The full dress of the earliest Sumerians comprised nothing more
elaborate than a skirt fastened round the waist and probably made of
wool. But the taste for decoration shown by all primitive peoples is
evinced by the Sumerians at a very early date, and they seek to relieve
the dead monotony of the skirt by edging the bottom with a fringe (cf.
Figs. 25, 52), the fringe on the earliest monuments being formed by a
series of pointed tags. In the time of Ur-Ninâ, the archaically fringed
skirt has given place to an elaborately flounced and pleated skirt—at
least in the case of kings and magnates (cf. Figs. 26, 27), but the
upper part of the body was left entirely bare; people of particularly
high rank are however sometimes seen wearing a skirt with an upper part
attached, which covered the left shoulder as is the case with the leader
of the procession on Ur-Ninâ’s tablet (cf. Fig. 26), though it is
noticeable that Ur-Ninâ himself here has no clothing on the upper part
of his body. Later on the king of Lagash still wears the flounced skirt,
but has another garment over it: this upper garment was also apparently
made of wool, and passed over the left shoulder and under the right arm
(cf. Pl. XII); as this is, however, a battle scene, the upper garment
may be part of the king’s military insignia. This custom of leaving the
right arm and shoulder free obtained right down to the time of Gudea
(cf. Pl. XXIII) and Khammurabi (cf. Pl. XIV).
The heads of the majority of the figures on the early sculptures are
hairless and beardless, though as we have seen (cf. p. 183) long hair
and a pronounced beard were not infrequently worn, the hair on the
head—possibly a wig—sometimes being allowed to hang down the neck (cf.
Fig. 25, B, C), sometimes being gathered up behind and secured by a
fillet (cf. Pl. XII). This seems to have been done by the king when on
active service, doubtless with a view to making his helmet more
comfortable and secure. As nearly all these early figures are without
hats or head-gear of any kind, we are almost entirely in ignorance as to
the nature of their head-coverings—if, indeed, they had any. Sometimes
feathers were worn (cf. Fig. 25, A), while a figure resembling
Gilgamesh on one of the most ancient Sumerian bas-reliefs (cf.
_Découvertes_, Pl. I, 1) in existence, has a flat head-gear of
indeterminate character, the deity on the same archaic sculpture wearing
what appears to be an early form of the horned head-dress of the gods in
later times.
The dress of early Sumerian women is somewhat uncertain; if we might
assume the form of dress shown on the little stone statuette discovered
by De Sarzec at Tellô (cf. Fig. 33, p. 224) to be typical, the feminine
dress of the period would appear to have consisted in a flounced woollen
skirt hung from the left shoulder, the right arm and shoulder being
exposed. The length of the fillet-bound hair in the statuette referred
to removes all doubt as to the sex, and it is noteworthy that the dress
of this Sumerian woman is exactly the same as that of the individual on
Ur-Ninâ’s stele referred to above, and of course the personage there may
conceivably be a woman also (cf. further p. 186). But the little copper
statuettes of women belonging to the same period always show a nude
bust, it is therefore probable that the women of the time generally wore
an ordinary skirt like the men, the shoulder-suspended garments being
reserved for the élite.
The dress of royalties and grandees differed however from that of the
commonalty in quality rather than in character: thus the skirts of all
Ur-Ninâ’s courtiers—the distinguished leader of the procession alone
being excepted—are much the same as that of their royal master; but the
quality is very different, the one being entirely plain, the other
extremely elaborate.
In later times what had been the exception seemingly becomes the rule,
and in Gudea’s period the left shoulder was always covered by the folds
of the mantle-like garment then in vogue; while the Semite Narâm-Sin, of
yet earlier date than Gudea, wears a plaid passing over his left
shoulder and wrapped around his body, leaving the right arm similarly
free. The pleated plaid worn by Narâm-Sin finds a striking parallel in
the garments worn by Nin-gish-zi-da and the accompanying deity on a
Gudea stele in the Berlin Museum (cf. _Sum. and Sem._, Taf. VII). The
royal head-gear of Gudea differs from that of later times, and probably
from that worn by the earlier rulers of Lagash: it consists in an
embroidered turban, differing entirely from the conical-shaped cap worn
by Narâm-Sin on the Pir-Hussein stele, and the similar shaped crowns of
the later Assyrian kings, but bearing some resemblance to that worn by
Khammurabi on his famous code-stele (cf. Plates, XXIII, XIV; Fig. 31).
