pen, without any delay, in order to express to you my warmest and most
heartfelt thanks for the infinitely gracious and affectionate way with
which you and the Prince have treated me during my stay in London.[25]
It was a melancholy time, that of my arrival. By the sympathetic view
which you took of my situation, most gracious Cousin, it became
not only bearable, but even transformed into one that became
proportionately honourable and dignified. This graciousness of yours
has undoubtedly contributed towards the change of opinion which has
resulted in my favour, and so I owe to you, to the Prince, and to your
Government, a fortunate issue out of my calamities. So it is with a
heavy heart that I have now left England, not knowing what future
lies before me to meet--and only knowing that I shall need the
strengthening rest and tranquillity which my stay in England and an
insight into her institutions have afforded me in full measure.
Offering my most cordial remembrances to the Prince, to whom I shall
write as soon as possible, I remain, most gracious Cousin, your
faithful and most gratefully devoted Cousin,
PRINCE OF PRUSSIA.
[Footnote 25: The Prince of Prussia, afterwards the Emperor
William I., having become intensely unpopular at Berlin, had
been obliged in March to fly for his life, in disguise, _via_
Hamburg, to England.]
[Pageheading: THE ROYAL EXILES]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st June 1848._
The Queen had not time the other day to talk to Lord John Russell on
the subject of the French Royal Family, and therefore writes to him
now. As it seems now most probable that they, or at least some of
them, will take up their residence for a lengthened period in this
country, and as their position is now a defined one, viz. that of
_exiles_, their treatment should be defined and established.
At first everything seemed temporary, and the public were much
occupied with them, inclined to criticise all that was done or was
omitted by the Court; all their movements were recorded in the papers,
etc. The lapse of three months has a good deal altered this. They have
lived in complete retirement, and are comparatively forgotten; and
their poverty and their resignation to their misfortunes have met with
much sympathy! The Queen is consequently anxious to take the right
line; particularly desirous to do nothing which could hurt the
interests of the country, and equally so to do everything kind towards
a distinguished Royal Family in severe affliction, with whom she
has long been on terms of intimacy, and to whom she is very nearly
related. She accordingly wishes to know if Lord John sees any
objection to the following: She has asked her Cousin, the Duchess of
Nemours, to come for two or three nights to see her at Osborne when
she goes there, _quite_ privately; the Duchess of Kent would bring her
with her. The Duke will not come with the Duchess, as he says he feels
(very properly) it would be unbecoming in him till their fate (as to
_fortune_, for _banished_ they already are) is decided, to be even
for a day at Osborne. The Duchess herself wishes not to appear in the
evening, but to remain alone with the Queen and the Prince.
The Queen considers that when she is _staying_ in the country during
the summer and autumn, and any of the branches of the French Royal
Family should wish to visit her and the Prince, as they occasionally
do here, she might lodge them for one or two nights, as the distance
might be too great for their returning the same day. They are exiles,
and _not Pretenders_, as the Duc de Bordeaux and Count de Montemolin
are (and who are _for that reason only not received at Court_). In all
countries where illustrious exiles related to the Sovereign have been
they have always been received at Court, as the Duc de Bordeaux, the
Duchesse d'Angouleme, etc., etc., invariably have been at Vienna (even
on public occasions), there being a French Ambassador there, and the
best understanding existing between France and Austria. The Duke of
Orleans (King Louis Philippe) in former times was constantly received
by the Royal Family, and was the intimate friend of the Duke of Kent.
Probably, if their fortunes are restored to them, the French Royal
Family will go out into society in the course of time, and if the
state of France becomes consolidated there may no longer exist that
wish and that necessity for _extreme_ privacy, which is so obvious
now. What the Queen has just mentioned, Lord John must well
understand, is not what is _likely_ to take place (except in the case
of her cousin, the Duchess of Nemours) immediately, but only what
might occasionally occur when we are permanently settled in the
country. Of course events _might_ arise which would change this,
and which would render it inadvisable, and then the Queen would
communicate with Lord John, and ask his advice again upon the subject.
All she has suggested refers to the present state of affairs, and,
of course, merely to _strictly_ private visits, and on _no state
occasion_. This is a long letter about such a subject, but the Queen
wishes to be quite safe in what she does, and therefore could not have
stated the case and her opinion in a smaller space.
[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN LOMBARDY]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th June 1848._
The Queen returns the enclosed draft. She has written upon it,
in pencil, a passage which she thinks ought to be added, if the
draft--though civil--is not to be a mere refusal to do anything for
Austria, and a recommendation that whatever the Italians ask for ought
to be given, for which a mediation is hardly necessary.[26] The Queen
thinks it most important that we should try to mediate and put a stop
to the war, and equally important that the boundary which is to be
settled should be such a one as to make a recurrence of hostilities
unlikely. The Queen has only further to remark that Lord Palmerston
speaks in the beginning of the letter only of the Cabinet, and adverts
nowhere to the proposition having been submitted to her.
[Footnote 26: War was now raging in Lombardy between the
Austrians under Marshal Radetzky and the Piedmontese under the
King of Sardinia.]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _14th June 1848._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty, and thanks your Majesty
for the perusal of this interesting letter.
An Emperor with a rational Constitution might be a fair termination
of the French follies; but Louis Napoleon, with the Communists,
will probably destroy the last chance of order and tranquillity. A
despotism must be the end.
May Heaven preserve us in peace!
[Pageheading: SIR HENRY BULWER]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th June 1848._
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter explaining his views
as to the reparation we may be entitled to receive from the Spanish
Government. She considers them as quite fair, but does not wish to
have Sir H. Bulwer again as her Minister at Madrid, even if it should
be necessary that he should repair there in order to be received by
the Queen of Spain. It would not be consulting the permanent interests
of this country to entrust that mission again to Sir H. Bulwer, after
all that has passed. When the Queen considers the position we had in
Spain, and what it ought to have been after the constitution of
the French Republic when we had no rival to fight and ought to have
enjoyed the entire confidence and friendship of Spain, and compares
this to the state into which our relations with that country have been
brought, she cannot help being struck how much matters must have been
mismanaged.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th June 1848._
The Queen sends the enclosed draft,[27] and asks whether this note is
what Lord John directed Lord Palmerston to send to Lisbon as a caution
to Sir H. Seymour not to mix himself up with party intrigues to upset
a particular Ministry?[28] ...
[Footnote 27: The draft ran:--"As it is evident that the Queen
and the Government of Portugal will listen to no advice except
such that agrees with their own wishes, I have to instruct you
to abstain in future from giving any longer any advice to them
on political matters, taking care to explain both to the
Queen and the Government your reasons for doing so. You will,
however, at the same time positively declare to the Portuguese
Government that if by the course of policy they are pursuing
they should run into any difficulty, they must clearly
understand that they will not have to expect any assistance
from England."]
[Footnote 28: Lord John Russell replied that he would write
immediately to Lord Palmerston respecting Portuguese affairs.
He added that he did not approve of the proposed draft.]
_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._
CARLTON GARDENS, _17th June 1848._
MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--The draft to Seymour was written in consequence
of what you said to me, and what the Queen wrote to you; but my own
opinion certainly is that it would be best to leave the things with
him as they are. It must, however, be remembered that the Portuguese
Government have not in reality fulfilled the engagements taken by the
Queen in the Protocol of last year....
PALMERSTON.
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th June 1848._
The Queen returns Lord Palmerston's letter. The country is at this
moment suffering, particularly with regard to Spain, under the evil
consequence of that system of diplomacy, which makes the taking up of
party politics in foreign countries its principal object. This system
is condemned alike by the Queen, Lord John, the Cabinet, and, the
Queen fully believes, public opinion in and out of Parliament. Lord
Palmerston's objection to caution our Minister in Portugal against
falling into this fault brings it to an issue, whether that
_erroneous_ policy is to be maintained to the detriment of the real
interests of the country, or a wiser course to be followed in future.
