander Radcliffe, Sir John
Girlington, Sir Gilbert Gerard, Mr. Tyldesley, Mr. Farington and many
others of the royalist gentry of the south and west of Lancashire. The
force included four troops of horse and one of dragoons; the foot were
trained bands and some Welshmen. They were divided into two somewhere on
the march, one division keeping north of the Irwell and occupying
Salford, the other crossing the river and approaching Manchester by way
of Alport Lane. Lord Strange was with the latter party and took up his
quarters at Alport Lodge belonging to Sir Edward Mosley.[49]
When the royalists approached the alarm was given by ringing the bells
'backwards'; it was 9 o'clock on Sunday morning, and the townsmen were
called out of church. Two envoys were sent out to Lord Strange, who kept
one of them with him for some hours, sending the other back with Captain
Windebank to demand an entrance into the town; he promised to respect
life and property if this were conceded. This demand was of course
refused, and next day hostilities began.[50]
[Illustration: A PLAN OF MANCHESTER and SALFORD about 1650.]
The Parliamentary troops in the town, which numbered about 1000,
consisted partly of the militia under the command of Captain Radcliffe
and partly of those who had come in from the surrounding country to its
assistance. The best of the latter were 150 tenants of Mr. Assheton of
Middleton under Captain Bradshaw. The various positions had already been
assigned. Bradshaw was posted at the end of Deansgate; Salford Bridge,
which he rather unreasonably calls "the only place of manifest danger,
greatest action and least defence," Rosworm took for himself; Captain
Radcliffe held Market Stead Lane and Captain Booth Millgate. Lieutenant
Barwick was posted in Hunt's Bank; and on Shudehill 'a company of
resolute soldiers without any commander.' The guns or gun, for perhaps
there was only one, defended Bradshaw's position, which was really the
most difficult.[51]
On Monday morning Lord Strange sent another message formally demanding
all the arms in the town to be delivered up, and quarter for a troop of
his horse; but the townsmen replied that this was forbidden by the
Protestation, and by Ordinance of Parliament. About mid-day the royalist
batteries opened fire, shooting bullets of 4 lbs., 6 lbs., and 8 lbs.
weight; but little damage was done except to the houses. They then
attacked Deansgate at close quarters and setting fire to some buildings
at the end of the town, almost effected an entrance. Rosworm was obliged
to send 20 of his 50 musketeers as reinforcement, and the royalists were
at length driven back with some loss. Later in the afternoon an assault
was also made on Salford Bridge, but this was more easily repulsed as
the royalists had there to charge uphill, and their position was
commanded by the higher ground of the churchyard. There is also said to
have been a royalist attack of horse against the east of the town, but
this also was beaten off. Firing continued until dark, and at midnight a
party of royalists went down to the water's edge in Salford, and
attempted to set fire to the town by means of lighted faggots. The
royalists are said to have lost 120 men against 3 of the defenders.[52]
Next day no direct attacks were delivered at Deansgate or the Bridge.
The former seems to have been left quite free, but a cannonade was begun
by the royalists in Salford which so terrified Rosworm's raw soldiers
that 16 of them took to their heels; and he says that some of those who
stayed did so from fear of his drawn sword.[53] As he had sent away 20
of his men on the previous day only 14 now remained at this important
position; but volunteers brought up his men to their original number
again. On this day the other street ends were attacked by the royalists,
especially Market Stead Lane; but they were beaten back at all points.
Gaining confidence, the townsmen began to sally out on their own account
and cut off several small parties which were straggling in the fields.
Seven troopers with their horses were taken and one quarter-master shot
with the loss of two of the garrison.
At 5 o'clock in the afternoon Lord Strange called a parley and again
proposed surrender; after some negotiation a truce was agreed upon until
7 o'clock on the following morning, but it seems to have been observed
by neither side.[54] Lord Strange's proposals were considered, but it
was not likely that after having repelled his attacks for two days the
townsmen would be more ready to treat than before; and all the royalist
terms were refused.[55] Strange made many proposals, less and less being
asked for on each refusal. First he demanded to march through the town,
then £1000 in money, then 200 muskets; finally he offered to depart if
50 muskets were surrendered. "The town said they would not give him so
much as a rusty dagger"[56]; and next day hostilities were resumed.