But while the Semite Narâm-Sin wears a long beard, the Sumerian Gudea is
still beardless. So too the Semite Khammurabi wears a long beard, but
the mantle slung from his left shoulder is not unlike that of Gudea,
while the vesture of the god Shamash on the same stele is pleated like
that of Narâm-Sin, though the material would appear to be different. In
a later relief of the time of Nabû-aplu-iddina, king of Babylon about
870 B.C., the god Shamash wears a striped robe with sleeves, and the
practice of leaving the right arm and shoulder exposed seems to have by
this time fallen into desuetude (cf. Pl. XIV).
Of the dress of the women in the days of Gudea we have a good
illustration in Pl. XXIII. She wears a gracefully fringed mantle, which
was apparently[161] first pressed over the breasts and carried under the
arms, after which it was crossed at the back, the two ends being brought
over the shoulders and made to hang symmetrically in front.
The grave-deposits have afforded abundant evidence of the extensive use
of jewellery even in the earliest Sumerian times, thus at Fâra necklaces
of amethyst, coral, lapis lazuli, mother of pearl and agate were found,
while other early sites yield similar testimony.
For information regarding the military accoutrements of the early
Sumerians we are mainly dependent on the bas-reliefs of the period, of
which the Vulture Stele is the most important. The long lance or spear,
which was apparently grasped by both hands (cf. Pl. XII), was clearly
the principal weapon of offence, while the axe, the dart, a club or
mace, a curved weapon—generally hitherto regarded as a throwing-stick or
boomerang—and a lance were also in use. Very few Sumerian weapons have
been brought to light, but in addition to those enumerated in the
chapter on Metals, mention may be made of an archaic axe-head made of
agate, now in the American Museum of Natural History;[162] the
characters with which it is inscribed are somewhat more wedge-shaped
than those found on the monuments of Gudea, and it may accordingly be
assigned to a rather later date. Another axe-head, also made of agate,
and inscribed with early line characters, is in the Metropolitan Museum,
New York,[163] while a number of baked clay balls and some small stone
eggs, as well as copper arrows, spears, axes and stone clubs were
discovered in the pre-Sargonic strata at Nippur. The discovery of
arrows belonging to such an early date is of considerable interest, as
it has been contended that the bow and arrow were introduced by the
Semites chiefly owing to the fact that it has been thought that these
weapons were not represented in early Sumerian art. But a very early
example of the bow in Babylonian art is afforded by an archaic shell
cylinder-seal published by Ward.[164] The human beings and gods on this
seal are clad in the Sumerian short skirt and not in the Semitic plaid,
while the occurrence of a bison on the top of a mountain, an animal
which is only represented on very early seals, further argues the
antiquity of the cylinder-seal in question, and therefore of the use of
the bow and arrow depicted upon it. The discovery of clay balls and
stone missiles similarly appear to afford evidence of the use of the
sling at a very much earlier period than was hitherto supposed.
[Illustration: FIG. 94.]