Does Lord John consider this so light a matter as to be surrendered
merely because Lord Palmerston is not to add to such a caution a
gratuitous attack upon the Queen and Government of Portugal? The Queen
thinks it of the utmost importance that in these perilous times this
question with regard to the basis of our foreign policy should be
_settled_, and has no objection to Lord John showing this letter to
Lord Palmerston.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _18th June 1848._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he begs
to assure your Majesty that if he was disposed to rest on the known
discretion and temper of Sir Hamilton Seymour without specific
instruction, it was not from regarding the matter lightly, but from a
sense of the inconvenience which might arise to your Majesty's service
from raising a question with Lord Palmerston in the present critical
state of Europe which might induce a belief that he had not conducted
foreign affairs to the satisfaction of his colleagues or of his
Sovereign.
Lord John Russell feeling, however, that on the particular point at
issue your Majesty has just reason to expect that precautions should
be taken against the chance of intrigue with foreign parties against a
foreign government, with which this country is on terms of friendship,
is ready to insist on an instruction to Sir Hamilton Seymour similar
to that which was given to Sir Henry Bulwer to take no part in the
struggle of parties, and to refrain from any interference with
respect to which he has not specific directions from your Majesty's
Government.
But in this case he must take upon himself the whole responsibility of
requiring such a note from Lord Palmerston. It would not be conducive
to your Majesty's service, nor agreeable to the wholesome maxims of
the Constitution to mix your Majesty's name with a proceeding which
may lead to the most serious consequences.
It is just to Lord Palmerston to say that his general course of policy
has met with the warm approval of the Cabinet, and that the cases of
difference of judgment have been rare exceptions.
Lord John Russell submits to your Majesty the letter he proposes to
write before sending it to Lord Palmerston. He would wish to have it
returned as soon as your Majesty can do so.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th June 1848._
The Queen returns to Lord John Russell his letter to Lord
Palmerston,[29] which is excellent, and shows that the Queen's and
Lord John's views upon the important question of our foreign policy
_entirely coincide_. The Queen is sorry that the trouble of such an
altercation should be added to the many anxieties which already press
upon Lord John, but she feels sure that his insisting upon a _sound_
line of policy will save him and the country from _far greater_
troubles....
[Footnote 29: The letter was to the effect that Sir H. Seymour
was to take no part in the struggle of parties in Portugal,
and to refrain from confidential communications with members
of the Opposition.]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
CARLTON GARDENS, _26th June 1848._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is
sorry he is not able to submit to your Majesty the proposed draft to
Sir Hamilton Seymour to go by to-night's mail, as he has not succeeded
in settling the wording of it with Lord John Russell, and is therefore
obliged to defer it till the next mail.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th June 1848._
The Queen sends this letter, which she has just received from Lord
Palmerston. No remonstrance has any effect with Lord Palmerston.
Lord John Russell should ask the Duke of Bedford to tell him of the
conversation the Queen had with the Duke the other night about Lord
Palmerston.
[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND ITALY]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st July 1848._
The Queen has not yet answered Lord Palmerston's letter of the 29th.
She cannot conceal from him that she is ashamed of the policy which we
are pursuing in this Italian controversy in abetting wrong, and this
for the object of gaining _influence_ in Italy.[30] The Queen does
not consider influence so gained as an advantage, and though this
influence is to be acquired in order to do good, she is afraid that
the fear of losing it again will always stand in the way of this. At
least in the countries where the greatest stress has been laid on that
influence, and the greatest exertions made for it, the _least good_
has been done--the Queen means in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Neither
is there any kind of consistency in the line we take about Italy and
that we follow with regard to Schleswig; both cases are perfectly
alike (with the difference perhaps that there is a question of right
mixed up in that of Schleswig); whilst we upbraid Prussia, caution
her, etc., etc., we say nothing to Charles Albert except that if he
did not wish to take _all_ the Emperor of Austria's Italian Dominions,
we would not lay any _obstacles_ in the way of his moderation. The
Queen finds in Lord Palmerston's last despatch to Chevalier Bunsen
the following passage: "And it is manifest and indisputable that no
territory or state, which is not now according to the Treaty of 1815
included in the German Confederation, can be added to that territory
without the consent of the Sovereign of that territory or state." How
does this agree with our position relative to the incorporation of
Lombardy into the states of the King of Sardinia?
[Footnote 30: Lord Palmerston's sympathy had been with the
anti-Austrian movement in Northern Italy. For some time after
Radetzky's evacuation of Milan, the operations of the King of
Sardinia in support of the Lombards were successful, and he
had assistance from Tuscany, Naples, and Rome. The Austrians
suffered reverses at Peschiera and Goito, and the independence
of Northern Italy seemed to be accomplished. But the tide had
begun to turn.]
[Pageheading: LORD MINTO'S MISSION]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th July 1848._
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's long Memorandum
respecting our relations with Italy, the length of which, however, was
fully justified by the importance of the subject.
The mission of Lord Minto has had the Queen's approval at the time,
and the policy pursued by him has never been called in question; but
it certainly was prejudicial to the Austrians, and imposes upon us
additional care not to appear now as the abettors of the anti-Austrian
movement, and nothing in Lord Minto's mission can prevent our
endeavouring to facilitate and forward a speedy settlement of the
present Italian difference.[31] If, therefore, the Italians should be
inclined to be moderate, there can be no dereliction of principle in
encouraging them to be so. The danger of French interference increases
with the delay and is equally great, whether the Austrians maintain
themselves in the Venetian Territory or whether Charles Albert unite
it to his proposed kingdom of Northern Italy; indeed, the French seem
to be anxious for a cause of interference from the line they pursue
even with regard to Naples.
Lord Palmerston seeks to establish a difference between the case
of Schleswig and of Lombardy, on the fact that Schleswig is to be
incorporated into a confederation of States; but this makes the case
of Lombardy only the stronger, as this is to be incorporated into
the dominions of another Sovereign. With regard to the "Revue
Retrospective," the perusal of it has left a different impression upon
the Queen from that which it seems to have made upon Lord Palmerston.
It proved to her, that while the retiring attitude which the late
Government took with regard to the Spanish marriages, left the French
Government to try their different schemes and intrigues and to fail
with every one of them, the attempt of Lord Palmerston to re-organise
the Progressista Party and regain the so-called _English influence_,
brought Queen Christina and King Louis Philippe (who had before
seriously quarrelled) immediately together, and induced them to rush
into this unfortunate combination, which cannot but be considered as
the origin of all the present convulsions in Europe.
[Footnote 31: Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, and
father-in-law of the Prime Minister, had been sent to
encourage in the path of reform Pope Pius IX., who was halting
between progress and reaction: on the sanguinary risings
taking place in Lombardy and Venetia, his mission naturally
appeared hostile to Austria.]
[Pageheading: AN ANXIOUS PERIOD]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th July 1848._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--For another kind and dear letter of the 8th, I have
much to thank you. The prosperity of dear little Belgium is a bright
star in the stormy night all around. May God bless and prosper you
all, for ever and ever!
Since the 24th February I feel an uncertainty in everything existing,
which (uncertain as all human affairs must be) one never felt before.
When one thinks of one's children, their education, their future--and
prays for them--I always think and say to myself, "Let them grow up
fit for _whatever station_ they may be placed in--_high or low_." This
one never thought of before, but I _do_ always now. Altogether one's
whole disposition is so changed--_bores_ and trifles which one would
have complained of bitterly a few months ago, one looks upon as good
things and quite a blessing--provided one can _keep one's position in
quiet!_
I own I have not much confidence in Cavaignac,[32] as they fear
his mother's and brother's influence, the former being a widow of a
regicide, and as _stern_ and severe as can be imagined.
I saw the King and Queen on Saturday; he is wonderfully merry still
and quite himself, but _she_ feels it deeply--and for _her_ there is
here the greatest sympathy and admiration.
Albert is going to York to-morrow till Friday; _how_ I wish you and
Louise could be with me, as in '44 and '46! I have, however, got dear
Victoire to come and spend a night with me; it does her always good,
and we are just like sisters, and feel as we did in 1839, when you
know how very fond we were of each other. She is a dear, noble, and
still _beautiful_ child.