The defenders were, however, not quite so unanimous as the defiant
replies would suggest. There was a party in the town led by Colonel
Holland the Governor, which desired to come to terms with the royalists.
They pointed out that the stock of ammunition was running very low,
and that the country people who had come in as volunteers were
becoming restive owing to the plundering by the royalists in the
neighbourhood.[57] Rosworm describes a scene when Holland on Wednesday
afternoon came down to him at the Bridge urging these considerations;
Rosworm referred the matter to his soldiers, who declared they would
stand firm, and Holland went away in anger. Shortly after this Mr.
Bourne, the aged fellow of the Collegiate Church coming by, Rosworm
urged him to go along Deansgate to Bradshaw's men and persuade them if
necessary to resist. They, however, needed no persuasion but declared
"by a general shout that they would part with their arms and their lives
together."[58] It was perhaps a concession to the faint-hearted that on
the following day Mr. Alexander Butterworth of Belfield was sent towards
London for aid.[59]
There was, however, no need to bring help from London or anywhere else,
for the royalist attack was nearly spent. When hostilities were resumed
the Parliamentarians were the assailants. At 10 o'clock on Thursday,
September 29, 200 men sallied out from Deansgate to relieve a house
which had been occupied by the royalists; they were attacked by 100
musketeers and a troop of horse, but after an hour's fighting the
royalists were defeated, most of the horse being driven into the river
and an officer[60] and two men drowned. The losses are given as 13 on
each side and the town made two prisoners. In Salford some guns
previously placed in a position which was commanded by the churchyard
were removed. On this day also the royalists lost one of their leaders
in Salford, Captain Standish, who was shot by a marksman posted at the
top of the church tower.[61] There was no further fighting after this.
The following day desultory firing continued from Deansgate and Salford,
and at the former position the royalists began to dig a trench as if
they intended to establish a blockade; but it was only a pretence for
they dared no longer to come to close quarters.[62] On Saturday the Earl
of Derby, as he now was from his father's death on the previous day,
sent for an exchange of prisoners, of which the town is said to have
taken 85. The royalists made up their number by seizing non-combatants
from the surrounding district. When the exchange had been effected the
royalists decamped in such haste that Rosworm was able to send out a
party openly to capture their arms.
It is not very easy to estimate satisfactorily the losses on both sides
during the six days of the siege. We have very full details, but
unfortunately all the accounts are written by Parliamentarians, and no
one-sided descriptions of Civil War battles can be relied upon. Heyrick
for instance roundly says of the Monday operations when fighting was the
most severe of all, "in this day's fight blessed be God we lost not one
man." One writer states that the townsmen lost no one at all except one
boy who was looking on from a stile; and they all estimate the royalist
casualties at some hundreds. It is of course to be expected that few of
the defenders were killed but surprising that many lives were lost at
all. Seventeenth century musketry was very erratic, and the besieger's
cannon was probably wholly useless; and the combatants came to close
quarters very little except on the first day of the siege. The
"Sutherland Diary," which seems altogether the most accurate and
moderate account estimates the royalist losses at 220 killed and 85
prisoners; detailed losses of the defenders amount only to 19. But on
the first day the losses are said to be 125 and 3 respectively, which
sounds very unlikely. It is, however, not possible to arrive at any
greater accurateness for all the accounts agree in the main that about
80 prisoners were taken by the town, and that the royalists lost from
100 to 250 men. Nineteen is the largest total given for the defenders'
losses.[63] A very glowing picture of the state of the town during the
siege is given by Heyrick and other writers. Heyrick says "our Souldiers
from first to last had prayers and singing of Psalmes daily at the
street ends, most of our Souldiers being religious honest men of a
civill and inoffensive conversation, which came out of conscience of
their oath and protestation. The Townsmen were kind and respective to
the Souldiers; all things were common: the Gentlemen made bullets night
and day; the Souldiers were resolute and coragious and feared nothing so