It is interesting to trace the history of the boomerang-shaped weapon
shouldered by one of the figures on the archaic fragment of the circular
bas-relief reproduced in Fig. 25, B. The curved weapon[165] may have
originally been a throwing-stick or boomerang, though its shape is the
only argument in support of this theory. But whatever its original use
may have been, there is evidence that a weapon of this shape was wielded
as a club or primitive sword at a very early period. In a sculpture
belonging to a slightly later period than the above-mentioned
bas-relief, the weapon in question has lost its simplicity and is no
longer made in one piece but is composed of three narrow pieces held
together by a number of rings. Were this curiously shaped implement only
found in the hands of rulers or dignitaries, the rings might merely be
decorative accessories, but its occurrence in the hand of a huntsman
attacking a lion, (cf. Fig. 78) makes it incumbent that we should seek
for some more adequate and practical reason for the existence of these
rings. Doubtless this later form was adopted with a view to increasing
the efficiency of the weapon. The weapon is here used at close quarters,
and was clearly not used as a throwing-stick at this period, but rather
as a kind of sabre. At an early date the Sumerian must have sought for
some means of rendering his weapon more serviceable, and have conceived
the idea of substituting a blade of flint or obsidian, and in point of
fact numerous edged pieces of flint and obsidian as well as primitive
saw-blades with teeth have actually been found in early Babylonian
ruins. The problem of affixing this blade to the handle or shaft, would
find its natural solution in fashioning the latter, of two or more
pieces between which the obsidian or flint blade might be inserted, both
wood and blade being kept in place by rings; of its early use as a club
or sabre we have evidence on the archaic shell reproduced in Fig. 78,
where the huntsman is seen holding a curved implement which is composed
of three pieces of wood bound together by rings, as on the Vulture
Stele, it is obviously not employed here as a throwing-stick but as a
weapon for use at close quarters (cf. also Fig. 94, A. B).
In the later period of Gudea we find the same style of weapon in use.
Upon a bas-relief recovered by Commandant Cros from Tellô, and belonging
to Gudea, we see a curved weapon (cf. Fig. 94, C)[166] terminating in a
lion’s head and having a blade which was apparently inserted in a
longitudinal slit made in the wood. Sometimes these curved weapons were
made of one piece of metal, as was the case with the two examples
discovered by Commandant Cros in an early Babylonian grave, one of which
is reproduced in Fig. 94, D. Both of these weapons are made of copper
and were found in a coffin consisting of two bell-shaped pots cemented
together by bitumen. The one in the figure is the more elaborate of the
two, and unlike its companion, has the handle still preserved while its
total length is about sixteen inches. The edge of the blade was of
course on the outside of the curve, the instrument thus resembling a
scimitar or short curved sword. It is thus possible that the scimitar,
or at least the archetype of the scimitar owes its origin to the
Sumerians.[167] The other weapon is of a more primitive character and
recalls the earlier examples afforded by the bas-reliefs more vividly,
while its blade is double edged. In Assyrian times the curved end
becomes quasi-circular in form and the outer edge is furnished with
teeth, as is the case with the sceptre which Ashur-naṣir-pal holds in
his hand (Pl. XXIV). The arms borne by Eannatum himself as represented
on the Vulture Stele are the curved weapon already alluded to, a number
of darts some of which are double pointed, and a long lance. Eannatum is
in the act of piercing the head of a vanquished foe with his lance,
which he holds horizontally over his head at the extreme end. According
to Commandant Cros, the lance is used in exactly the same way by the
Arabs of Irak to-day. It is first held loosely in the middle, while the
action consists in throwing it forcibly through the hand till the lower
end of it is reached, but it is not allowed to escape from the hand
altogether; the weapon is therefore used in part as a spear, and in part
as a javelin.
For information regarding the military accoutrements in use at the time
of Shar-Gâni-sharri and Narâm-Sin we are mainly dependent on the stele
of the last-named monarch (cf. Pl. XIII), and the bas-relief fragments
reproduced in Fig. 28, B, C. The bow and arrow would appear to be the
principal weapons used by the Semites, though the spear and the axe also
occur on early Semitic monuments. One noticeable feature in these two
sculptures is the absence of any kind of shield.
The cylinder-seals contribute little towards the solution of the
manifold problems incidental to a study of early military affairs, as
those seals which are engraved with battle-scenes are for the most part
Persian in origin.