I venture to send you a snuff-box with poor Aunt Charlotte's picture
as a child, which also belonged to poor Aunt Sophia. Ever your devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 32: General Cavaignac, Minister for War, had been
given _quasi_-dictatorial powers during the insurrection.
These powers, on the suppression of the revolt, he resigned,
and was thereupon almost unanimously made President of the
Council.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _13th July 1848._
The Queen was glad to hear of the majorities the other night. She
concludes Lord John Russell cannot at all say _when_ the Session
is likely to end? Is it not much to be regretted that the measure
relative to the Navigation Laws is given up, and was it unavoidable?
The Queen sends Lord John Col. Phipps's report of the Prince's
reception at York, which she thinks will interest him. Does Lord J.
Russell think, if we should not go to Ireland, that we could go to
Balmoral for ten days or a fortnight, without shocking the Irish very
much? It strikes the Queen that to go to see _our own place_ makes a
difference, and is in fact a natural thing; it is, however, impossible
to say if we _can_ get away even for so short a time.
The Queen concludes that there can be no possible objection to the Duc
de Nemours bringing or fetching the Duchess to and from Osborne? He is
the Queen's Cousin, and consequently in a different position to any
of the others; moreover, he does _not_ wish _at present_ to spend one
_night_ there even, but merely to pay a morning visit.
Lastly, the Queen wishes to know if the King and Queen and the other
Princes and Princesses _should themselves_ ask to come and pay the
Queen a morning visit at Osborne, and return again the same day (as
they do here), there would be any objection to it? The Queen merely
wishes to know, in _case they_ should ask leave to do so, what she can
answer.
[Pageheading: COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY]
_Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th July 1848._
The Queen has received Sir George Grey's letter of yesterday, and
has considered the proposed alteration in the mode of preparing
Commissions for Officers in the Army. The Queen does not at all object
to the amount of trouble which the signature of so many Commissions
has hitherto entailed upon her, as she feels amply compensated by the
advantage of keeping up a personal connection between the Sovereign
and the Army, and she very much doubts whether the Officers generally
would not feel it as a slight if, instead of their Commissions
bearing the Queen's sign-manual, they were in future only to receive
a certificate from the Secretary at War that they have been
commissioned.
She therefore prefers matters to remain on their old footing.
The Secretary at War speaks in his Memorandum of his responsibility to
Parliament with respect to allowing Appointments to go on; the
Queen apprehends that his responsibility does not extend beyond the
appropriation of the money voted by Parliament for the use of her
Army.
_The Princess Charlotte of Belgium to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _18th July 1848._
MY DEAREST COUSIN,--I have received the beautiful dolls' house you
have been so kind as to send me, and I thank you very much for it.
I am delighted with it; every morning I dress my doll and give her a
good breakfast; and the day after her arrival she gave a great rout at
which all my dolls were invited. Sometimes she plays at drafts on her
pretty little draft-board, and every evening I undress her and put her
to bed.
Be so good, my dearest Cousin, as to give my love to my dear little
Cousins, and believe me always, your most affectionate Cousin,
CHARLOTTE.
[Pageheading: ITALY AND FRANCE]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _24th July 1848._
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter[33] reporting his
conversation with M. de Tallenay. She can only repeat her opinion that
a negotiation with France in order to agree with her upon a common
line of policy to be followed with regard to the Italian question can
lead to no good; it will make us the ally of a Government which is not
even legally constituted, and which can accordingly not guarantee the
fulfilment of any engagement it may enter into, and it will call upon
the very power to judge the Italian dispute which it is the interest
of Europe to keep out of it. M. de Tallenay seems to have admitted
that the French Republic, if called upon to act, will neither allow
Austria to keep the Venetian territory nor Sardinia to acquire it, but
that she will strive to set up a Venetian Republic. It can really not
be an object for us to assist in such a scheme, or even to treat upon
it.
Lord Cowley the Queen means to invite to dinner to-day, and she wishes
Lord Palmerston to let her know the day on which he is to leave for
Frankfort in order that she may prepare her letter for the Archduke
accordingly.
[Footnote 33: Lord Palmerston had reported an interview with
de Tallenay, who sought the co-operation of England with France
in Northern Italy; the Austrian force in Italy to be withdrawn
or reduced, the union of Lombardy and Piedmont to be accepted
as a _fait accompli_, and Venetian territory erected into a
separate republic.]
[Pageheading: NORTHERN ITALY]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _25th July 1848._
The Queen sends Lord John Russell the enclosed Despatch from Lord
Normanby, with a draft in answer to it which was sent for her
approval, but which she really cannot approve. The Queen must tell
Lord John what she has repeatedly told Lord Palmerston, but without
apparent effect, that the establishment of an _entente cordiale with
the French Republic_, for the purpose of driving the Austrians out
of _their dominions_ in Italy, would be a _disgrace_ to this country.
That the French would attach the greatest importance to it and gain
the greatest advantage by it there can be no doubt of; but how will
England appear before the world _at the moment_ when she is struggling
to maintain her supremacy in Ireland, and boasts to stand by treaties
with regard to her European relations, having declined all this
time to interfere in Italy or to address one word of caution to the
Sardinian Government on account of its attack on Austria, and having
refused to mediate when called upon to do so by Austria, because
the terms were not good enough for Sardinia, if she should now ally
herself with the arch-enemy of Austria to interfere _against her_ at
the moment when she has recovered in some degree her position in the
Venetian territory?
The notion of establishing a Venetian State under French guarantee is
too absurd. Lord Palmerston in his draft says that we believe that the
French plan would be agreed to by Austria. Now this is completely at
variance with every account, report, or despatch we have received from
Verona, Innspruck, or Vienna; however, Lord Palmerston hints that the
King of Sardinia might expect still better terms. The French Republic
seems _not_ to be anxious for war, not able to conduct it, and the
country appears to be decidedly against it; all M. Bastide says is:
"There were two extremes which it would be very difficult for them
to admit without opposition, viz. the restoration of Lombardy to the
Dominion of Austria on the one side, and the union under one powerful
state under Charles Albert of all the principalities into which
the north of Italy has hitherto been divided." With this explicit
declaration, it would surely be best for the interests of Europe that
we should name _this_ to Charles Albert, and call upon him to rest
satisfied with his conquest, and to conclude a peace with Austria,
leaving her what he cannot take from her, and thus avoid calling in
France as an arbiter. Why this has not been done long ago, or should
not be done now, the Queen cannot comprehend.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _27th July 1848._
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's two letters with
respect to Italy. The alterations in the draft meet many of the
Queen's objections, giving to the whole step another appearance. The
Queen ... must acknowledge the advantage of our trying to bind [the
French] to good conduct; only this must be done in a way not to appear
as a league with them against a friendly Power, struggling to preserve
to herself a territory granted to her by a Treaty to which we were a
party.
As the amended draft secures us against these appearances, and leaves
us free for the future, the Queen approves it.
[Pageheading: MINOR GERMAN STATES]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _1st August 1848._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had yesterday the happiness of receiving your
kind letter of the 29th, for which I return my best thanks.
There are ample means of crushing the Rebellion in Ireland,[34] and
I think it now is very likely to go off without any contest.... Lord
Hardinge is going over there to serve on the Staff, which is very
praiseworthy of him.
I do not think the fate of the Minor Princes in Germany is so
completely decided as Charles[35] ... is _so_ anxious to make one
believe. There is only a question of taking certain powers and rights
away, and not at all of getting rid of them; and I think you will see
that the _Ausfuehrung_ of the Unity will be an impossibility, at least
in the sense they propose at Frankfort. The Archduke John has spoken
very reassuringly both to Ernest and the Duke of Meiningen, and the
attachment in many of those smaller principalities is still extremely
great, and I am sure they will never consent to being _ausgewischt_.
Coburg, for instance, on the occasion of the suppression of a very
small riot, showed the greatest attachment and devotion to Ernest; at
Gotha the feeling of independence is _very_ great, and at Strelitz, on
the occasion of Augusta's confinement with a _son_, the enthusiasm and
rejoicing was universal. All this cannot be entirely despised.