much as a Parley; the deputy Lieutenants, Captaine Chantwell and other
gentlemen took paines night and day to see that the Souldiers did their
duty."[64]
If this description is not somewhat overdrawn, it is because the town
did not stand by itself in the matter of defence. The neighbouring
Deputy-Lieutenants and Bradshaw's men probably did much not only in
numbers but in moral effect to strengthen the resistance. For there was
certainly a party in the town less inclined to stand out. Manchester
contained many royalists; and as we have seen, they were at least the
majority in Salford. Probably Lord Strange counted on a far less
stubborn resistance than he encountered; and judging by the support
given him in July he was justified in doing so. This may have had
something to do with the badly organised state of his force, though
there is no need to credit all the stories which the other side told
about its composition. It was evidently without discipline or
efficiency;[65] and the attack was ill-planned and conducted with no
vigour. The royalists attacked Manchester which was not a strong
position on the whole, at two of its strongest points. At Deansgate they
had no advantage of ground, and in Salford they were at a disadvantage,
having to advance across a narrow sloping bridge which was commanded by
the higher opposite bank of the river; whereas at Shude Hill or at
Market Stead Lane the royalists would have had the advantage of ground,
and their guns would have proved much more effective at these positions
than pointing up Salford Bridge. The principal attacks should have been
delivered at these two points.
The weather was no doubt an item in favour of the town. It was a very
wet week, and not only did the rain make communication impossible
between the two divisions of the royalists, for the Irwell rises rapidly
in flood; but as the besiegers were mostly out in the open the
discomfort of their position served to demoralise them still further.
"By reason of cold and wet hunger and thirst and labour want of sleep
and a bitter welcome that we gave them, their hearts were discouraged
mightily."[66]
Moreover no attempt was made by the royalists to blockade the town,
which kept open communications during all the week of the siege. It was,
however, a mistake to divide the royalist forces at all.
Nevertheless Manchester might congratulate itself on a very
considerable and well deserved success. The thanksgivings of October
2nd, and of October 6th, when there was a special service in the church
for the soldiers, were amply justified; for it was the first trial of
strength, and the royalists were thought to be the stronger. The effect
of their failure was therefore very great. And it is surely not only
local pride which sees in the siege of Manchester an event which had an
importance quite out of proportion to that which is at first apparent.
As a Parliamentarian writer says, "had not that town stood very firmly
for the King and Parliament in all probability the whole county had
been brought into subjection to the oppression and violence of
the Cavaliers."[67] This is quite true. Manchester became the
Parliamentarian headquarters, though even after their first success that
party was for three months very largely on the defensive. Manchester was
the key of the position, and had it fallen in October, 1642, and
remained in royalist hands the King would have been supreme in the whole
county. And to have been supreme in Lancashire would have enormously
strengthened Charles' cause in all the north of England.
FOOTNOTES:
[44] The population is probably estimated from the list of Manchester
signatures to the Protestation of 1641-2, which are given at length in
the "Palatine Note Book," Vol. 1. This is supposed to be a complete list
of the householders in Manchester at the time. The whole total, however,
is 1,305, and as 120 or more are names of officers mostly outside the
town, and there are many reduplications besides, the estimate of 5,000
seems nearer the mark.
[45] "Fairfax Correspondence" (2 vols., 1848), Vol. 2, pp. 271-4. "Hist.
MSS. Com.," Rep. 9, app. 2, pp. 431-2. Fairfax writes to his brother,
Henry Fairfax, at Ashton-under-Lyne: a bill in Parliament would cost 100
marks, and would have very small chance of success.
[46] The Reeve of Salford at this time was Henry Wrigley, a successful
cloth merchant and banker. He gave £20 towards the £200 which was
subscribed for the building of Salford Chapel, the remainder being paid
by Humphrey Booth. Wrigley was Constable for Salford Hundred, and in
that capacity issued the summons under the Commission of Array for the
muster at Bury on July 14, 1642. He was a lukewarm royalist, however,
and prevented two of his servants from joining the royalist army.