To attempt to describe the complete wardrobe of the Assyrians would be
almost as difficult as to give a full and comprehensive account of
English dress to-day. The costumes are so various, and often so
finely-wrought, that even a brief review of the different “modes” would
far exceed the bounds of a single chapter. The king’s robes are, of
course, the most magnificent and most elaborate both in arrangement and
decoration. In Pl. XV we see Ashur-naṣir-pal, king of Assyria (885-860
B.C.) arrayed in his ceremonial robes. In comparison with the festive
garments of his successors, they are simple and inornate, and are merely
a replica of those worn by the mythical being behind, the only
difference being that those of the king are arranged so as to conceal
both his legs, the exposure of the royal leg being apparently out of
accord with kingly dignity. The under-garment seems to be a fringed robe
or chasuble, over which a long, deeply-fringed mantle is arranged; both
the king and his divine attendant wear a broad waist-band into which two
daggers are thrust; but the mantle itself was apparently fastened by
means of cords ending in tassels. The king’s head-dress, however, is
entirely different from that of his follower; it is shaped somewhat like
a mitre, two tails being similarly attached to the back. The royal tiara
worn by the later kings of Assyria conforms to the same type, only it is
more richly decorated and exhibits some variation in regard to its
shape. It would appear to have been coloured, if we may trust the
evidence afforded by the enamelled bricks from Khorsabad,[168] the
colours being red, white and yellow, the latter perhaps being intended
to represent gold braid. Judging from its general appearance, the
head-dress itself must have been made of cloth.
Both figures here (Pl. XV) wear a bracelet on either wrist and two
armlets on their sinewy arms, while a necklace encircles their bull-like
necks. Ashur-naṣir-pal, like all Assyrian kings, has a thick crop of
hair and a very strong beard. Shalmaneser II, his son and successor,
wears much the same dress as his father and the same conical head-gear
(cf. Fig. 44), but Sennacherib one hundred and twenty years later is no
longer content with the simple yet dignified dress of Ashur-naṣir-pal
and Shalmaneser, but assumes a far richer and costlier set of robes (cf.
Fig. 31). The royal mantle is not merely decorated with a fringe but is
most elaborately embroidered throughout, while his crown is also far
more ornate than those worn by his Nimrûd predecessors, but his attitude
is precisely the same as that of Ashur-naṣir-pal in Pl. XV. Both kings
are holding a bow in their left hand and two arrows in their right. The
regal and ceremonial costume of Ashur-bani-pal contrasts similarly with
that of Ashur-naṣir-pal and his immediate successors—his dress
resembling that of Sennacherib in its general ornateness (cf. Pl. XX)
while even the costume which he wears while reclining at meat in his
garden is far more elaborate than that worn by Ashur-naṣir-pal on the
highest ceremonial occasions (cf. Pl. XXI).
Some uncertainty exists regarding the dress-materials used by the
Assyrians. Many garments were doubtless made of wool or woollen stuffs
as in the other period, but a kind of cotton was also used, for
Sennacherib states that he imported trees that bore wool or hair, from
the south, and that the wool or hair was subsequently clipped and
utilized for the manufacture of garments.
There is the same uncertainty as to the materials used in embroidery,
but there is no doubt about the skill of the embroiderer, who must have
been a veritable artist, if we may judge from the bas-relief
representations of his work, a good example of which is reproduced in
Layard, Pl. 9. He clearly did not confine himself to designs but aspired
to artistic representations and scenic effects. Conventional palm-trees,
and four-winged monsters are the most conspicuous features. One of
these monsters is grasping one of the back legs of a lion in either
hand, while the lions are making ruthless attacks on passively resisting
bulls.