We are as happy as possible here, and would be perfectly so, if it was
not for the sorrow and misfortunes of so many dear to us, and for the
state of the world in general.
I have always forgotten to tell you that we bought a fine marble bust
of you quite by accident in London the other day. It is in armour and
with moustaches, but quite different to the one the Gardners have at
Melbourne; Albert saw it at the window of a shop, and heard it had
been bought in a sale of a General Somebody. Now, with Albert's best
love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
We have just heard that there has been an _action_ in Ireland in which
some of the insurgents have been killed; _fifty_ Police dispersed
_four thousand_ people. Smith O'Brien is, however, not yet taken.
[Footnote 34: _See_ Introductory Note for the year, _ante_, p.
141.]
[Footnote 35: The Frankfort Assembly, in pursuance of the
policy of German consolidation, had placed the central
executive power in the hands of a Reichsverweser, or Vicar
of the Empire. The Archduke John, uncle of the Emperor
of Austria, was elected to this position, and the Queen's
half-brother Charles, Prince of Leiningen, was entrusted with
the Department of Foreign Affairs.]
[Pageheading: AN AMBASSADOR TO FRANCE]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _8th August 1848._
... The Queen has attentively perused the statement of Lord Palmerston
in favour of accrediting an Ambassador at Paris. As the proposed
arrangement for the present is to be only a _provisional_ one, the
Queen thinks that the appointment of a _Minister_ now will leave it
quite open to have an Ambassador hereafter, if it should be found
necessary or advantageous, whilst it would set that matter at rest
for the moment. Withdrawing an Ambassador and substituting a Minister
hereafter, would be much more difficult. The French Republic would
no doubt like to have an Ambassador here, and perhaps take immediate
steps to secure that object if Lord Normanby were accredited
Ambassador at Paris, against which we would be secured in having only
a Minister there.... Lord Normanby's acquaintance with the public men
at Paris is as much an inconvenience as it may be a convenience in
some respects; his having been the great admirer and friend of M.
Lamartine, for instance, etc., etc. The possibility of mixing freely
with persons of various kinds, which Lord Palmerston adduces as an
important consideration will, in the Queen's opinion, be more easy
for a Minister than for a person of the high rank of Ambassador. All
things considered therefore, the Queen will prefer to have temporarily
a Minister accredited at Paris.
M. de Tallenay the Queen would receive in London on Tuesday next at
six o'clock, when the Queen will be in Town.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _11th August 1848._
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday.
The Queen was quite surprised to hear from Lord Palmerston in his last
communication that he had written to Lord Normanby to offer him to
stay as Minister at Paris, after his having before stated to the Queen
that this would never do and could not be expected from Lord Normanby;
Lord Normanby's answer declining this offer therefore does in no way
alter the matter, and must have been foreseen by Lord Palmerston.
By the delay and Lord Normanby's various conversations with M.
Bastide[36] and General Cavaignac it has now become difficult to
depart from the precedent of the Belgian and Sardinian Missions
without giving offence at Paris. The Queen must, however, insist upon
this precedent being fully adhered to. She accordingly sanctions Lord
Normanby's appointment as Ambassador Extraordinary, on the _distinct
understanding_ that there is to be no Ambassador sent in return to
London now, and that a Minister is to be appointed to Paris when the
diplomatic intercourse is permanently to be settled. The Queen
wishes Lord Palmerston to bear this in mind, and to submit to her the
arrangement which he thinks will be best calculated to carry this into
effect.
[Footnote 36: Minister of Foreign Affairs.]
[Pageheading: LORD NORMANBY'S APPOINTMENT]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _11th August 1848._
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of to-day.
The Queen is highly indignant at Lord Palmerston's behaviour now again
with respect to Lord Normanby's appointment; he knew perfectly well
that Lord Normanby could not accept the post of Minister, and had
written to the Queen before that such an offer could not be made, and
has now made it after all, knowing that, by wasting time and getting
the matter entangled at Paris, he would carry his point. If the French
are so anxious to keep Lord Normanby as to make any sacrifice for that
object, it ought to make us cautious, as it can only be on account of
the ease with which they can make him serve their purposes. They,
of course, like an _entente cordiale_ with us at the expense of
Austria;... but this can be no consideration for us....
Threatening the Austrians with war, or making war upon them in case
they should not be inclined to surrender their provinces at his
bidding [Lord Palmerston] knows to be impossible; therefore the
_entente_ with the Republic is of the greatest value to him, enabling
him to threaten the Austrians at any time with the French intervention
which he can have at command if he agrees to it.[37] The Queen has
read the leading articles of the _Times_ of yesterday and to-day on
this subject with the greatest satisfaction as they express almost
entirely the same views and feelings which she entertains. The Queen
hopes that Lord John Russell will read them; indeed, the whole of
the Press seem to be unanimous on this subject, and she can hardly
understand how there can be two opinions upon it....
[Footnote 37: The success of the Piedmontese in Northern Italy
had not continued through the summer, and the States whose
assistance they had hitherto received began to fall away from
them. The King of Naples, successful within his own dominions,
had withdrawn his troops; the Pope hesitated to attack
Austria; even undivided support from Venetia could no longer
be counted upon. After several reverses, Charles Albert, now
left virtually alone in the contest, was decisively defeated
by Radetzky, at Custozza, and retreated across the Mincio.
With what was left of his troops he entered Milan, which he
was eventually forced to surrender, being unable to maintain
himself there. Italy now turned to France for assistance, but
Cavaignac, virtually Dictator in Paris, would not go further
than combining with England to effect a peaceful mediation.
Austria was not in a frame of mind to relinquish any part of
the provinces she had had so severe a struggle to retain.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _20th August 1848._
The Queen has received an _autograph_ letter from the Archduke John
(in answer to the private letter she had written to him through Lord
Cowley), which has been cut open at the Foreign Office. The Queen
wishes Lord Palmerston to take care that this does not happen again.
The opening of official letters even, addressed to the Queen, which
she has _of late_ observed, is really not becoming, and ought to be
discontinued, as it used never to be the case formerly.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _21st August 1848._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday, but
cannot say that she has been satisfied by the reasons given by Lord
Palmerston. The union of Lombardy and Piedmont cannot be considered as
a concession to France for the maintenance of peace, because we know
that it is the very thing the French object to. The Queen quite agrees
that the principal consideration always to be kept in sight is the
preservation of the peace of Europe; but it is precisely on that
account that she regrets that the terms proposed by Lord Palmerston
(whilst they are not in accordance with the views of France) are
almost the only ones which must be most offensive to Austria. Lord
Palmerston _will_ have his kingdom of Upper Italy under Charles
Albert, to which every other consideration is to be sacrificed, and
Lord Normanby's alteration of the terms certainly serve _that_ purpose
well; but it is quite independent of the question of mediation,
and the only thing in the whole proceeding which is indefensible in
principle.
It will be a calamity for ages to come if this principle is to become
part of the international law, viz. "that a people can at any time
transfer their allegiance from the Sovereign of one State to that of
another by universal suffrage (under momentary excitement)," and
this is what Lord Normanby--no doubt according to Lord Palmerston's
wishes--has taken as the basis of the mediation. For even the _faits
accomplis_, which are a convenient basis to justify any act of
injustice, are here against Charles Albert.
Lord Palmerston's argument respecting Schleswig,[38] which the Queen
quoted in her last letter, had no reference to the Treaty of 1720.
[Footnote 38: The first act of the _Vor-Parlament_, a body
which had existed temporarily at Frankfort, to pave the way
for the National Assembly of a Consolidated Germany, had been
to treat Schleswig, theretofore part of the Danish dominions,
as absorbed in the German Confederation, and Lord Palmerston's
objections to this proceeding had been treated by the Queen
in a letter of 19th August as inconsistent with his attitude
towards Austria.]