Afterwards he closed his house and fled to London, where he appeared
definitely on the Parliament's side. Attempts were afterwards made to
convict him as a malignant, but without success. Wrigley, who was a very
prosperous merchant, afterwards lived at Chamber Hall, near Oldham. He
was one of Humphrey Chetham's executors and High Sheriff of Lancashire
in 1651. ("Palatine Note Book," Vol. 3. pp. 103, 104.)
[47] "Perfect Diurnall" (Cooke), Sept., 19-26. "Perfect Diurnall" (Cooke
and Wood), Sept., 19-26. "The Cavaliers have disarmed most of
Lancashire; Lord Wharton has been ordered north."
[48] Rosworm's connection with Manchester is given in greatest detail in
his "Good Service Hitherto Ill-Rewarded ("C.W.T.," pp. 215-244), which
was an appeal to Parliament against the arrears of his salary from the
town; and it cannot therefore be called an impartial account of his
services. His estimate of himself is always a great deal higher than
that given by other writers. Moreover his complaints of arrears would
seem to have been considerably exaggerated. From the "Good Service" one
would gather that the town never paid Rosworm anything at all; there
are, however, given in "C.W.T.," pp. 246, 247, particulars showing that
Rosworm was paid £135 between Dec., 1644, and July, 1647, which is not
very far short of his amount due for the period. He also received £28 in
1648 ("Chetham Miscellanies," Vol. 2, New Series, No. 63; "Manchester
Civic Records). It must be remembered that our information of payments
made is necessarily very fragmentary. The details in "C.W.T." are said
to be "from an old Book of Accounts of the town of Manchester in the
custody of the Boroughreeve," but it is an example of the way in which
the Manchester Municipal Records have been neglected that this book does
not now exist, and no information as to its contents can be obtained.
In 1651 Rosworm was recommended by the Council of State to be employed
as engineer at Yarmouth, where some works were to be erected in prospect
of an attempted landing by the enemy ("C.S.P.," 1649-50, pp. 225-235).
[49] Alport Lodge stood half a mile from the town, on the site of the
present Great Northern Goods Station. It seems to have been burnt down
by accident during the siege. Sir Edward Mosley contributed £20,000 to
the royal cause. He afterwards joined Sir Thomas Aston in Cheshire, and
was taken prisoner near Middlewich. One-tenth levied on his estate
amounted to £4,874. His pardon was passed by Parliament in October,
1647. (Axon, "Lancashire Gleanings," p. 3. "H. L. Calendar, Hist. MSS.
Com.," Vol. 6.)
[50] The principal authorities for the Siege of Manchester are a number
of Tracts in the Thomason Collection:--"Newes from Manchester"; "A True
and Faithfull Relation of the Besieging of the Town of Manchester,
etc."; "A True and Exact Relation of the Several Passages at the Siege
of Manchester, etc."; "A True and Perfect Relation of the Proceedings at
Manchester, etc.," E. 121 (13). The first two of these are given in
"C.W.T.," pp. 44 and 49; the third is summarised in the appendix to that
volume, p. 332. The fourth Tract differs greatly from the other
accounts. There are also several other Tracts of little value. To these
must be added Rosworm's narrative ("C.W.T.," pp. 219-223) and that in
Lancashire's "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," pp. 111-123). And perhaps the
most interesting account of all is the Diary contained in the Sutherland
MSS., "Hist. MSS. Comm.," Report 5, p. 142. The present writer
contributed an essay on the Siege of Manchester to the "Owens College
Historical Essays" (1902), p. 377.
[51] The Captain Bradshaw here mentioned was probably Robert Bradshaw,
younger brother of John Bradshaw, of Bradshaw Hall, near Bolton, Sheriff
of Lancashire in 1645 (often wrongly confused with President Bradshaw).
He did good service in command of the Assheton tenantry at Manchester:
"Captain Bradshaw hath quit himself most valiantly to his everlasting
renown; he prays with his soldiers every day himself," E. 240 (23). His
name does not, however, appear much afterwards, but if he was the
Captain Bradshaw who was taken prisoner later in the year, and carried
to Lathom House, he died soon after his release from there. The
"Discourse" calls him "a very moderate man and of good parts" (p. 20).
Richard Radcliffe lived at Radcliffe Hall, a moated house then standing
south of Market Stead Lane. It was afterwards called Pool Fold, and the
name is still preserved. The Hall was pulled down in 1811. This is
usually supposed to have been the Richard Radcliffe who was elected
Member of Parliament for Manchester in Cromwell's Parliament of 1656;
but as he is called 'old Mr. Radcliffe' in the following year, this may
be doubted. The return of the Burgess to Parliament in 1656 simply calls
the Member "Richard Radcliffe, Esquire, of Manchester." Radcliffe served
at the second defence of Bolton against the royalists in 1643.
("C.W.T.," p. 351. "Manchester Municipal Records." "Palatine Note Book,"
Vol. 3, pp. 265-6.)
Captain, afterwards Colonel, John Booth, was the fifth son of Sir George
Booth, Lord of the Manor of Warrington; for a full account of his career
_vide_ a note in the "Discourse," p. 120-122. He must be distinguished
from Colonel (afterwards Sir George) Booth, grandson of the Sir George
Booth referred to, who at first fought on the Parliament's side, but
headed a rising for Charles the Second in 1659, and became first Lord
Delamere after the Restoration.
[52] These numbers sound very disproportionate, but the statement is
made in the "Sutherland MSS.," which seems much the most reliable in the
matter of numbers. "These were estimated," the account continues, "from
the graves found in the fields about the town, and five more were found
in the sands of the river; and it is supposed that more were cast into
the river, among whom was Mr. Mountain, a Colonel of horse, and Captain
Skirton and a lieutenant, with others of note" ("Hist. MSS. Com.," Vol.
5, p. 142). The tract called "A True and Faithful Relation, etc.," which
is supposed to have been written by Heyrick, says roundly: "In this
day's fight, blessed be to God, we lost not one man."
Richard Heyrick, the Warden of the Collegiate Church, was son of Sir
William Heyrick, Alderman of London, who afterwards lived at Beaumanor,
in Leicestershire. He was born in London in 1600, became Rector of North
Repps, in Norfolk, and Warden of Manchester in 1635, his father
obtaining the Wardenship for him in satisfaction of some monetary
transactions with the Crown. Heyrick was a man of great energy, and was
the leader of the Presbyterian party in Manchester. He was a cousin of
Herrick the poet. (Art. by C. W. Sutton, "Dictionary of National
Biography.")
[53] No other account mentions this incident.
[54] The royalists continued plundering, if they suspended their actual
attacks upon the town; and evidently the garrison took opportunity to
bring in reinforcements. They came from Bolton, and two of them were
killed by the royalists during a skirmish outside the town; "Coming
peaceably with 150 more to assist the town," Heyrick says quaintly
("C.W.T.," p. 55).
[55] The terms offered are variously stated, the fullest account being
given in a tract entitled, "The Lord Strange, his Demands, etc."
("C.W.T.," p. 47). Rosworm mentions only a demand for 100 muskets.
Heyrick says that the question was finally referred to the soldiers,
"who all resolutely answered they would not give him a yard of match,
but would maintain their cause and arms to the last drop of blood."
[56] "Sutherland MSS."
[57] "As also their foot plundered, which gave the occasion and example
for all the plundering that after happened in the county" ("Discourse,"
P. 7).
Richard Holland (afterwards Colonel in the service of the Parliament)
lived at Heaton, in Prestwich. He was a magistrate and sequestrator, and
served at Preston, Wigan and the first siege of Lathom House. Rosworm
was his bitter enemy, and accused him of great cowardice.