[Pageheading: PRUSSIA AND GERMANY]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _29th August 1848._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Most warmly do I thank you for your very kind and
dear letter of the 26th, with so many good wishes for that _dearest_
of days. It is indeed to me one of eternal thankfulness, for a purer,
more perfect being than my beloved Albert the Creator could _not_ have
sent into this troubled world. I feel that I could _not_ exist without
him, and that I should sink under the troubles and annoyances and
_degouts_ of my _very_ difficult position, were it not for _his_
assistance, protection, guidance, and comfort. Truly do I thank you
for your _great_ share in bringing about our marriage.
Stockmar I do not quite understand, and I cannot believe that he
_really wishes to ruin_ all the smaller States, though his principal
object is that unity which I fear he will _not_ obtain.
I do not either at all agree in his wish that Prussia should take the
lead; his love for Prussia is to me incomprehensible, for it is the
country of all others which the _rest_ of Germany dislikes. Stockmar
cannot be my good old friend if he has such notions of injustice as
I hear attributed to him. But whatever they may be, I do _not_ believe
the _Ausfuehrung_ to be possible.
I have great hopes of soon hearing of something decided about the
fortunes of the poor French family. You will have seen how nobly and
courageously good Joinville and Aumale behaved on the occasion of the
burning of that emigrant ship off Liverpool.[39] It will do them great
good. I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 39: One hundred and seventy-eight persons perished
in the burning of the _Ocean Monarch_; the French Princes were
on board a Brazilian steam frigate, which saved one hundred
and fifty-six lives.]
[Pageheading: AUSTRIA DECLINES MEDIATION]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _2nd September 1848._
The Queen has read in the papers the news that Austria and Sardinia
have nearly settled their differences, and also "that it was
confidently stated that a French and _British_ squadron, with troops
on board, _are to make a demonstration in the Adriatic_."
Though the Queen cannot believe this, she thinks it right to inform
Lord Palmerston without delay that, should such a thing be thought of,
it is a step which the Queen could _not_ give her consent to.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th September 1848._
The Queen since her arrival in Town has heard that the answer from
Austria declining our mediation has some days ago been communicated
to Lord Palmerston. The Queen is surprised that Lord Palmerston should
have left her uninformed of so important an event. The Queen has
received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting the proposal to mediate
on the part of the central power of Germany,[40] and does not see why
that power, which has a responsible Government, is to be precluded
from taking part in a negotiation because the Archduke John might be
friendly towards Austria--whereas the French republic, which had in
public documents espoused the Italian Cause, is to be a party to it.
Neither France nor England are neighbours to or directly interested in
Lombardy, whereas Germany is both.[41]
[Footnote 40: See _ante_, p. 188, note 35.]
[Footnote 41: Lord Palmerston's object, in which he ultimately
succeeded, was, by obtaining the French Government's
co-operation in mediating between Austria and Piedmont, to
prevent the aggressive party in France from maturing any
designs on Italy.]
[Pageheading: AUSTRIA AND ITALY]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
ON BOARD THE _Victoria and Albert,_
ABERDEEN, _7th September 1848._
The Queen must send the enclosed draft to Lord John Russell, with a
copy of her letter to Lord Palmerston upon it. Lord Palmerston has as
usual pretended not to have had time to submit the draft to the Queen
before he had sent it off. What the Queen has long suspected and often
warned against is on the point of happening, viz. Lord Palmerston's
using the new _entente cordiale_ for the purpose of wresting from
Austria her Italian provinces by French arms. This would be a most
iniquitous proceeding. It is another question whether it is good
policy for Austria to try to retain Lombardy, but that is for her and
not for us to decide. Many people might think that we would be happier
without Ireland or Canada. Lord John will not fail to observe how very
intemperate the whole tone of Lord Palmerston's language is.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BALMORAL CASTLE, _13th September 1848._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I yesterday received your dear and kind letter of
the 9th (it having arrived in London only the day before), which
is very quick, and I thank you much for it. The Schleswig affair at
Frankfort is _very_ unfortunate, and there seems a lamentable want of
_all_ practical sense, foresight, or even _common_ prudence.[42]
The poor Austrians seem now to accept the (to me _very_ doubtful)
mediation. It reminds me of the wolf in the lamb's skin. _Nous
verrons_, how matters will be arranged....
My letter to Louise will have informed you of our voyage and our
arrival here. This house is small but pretty, and though the hills
seen from the windows are not _so_ fine, the scenery all around is the
finest almost I have seen anywhere. It is very wild and solitary,
and yet cheerful and _beautifully wooded_, with the river Dee running
between the two sides of the hills. Loch Nagar is the highest hill in
the immediate vicinity, and belongs to us.
Then the soil is the driest and best known almost anywhere, and all
the hills are as sound and hard as the road. The climate is also dry,
and in general not very cold, though we had one or two very cold days.
There is a deer forest--many roe deer, and on the opposite hill (which
does not belong to us) grouse. There is also black cock and ptarmigan.
Albert has, however, no luck this year, and has in vain been after the
deer, though they are continually seen, and often quite close by the
house. The children are very well, and enjoying themselves much. The
boys always wear their Highland dress.
I must now wish you good-bye, and repeat how much delighted we are
that everything goes on so well in Belgium. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 42: The incorporation of Schleswig had been forcibly
resisted, and Sweden determined on armed intervention; but a
temporary armistice was arranged in August. This the National
Assembly attempted to disavow, but a few days after this
letter was written it was ratified.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
BALMORAL, _19th September 1848._
I said to Lord John Russell, that I must mention to him a subject,
which was a serious one, one which I had delayed mentioning for some
time, but which I felt I must speak quite openly to him upon now,
namely about Lord Palmerston; that I felt really I could hardly go
on with him, that I had no confidence in him, and that it made me
seriously anxious and uneasy for the welfare of the country and for
the peace of Europe in general, and that I felt very uneasy from one
day to another as to what might happen. Lord John replied that he was
aware of it; that he had considered the matter already, having heard
from his brother (the Duke of Bedford) how strongly I felt about it;
that he felt the truth of all that I had said, but that, on the other
hand, Lord Palmerston was a very able man, entirely master of his
office and affairs, and a very good colleague, never making any
difficulties about other questions, but (certainly _unreasonably_)
complaining of other people mixing with and interfering in the affairs
of his office. I said that ... I fully believed that that Spanish
marriage question, which had been the original cause of so many
present misfortunes, would never have become so _embrouille_ had it
not been for Lord Palmerston. This led Lord John to say, that though
he disapproved the length of Lord Palmerston's correspondence, still
that we could not have done otherwise than object to the marriage.
This is true enough. I repeated that all that had been done in Italy
last winter had also done harm, as it was done by _Lord Palmerston_,
who was distrusted everywhere abroad, which Lord John regretted. I
said that I thought that he often endangered the honour of England by
taking a very prejudiced and one-sided view of a question;... that his
writings were always as bitter as gall and did great harm, which
Lord John entirely assented to, and that I often felt quite ill from
anxiety; that I wished Lord Clarendon (who, I had heard, was tired
of Ireland) could come over and be Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, and Lord Palmerston go to Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant. Lord
John said nothing would be better, for that he was sure that Lord
Palmerston would make an admirable Lord-Lieutenant, but that another
thing to be considered was the danger of making Lord Palmerston an
enemy by displacing him, that Lord Minto (who was formerly a great
friend and admirer of Lord Palmerston's) had told Lady John when she
spoke to him on the subject of placing Lord Palmerston in another
office, that _he_ (Lord Palmerston) would certainly turn against the
Government if displaced. I said that might be, but that sometimes
there were great interests at stake which exceeded the danger of
offending one man, and that this was here the case; Lord John said
it was very true, but that at moments like these one of course was
anxious not to do anything which could cause internal trouble.
I admitted this, but repeated my anxiety, which Lord John quite
understood, though he thought I a little overrated it, and said I was
afraid that some day I should have to tell Lord John that I could
not put up with Lord Palmerston any longer, which might be very
disagreeable and awkward.
It ended by Lord John's promising to bear the subject in mind, and I
must say that he took it all just as I could wish.