[58] The shortage of ammunition was evidently a very grave danger, for
all the accounts mention it. Rosworm confesses that he had only 6 lbs.
of powder and 18 fathom of match left, but he had told no one. Cf. a
letter from Sir John Hotham to the Speaker on Nov. 25, 1642, in which he
refers to his having sent from Hull five barrels of powder to Manchester
"when they were in that extremity with Lord Strange" ("Portland MSS.,"
Vol. 1, p. 174). This powder arrived on Oct. 14 ("C.W.T.," p. 122). The
"Valley of Achor" refers to the fact that the very wet weather made the
country people more willing to stay in Manchester, it being harvest time
("C.W.T.," p. 118).
Rev. William Bourne was senior fellow of the Collegiate Church. He died
in the following year. He "had long been a blessing to the town, and had
seen a resurrection of it from the Plague, nigh forty years before"
(evidently the visitation of 1605), and "was lifted up from the gates of
death and raised in spirit to promote this work."
[59] Cf. also a letter dated Sept. 26, signed by Holland, Booth, Egerton
and Hide, to Colonels Shuttleworth and Starkie "at Haslingden or
elsewhere," asking them to send powder and match for the relief of
Manchester ("Lancs. Lieutenancy," pt. 2, p. 273).
[60] This was Captain Snell, who "had two rings on his hands worth £20"
("Sutherland MSS.").
[61] Captain Thomas Standish was not of the royalist family of that name
at Standish; that branch was represented at the siege of Manchester by
its head, Ralph Standish, the uncle of Lord Molyneux and father-in-law
of Colonel Tyldesley; but was the eldest son of Thomas Standish of
Duxbury, near Chorley, Shuttleworth's colleague as M.P. for Preston.
Heyrick says he was killed whilst "reproaching his soldiers because they
would not fall on," but the "Discourse" less picturesquely, but probably
with more accuracy, that "quartered in a house upon the north side of
Salford, well up towards the Chapel, was, by a bullet shot from the top
of Manchester Steeple, slain" (p. 7). The "Sutherland Diary" gives a
touch of human interest in the statement, "He was to have married Mr.
Archbould's kinswoman, who married Sir John Harper of Cork." There is no
doubt that the loss of Standish was a serious blow to the attack.
[62] "On Friday Lord Strange's forces were so scattered that they durst
not come within pistol shot of the town" ("Sutherland Diary"). When
Derby requested an exchange of prisoners and a cessation of plundering,
the town retorted that they had not plundered at all, but his lordship
had done so much damage "that £10,000 would not make a recompense"
("C.W.T.," p. 55).
[63] These figures are from the authorities cited above. The only
independent estimate is in a letter from Stephen Charlton to Sir R.
Leveson: "News confirmed by several letters from Manchester that they of
the town have slain about 300 of Lord Strange's forces" ("Hist. MSS.
Com.," Vol. 5, p. 161).
[64] The "Valley of Achor" goes further than this: "A spirit of Piety
and Devotion in Prayers and singing of Psalms rested generally upon
Persons and families, yea Taverns and Innes where it might not put in
the head formerly" ("C.W.T.," p. 120). Cf. however "Salford Portmote
Records," C.S. (new series), 48, Vol. 2, p. 77; on Oct. 16, 1644, Edward
Rosterne was presented "for making an affray on the Bridge with the
soldiers that kept the Bridge there."
[65] It was stated that the royalist forces had been summoned to
Warrington to meet the King, and the direction of their march was at
first concealed from them. "The Lord Strange's Souldiers some of them
wept, others protested great unwillingness to fight against Manchester,
affirming they were deceived and deluded else they had not come hither"
("C.W.T.," p. 56).
[66] "A True and Exact Relation of the Several Passages at the Siege of
Manchester," etc., E. 121 (45).
[67] "Exceeding Joyful News out of Lancashire, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 103).
Cf. "Clarendon" (Macray), Vol. 6, p. 67: "For Manchester the Lord
Strange, who had by His Majesty's favour and encouragement recovered his
spirits (after the impeachment), undertook, without troubling His
Majesty further northward in a very short time to reduce that place
(which was not so fortunately performed because not so resolutely
pursued) and to send a good body of foot to the King to Shrewsbury."