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN THE PUNJAB]
[Pageheading: HOSTILITY OF THE SIKHS]
_Minute by the Governor-General of India._
_30th September 1848._
... The course of events, as they have developed themselves, and long
and anxious considerations of this important subject, have finally and
immovably confirmed in my mind the conviction which the earlier events
of the insurrection at Mooltan long since had founded, that there will
be no peace for India, nor any stability of Government in the Punjab,
nor any release from anxiety and costly defensive preparations on
our frontier, unless the British Government, justly indignant at the
unprovoked and treacherous aggression once again committed against
them by the Sikhs, shall now effectually provide against future
dangers by subverting for ever the Dynasty of the Sings, by converting
the Punjab into a British province, and by adopting the only measure
which will secure the observance of peace by the Sikhs, namely,
depriving them utterly of all the means of making war. I continue as
fully convinced as ever that the establishment of a strong, friendly,
Hindoo Government in the Punjab would be the best settlement that
could be made for the interests of British India, if it could
be formed. But I am convinced that such a Government cannot be
formed.[43]
[Footnote 43: _See_ Introductory Note for 1849, _post_, p.
208.]
The Chiefs of the Punjab are utterly powerless and worthless. The
great body of the nation is adverse to all control, and in no degree
submissive to the authority of those who are professedly their rulers.
Even admitting, which I am by no means prepared to do, that the
Sirdars are not treacherously or hostilely disposed to the British
Government, of what advantage, what defence to us is the fidelity of
the Chiefs, if they are confessedly unable to control the army which
is as avowedly hostile to us? That which we desire to secure is a
peaceful and well-governed neighbour, and a frontier free from alarms,
nor demanding a permanent garrison of 50,000 men. If their army are
able to disturb and eager to disturb on every occasion the peace we
seek to render permanent, of what profit to us is the assumed fidelity
of the Chiefs, who cannot repress their soldiers' turbulence, or
command their obedience?
I discredit altogether the assurances of the fidelity of the Chiefs on
the evidence of the facts before us....
To all these recommendations my colleagues in the Council have yielded
their ready assent.
I have to the last sought to avert, or to avoid, the necessity, if it
could prudently or fitly be avoided.
The Sikh nation have forced the necessity upon us. Having resolved
at once, and fully, to meet it, I shall proceed with all speed to the
frontier, and shall endeavour by every exertion, and by all the means
in my power, to carry into effect vigorously the measures on which
the Government of India has resolved, and which, in my conscience I
believe, are imperatively called for by regard to the peace of India,
to the security of our Empire there, and to the happiness of the
people over whom we rule.
DALHOUSIE.
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S ITALIAN POLICY]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _7th October 1848._
The Queen sends Lord Palmerston's answer to her last letter, of which
the Queen has sent a copy to Lord John Russell, and encloses likewise
a copy of her present answer. The partiality of Lord Palmerston in
this Italian question really _surpasses all conception_, and makes the
Queen _very uneasy_ on account of the character and honour of England,
and on account of the danger to which the peace of Europe will be
exposed. It is now clearly proved by Baron Wessenberg that upon the
conclusion of the Armistice with Sardinia, negotiations for peace
would have speedily been entered into, had our _mediation_ not been
offered to the King, to whom the offer of Lombardy was too tempting
not to accept, and now that promise is by fair or unfair means to
be made good. The Queen cannot see any principle in this, as the
principle upon which Lord Palmerston goes is _Italian Nationality and
Independence from a foreign Yoke and Tyranny_. How can the Venetian
territory then be secured to Austria? and if this is done, on what
ground can Lombardy be wrung from her? It is really not safe to settle
such important matters without principle and by personal _passion_
alone. When the _French_ Government say they cannot control public
feeling, Lord Palmerston takes this as an unalterable fact, and as
a sufficient reason to make the Austrians give up Lombardy; when,
however, the _Austrian_ Government say they cannot give up Lombardy on
account of the feeling of the Army which had just reconquered it
with their blood and under severe privations and sufferings, Lord
Palmerston flippantly tells the Austrian Government, "if that were so,
the Emperor had better abdicate and make General Radetzky Emperor."
When Charles Albert burned the whole of the suburbs of Milan to keep
up the delusion that he meant to defend the town, Lord Palmerston
said nothing; and now that the Austrian Governor has prohibited
revolutionary placards on the walls, and prolonged the period at which
arms are to be surrendered, at the end of which persons concealing
arms are to be tried by court-martial, he writes to Vienna: "that this
savage proclamation, which savours more of the barbarous usages of
centuries long gone by than of the spirit of the present times,
must strike everybody as a proof of the fear by which the Austrian
Commander is inspired," etc., etc., etc.
Venice was to have been made over to Austria by the Armistice, and
now that this has not been done, Austria is not even to retake it, in
order (as Lord Normanby says) to keep something in hand against which
Austria is to make further concessions. Is all this fair? In the
meantime, from the account of our Consul at Venice, the French agents
are actively employed in intrigues against Austria in that town, and
have asked him to assist, which he refused. Lord Palmerston merely
approved his conduct, and did not write a line to Paris about it. Now
the question at issue is not even to be submitted to a Conference of
European powers, but to be settled by the French Republic and Lord
Palmerston alone, Lord Normanby being the instrument who has pledged
himself over and over again for Italian _independence_ (so called).
If Austria makes peace with Sardinia, and gives her Italian provinces
separate National Institutions with a liberal constitutional
Government, _who can force_ upon her another arrangement?
[Pageheading: GREECE]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _8th October 1848._
The Queen cannot refrain from telling Lord Palmerston what a painful
impression the perusal of a draft of his to Lord Normanby referring to
the affairs of Greece has made upon her, being so little in accordance
with the calm dignity which she likes to see in all the proceedings of
the British Government; she was particularly struck by the language in
which Lord Palmerston speaks of King Otho, a Sovereign with whom she
stands in friendly relations, and the asperity against the Government
of the King of the French, who is really sufficiently lowered and
suffering for the mistakes he may have committed, and that of all this
a copy is to be placed in the hands of the Foreign Minister of the
French _Republic_, the Queen can only see with much regret.[44]
[Footnote 44: Lord Palmerston replied that his observations on
the two Kings lay at the very root of his argument, and were
necessary to conciliate the present Government of France.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th October 1848._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Our voyage yesterday was much saddened by a
terrible accident at Spithead, which delayed us half an hour, and
which still fills us with horror. The sea was running very high, and
we were just outside what is called The Spit, when we saw a man in
the water, sitting on the keel of a boat, and we stopped, and at that
moment Albert discerned _many heads_ above the sea, including a poor
woman. The tide was running so strong that we could only stop an
instant and let a boat down, but you may imagine our horror. We waited
at Gosport to hear if the people had been saved, and we learnt that
three had, two of whom by our _Fairy's_ boat, and that four were
drowned. Very horrid indeed.
The state of Germany is dreadful, and one does feel quite ashamed
about that once really so peaceful and happy people. That there are
still good people there I am sure, but they allow themselves to be
worked upon in a frightful and shameful way.... In France a crisis
seems at hand. _What_ a very bad figure we cut in this mediation!
Really it is quite immoral, with Ireland quivering in our grasp,
and ready to throw off her allegiance at any moment, for us to force
Austria to give up her lawful possessions. What shall we say if
Canada, Malta, etc., begin to trouble us? It hurts me terribly. This
ought to be the principle in _all actions_, private as well as public:
"Was du nicht willst, dass dir geschieht, das thu' auch einem andern
nicht." ...
I must now conclude. With every good wish, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: THE BOERS]
_Earl Grey to Queen Victoria._
COLONIAL OFFICE, _25th October 1848._
Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to inform
your Majesty that no official accounts have been received of the
engagement on the Cape Frontier between your Majesty's forces under
Sir H. Smith and the insurgent Dutch farmers, of which an account
is published in the newspapers.[45] Lord Grey has, however, seen a
private letter, which mentions, in addition to what is stated in the
Government notice in the Cape newspapers, that Sir Harry Smith exposed
himself very much, and was slightly wounded; most fortunately, he was
merely grazed in the leg; his horse was also struck by a bullet in the
nose. A very large proportion of those who were hit by the fire of the
rebels were officers, who appear to have been particularly aimed at.
[Footnote 45: In July, Pretorius, the Boer leader, had in
consequence of the British annexation of territory, expelled
the British Resident from Bloemfontein. _See_ Introductory
Note, _ante_, p. 142. Sir Harry Smith decisively defeated the
Boers on the 29th of August.]
_Queen Victoria to Earl Grey._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th October 1848._
The Queen has received Lord Grey's letter, and is glad to hear that
Sir H. Smith's wound was not of a serious nature. The loss of so many
officers, the Queen is certain, proceeds from their wearing a blue
coat whilst the men are in scarlet; the Austrians lost a great
proportion of officers in Italy from a similar difference of dress.
As to the Medal for Major Edwardes, the Queen did not approve but
disapprove the step, and wished the Bath to be given instead, which
has been done. The medals for troops in general (given by the East
India Company) are a new and doubtful thing, and now it is proposed to
reward even a special case of personal distinction by the _Company's_
conferring a mark of honour. Lord Grey will agree with the Queen that
it will be better not to establish two fountains of honour in the
Realm. If the East India Company wish to mark their approbation,
perhaps they might send Major Edwardes a fine sword or something of
that kind.
[Pageheading: GOVERNORSHIP OF GIBRALTAR]
_Earl Grey to Queen Victoria._
COLONIAL OFFICE, _26th October 1848._
Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has just had
the honour of receiving your Majesty's letter. Lord Fitzroy Somerset
happened to be here when it arrived, and Lord Grey read to him that
part of it which relates to the danger occasioned to officers in
action from wearing a dress of a different colour from that of the
men. Lord Fitzroy observed that although there can be no doubt of the
objection to the blue coats worn by officers, in this instance their
having suffered so much cannot be attributed to that cause, as it
appears that all the officers who were wounded but one, belonged to
regiments (the Rifle Battalion or the Cape Mounted Rifles) in which
the officers are dressed in the same colour as the men....
Lord Grey begs to submit to your Majesty that the usual time for
relieving the present Governor of Gibraltar is now come, and that he
thinks it very desirable to appoint a successor to Sir Robert
Wilson, who now fills that situation. It appears to Lord Grey that,
considering the nature of the appointment and also the great advantage
which would result from affording greater encouragement to the
officers serving under the Ordnance, it would be very proper to
confer this government upon a General Officer belonging to the Royal
Artillery or Engineers. There is some difficulty in making a selection
from the officers of these Corps, because, from their retiring only by
seniority, they seldom attain the rank of General Officer while
they are still in possession of sufficient strength and activity for
employment. Lord Grey, however, believes from the information he has
been able to obtain, that Sir Robert Gardiner might, with advantage,
be appointed to this command, which he therefore begs leave to
recommend to your Majesty to confer upon him. Lord Grey has had no
communication with Sir R. Gardiner, and is entirely ignorant whether
he would accept this employment.[46]
[Footnote 46: Sir Robert Gardiner, K.C.B.. was appointed
Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Gibraltar on the 21st of
November, and held that post till 1855.]
[Pageheading: ITALY AND AUSTRIA]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th October 1848._
The Queen has not yet acknowledged the receipt of Lord John Russell's
communication of the views of the Cabinet on the Italian affairs.[47]
She is very glad that the Cabinet should have considered this
important question, and that she should have received an assurance
"that she will not be advised to have recourse to forcible
intervention." The Queen understands this principle to apply to
Lombardy as well as to Sicily, and that, of course, "forcible
intervention" will not only be avoided as to British means, but
likewise as to French means, with British consent and concurrence.
Though Lord John Russell does not enter so much into particulars with
regard to the opinions of the Members of the Cabinet as the Queen
might have wished, she infers from the proposition that Lombardy
should be constituted separately under an Archduke, that the idea of
making it over to the King of Sardinia is finally abandoned.
[Footnote 47: Lord John had written to the effect that, while
no definite decision had been arrived at with regard to Italy,
it was thought by the Cabinet that every means should be used
to induce Austria to give up Lombardy to an Austrian Prince,
as most conformable to the interests of Austria herself. The
question of Sicily (he added) was more difficult, but if no
agreement could be arrived at by amicable negotiation, the
Cabinet would not be disposed to advise the Queen to have
recourse to forcible intervention.]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _19th November 1848._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
It will probably be necessary to send troops to India, who will then
be no longer chargeable to this country. But Lord John Russell thinks
it his duty to state that however unwilling he may be to diminish
the Military and Naval force, it is still more essential to keep our
income within our expenditure.
The whole matter will be under the consideration of the Cabinet next
week.
The approaching election of a President in France must decide the
question of the future Government of France. Louis Bonaparte may
probably play the part of Richard Cromwell.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1848._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write to thank you for your kind letter of the
18th on your god-daughter's _eighth_ birthday! It does seem like an
incredible dream that Vicky should already be so old! She is very
happy with all her gifts.
In Vienna things are much better. Louis Napoleon's election seems
certain, and I own I wish for it as I think it will lead to something
else.
You will grieve to hear that our good, dear, old friend Melbourne
is dying; there is _no_ hope, and I enclose a pretty letter of Lady
Beauvale's,[48] which I think will interest you, and which I beg you
to return. One cannot forget how good and kind and amiable he was, and
it brings back so many recollections to my mind, though, God knows! I
never wish that time back again.
We go to-morrow for four weeks to our dear, peaceful Osborne.
I will now take my leave. Begging you to believe me ever your devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 48: See Greville's appreciative description of Lady
Beauvale in his Journal for the 30th of January 1853.]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
BROCKET HALL, _23rd November 1848._
Viscount Palmerston is here engaged in the melancholy occupation of
watching the gradual extinction of the lamp of life of one who was not
more distinguished by his brilliant talents, his warm affections, and
his first-rate understanding, than by those sentiments of attachment
to your Majesty which rendered him the most devoted subject who ever
had the honour to serve a Sovereign.
[Pageheading: DEATH OF LORD MELBOURNE]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
BROCKET HALL, _25th November 1848._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
to state that Viscount Melbourne was released from further suffering
at about six o'clock yesterday afternoon. His bodily strength had
been rapidly declining during the last few days, and it was only at
intervals that he retained any degree of apparent consciousness.
The last transition took place quietly and with almost imperceptible
gradation.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _26th November 1848._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty: he sees no
political objection to a visit to Osborne on the part of the Duke
and Duchess of Nemours. The election of a President in France is so
completely absorbing attention that any mark of regard to the Duke of
Nemours may well pass unnoticed.
Lord John Russell had the honour of seeing Louis Philippe in
this house on Friday. He was in much better spirits, owing to the
convalescence of the Queen; but the illness has been a very serious
one.
Lord John Russell had understood that the affairs of property
belonging to the Orleans family were arranged, and that Louis Philippe
would ultimately be possessed of more than a million sterling.
Louis Philippe expressed his opinion in favour of Louis Bonaparte as a
candidate for the Presidency. He feels confident that France cannot go
to war on account of the state of her finances.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _21th November 1848._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Thank God! that the news from Berlin are better. It
is to be hoped that this may have a good effect elsewhere.
In France there ought really to be a Monarchy before long, _qui que ce
soit_.
Our poor old friend Melbourne died on the 24th. I sincerely regret
him, for he was truly attached to me, and though not a firm Minister
he was a noble, kind-hearted, generous being. Poor Lord Beauvale and
Lady Palmerston feel it very much. I wish it might soften the _caro
sposo_ of the latter-named person.
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: LETTER FROM THE POPE]
_Pope Pius IX. to Queen Victoria._[49]
To the Most Serene and Potent Sovereign Victoria, the Illustrious
Queen of England, Pius Papa Nonus.
Most Serene and Most Potent Queen, Greeting! Your Royal Majesty has
already learned what a subversion of public affairs has taken place
at Rome, and what utterly unheard-of violence was, on the 16th of
the late month of November, offered to us in our very Palace of the
Quirinal, in consequence of a nefarious conspiracy of abandoned and
most turbulent men. Hence, in order to avoid more violent commotions
and more serious dangers, as likewise for the purpose of freely
performing the functions of our apostolic Ministry, we, not without
the deepest and most heartfelt sorrow, have been constrained to
depart for a time from our Holy City, and from the whole state of our
pontifical dominions; and in the meanwhile we come as far as Gaeta,
where, as soon as we had arrived, our first care was to declare to
our subjects the sentiments of our mind and will, by a public edict,
a copy of which we transmit to your Royal Majesty, together with
these our letters. Without doubt, through your own wisdom, you will
perfectly understand, Most Serene and Potent Sovereign, that amongst
the other most cruel difficulties by which we are pressed, we must be
chiefly solicitous concerning those subject to our temporal rule and
the rights and possessions of the Roman Church, which, moreover, your
august Uncle and the other Princes of Europe protected with so much
zeal. But we do not in the least doubt that, in conformity with your
exalted magnanimity, your justice, and your known desire to maintain
order in public affairs, you will by no means suffer this same to be
wanting to us at this most lamentable time. Trusting indeed in this
hope, we do not cease, in the humility and affliction of our heart,
from earnestly beseeching God, the All Good and All Great, that He may
heap upon your Royal Majesty and your whole House all true and solid
prosperity, and that He may unite you with us in perfect charity.
Given at Gaeta, the 4th day of December 1848, in the third year of our
Pontificate.
PIUS PP. IX.[50]
[Footnote 49: Official translation.]
[Footnote 50: This letter was suitably acknowledged in general
terms. _See_ p. 210.]
[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _13th December 1848._
MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Pray accept my warmest and _best_ wishes for _many,
many happy_ returns of your birthday--a day so _dear_ to so many, and
which will be hailed with such joy in Belgium. You have indeed reason
to look with satisfaction on all around you, though it is a painful
thing to think how many have been ruined and made miserable since this
day twelvemonths. Let us hope that another year may bring many things
round again.
The weather is beautiful, and I wish much we could fly over to pay our
respects to you on your dear birthday.
The papers are just come, and I see there is no doubt of Louis
Napoleon's election, which I am very glad of, as it is a sign of
better times. But that one _should have to wish for him_ is really
wonderful.
Now good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _19th December 1848._
MY DEAREST, KINDEST UNCLE,--Your dear letter, full of interesting
topics, which I received yesterday, gave me great pleasure, and
I thank you much for it. The success of Louis Napoleon[51] is an
extraordinary event, but valuable as a universal condemnation of the
Republic since February.
It will, however, perhaps be more difficult to get rid of him again
than one at _first_ may imagine. Nemours thinks it better that none
of themselves should be _called_ into action for some time to come.
I fear that _he feels_ now that they _ought_ to have _foreseen_ the
dangers in February, and _ought not_ to have yielded; when I said to
him that the Pope had declared that he would _never_ quit Rome, and
_did so do_ the _very next day_, he said: "Ah! mon Dieu, on se laisse
entrainer dans ces moments." Louise said to me that _her Father_ had
so _often declared he would never quit Paris alive_, so that when she
heard of his flight she always believed it was untrue and he must be
dead....
[Footnote 51: He was elected President on the 10th of
December, by an immense majority.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd December 1848._
The Queen has been waiting to receive an answer from Lord John Russell
upon her last letter, and has therefore delayed sending the enclosed
letter from Lord Palmerston.[52] But lest any further delay might
cause future inconvenience, she sends it now without having received
Lord John's answer. The Queen is sure Lord John will feel that neither
Lord Palmerston nor Lord Normanby have shown a proper regard for the
Queen's wishes and opinion in this matter. Lord Normanby's Despatch
shows that the step to be taken with reference to an Ambassador to be
sent here is avowedly for the purpose of controlling the future action
of the Queen's Government, and to _oblige her_ to keep a _permanent_
Ambassador at Paris in the person of Lord Normanby. It is not very
delicate in Lord Normanby to convey such a message, nor in Lord
Palmerston to urge it so eagerly. M. de Beaumont's departure from this
country without taking leave of the Queen was neither very becoming.
The Queen has already, on Lord Palmerston's account, received two
public affronts: the one by her Minister in Spain having been sent out
of that country,[53] the other now, by the new Emperor of Austria
not announcing to her by special mission his accession to the Throne,
which he did to all other Sovereigns, avowedly, as it appears, to mark
the indignation of Austria at the inimical proceedings of the British
Foreign Secretary. The Queen does not think that, in the face of such
slurs, the dignity of England will be vindicated by a race between her
representative and that of Spain, who is to present his credentials
first to the new President of the French Republic, which Lord
Palmerston considers of such importance as to render an _immediate_
decision indispensable.
Should Lord John think that we cannot do less now for Louis Napoleon
than has been done in the case of General Cavaignac, the Queen
will not object to renewing Lord Normanby's credentials as
Ambassador-Extraordinary on a special mission.
[Footnote 52: Lord Palmerston had written to say that
Lord Normanby's credentials were provisional, and regular
credentials would become necessary. The new French Government
were sending Ambassadors to Vienna, Rome, and other capitals,
which in return would send Ambassadors to Paris, so that it
would be injurious for this country's representative to be of
inferior diplomatic rank. "It would," he wrote subsequently,
"be derogatory to the dignity of your Majesty, and to the
character of your Majesty's Government if, in the present
state of things between the British and Spanish Governments
the Spanish Ambassador should, by a dilatoriness on the part
of your Majesty's Government, be allowed to raise a question
about precedence with your Majesty's representative at Paris;
it would be very inconvenient if that question were decided
unfavourably to your Majesty's representative, and very
undesirable that he should appear to be under obligation to
the French Government for a decision in his favour."]
[Footnote 53: See _ante_, p. 175.]
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XVIII
The opening of Parliament (1849) was noteworthy for the appearance of
Mr Disraeli as leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons, in
place of Lord George Bentinck, who had died suddenly in the recess;
the Peelites, though influential, were numerically few, and they
continued by their support to maintain the Whigs in office, the
principal measure of the session being the Act for the repeal of the
Navigation Laws, a natural corollary to Peel's free trade policy. A
Royal visit was paid to Ireland in August, and at Cork, Waterford,
Dublin, and Belfast, the Queen and Prince were received with great
enthusiasm.
Abroad, the cause of United Italy suffered a severe check. The
Sicilian revolt came to an end, and Austrian ascendency was
re-established in Northern Italy. King Charles Albert was defeated at
Novara, and abdicated in favour of his son, Victor Emmanuel. The Pope,
who had fled from Rome in disguise, in November 1848, and was living
at Gaeta, was now under the protection of Austria and France, and
General Oudinot occupied the Papal city on his behalf in June.
Austrian influence restored Tuscany, Parma, and Modena to their
rulers, and in Central Europe operated to prevent the acceptance by
the King of Prussia of the Imperial Crown of Germany. Hungary, in
consequence of the help rendered to the Viennese insurrectionists in
1848, was reduced to submission, but only with Russian co-operation.
Heavy retribution was inflicted on the Hungarians; Kossuth and other
revolutionaries fled to Turkey, the Russian and Austrian Governments
unsuccessfully demanding their extradition.
The British operations against the Sikhs were brought to a successful
termination; the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gough, with inferior
numbers, had engaged the enemy at Chillianwalla, with indecisive and
virtually unfavourable results, and Sir Charles Napier was sent out
to supersede him. Mooltan, where the outrage of the previous year
had taken place, had been besieged, and fell on the 22nd of January.
Dalhousie had established himself at Ferozepore. A week or two later
the Sikhs and Afghans were overwhelmingly defeated at Gujerat, and on
the 29th of March the Punjab was incorporated in the British Empire;
the "Koh-i-noor" was, in token of submission, presented by the
Maharajah to the Queen. Lord Dalhousie received a Marquisate, and the
thanks of both Houses of Parliament were voted to all concerned.