Women are seldom portrayed on the Assyrian bas-reliefs, but we at all
events know that the lady who had the honour of being Ashur-bani-pal’s
queen was quite as richly clad as her royal master (cf. Pl. XXI), while
both wear ornamental fillets round their heads. Jewellery seems to have
been prized and loved by the Assyrian king and his courtiers almost as
much as by the women of to-day, and the demand for “novelties” must
have taxed the jeweller’s inventive faculties to the utmost. Not only
were armlets and bracelets in requisition, but also necklaces,
ear-rings, and trinkets. The latter generally took the form of divine or
astrological symbols, one of the most interesting ornaments worn by the
king being exactly like a Maltese cross, and closely resembles the cross
found on Kassite seals (cf. Fig. 71). The trinkets were suspended on a
cord which encircled the royal neck, above which the real necklace is
seen. Both bracelets and ear-rings show great variety in design and no
little skill in workmanship. Unfortunately but few articles of jewellery
(apart from a number of bead-necklaces[169]) have been recovered, and of
the majority of these it is impossible to tell the date, but thanks to
the bas-reliefs we can gain a very fair idea of the proficiency to which
the jeweller’s art had been brought at this period, though we cannot be
sure of the metals used in each particular case. In Fig. 95 we have a
group of bracelets of manifold shapes and designs, the rosette as usual
playing the leading part in most of the decorative devices. In A we have
an example of a royal necklace; it is simple and neat in design and
presents a striking contrast to that worn by one of the winged figures
from Nimrûd (cf. B) which is decorated at the opening with heads of
animals. The ear-rings worn by kings, warriors, priests and mythical
beings vary quite as much as the bracelets, though there is a certain
similarity between most of them (cf. Fig. 95). The drops are in nearly
all cases long, and they frequently have a cross piece which gives them
the general appearance of a “crux ansata.”
[Illustration: FIG. 95.]
The toilet requisites of the Babylonians and Assyrians were doubtless
much the same as those in use to-day, though but few articles from the
dressing-table have been recovered, the most notable of which are the
combs now preserved in the Louvre (cf. Figs. 96, 97). They are made of
ebony and measure about three and a half inches across, while they are
elaborately decorated in the centre with the figures of sphinxes or
lions, sometimes realized in open-work, sometimes in relief. The teeth
on one side are large and few, those on the other being slender and
numerous. A similar comb was discovered by Koldewey at Babylon, the
centre of which is decorated with the figure of a winged bull.[170]
[Illustration: FIG. 96.]
[Illustration: FIG. 97.]
Sandals formed the principal footwear of civilians—royalties or
commoners as the case may be—though the feet were often left bare. The
ordinary sandal had a thin sole and a small cap for the heel, apparently
made of strips of leather which were sometimes coloured red and blue
alternately, though more frequently the entire sandal was of a reddish
hue, while it was held in position by a loop round the great toe, and by
a string which was laced across the instep and tied in a bow. This was
the type of sandal worn by Sargon. There was, however, an entirely
different sandal in vogue at the time of Ashur-bani-pal; the sole of
this later sandal was of considerable thickness, especially at the heel,
while the upper leather did not merely form a protecting cap to the heel
but covered the whole side of the foot. But shoes were used as well as
sandals as early as the time of Sennacherib; those represented on the
bas-reliefs are of a clumsy make, though finely decorated with crescents
and rosettes, and they were seemingly laced in front.
[Illustration: FIG. 98. Foot-spearman (1st period, Nimrûd).]
[Illustration: FIG. 99. Foot-archer (1st period, Nimrûd).]
But the military uniforms of the Assyrians show far greater variation
than the apparel of kings, eunuchs and attendants. In the early Assyrian
period the foot-soldiers wore a short tunic and a fringed girdle, their
heads being protected by a pointed helmet; the arms, legs, neck and feet
were generally bare, though the latter were occasionally shod with plain
sandals. The infantry included archers, spearmen and swordsmen, while
the archers were often further armed with swords and sometimes with
maces, and appear to have formed the pick of the foot-soldiers. All
three divisions were protected by small hand-shields, the bowmen often
being attended by another warrior armed with a spear, who acted as
shield-bearer. In the reign of Shalmaneser II we frequently see the
bowmen clad in a long coat of mail reaching from the neck to the ankles
(cf. Fig. 44), but in the Sargon period the difference in the equipment
of the foot-soldiers becomes more pronounced. There are at least three
different kinds of archer. First of all there was the light-armed
bowman, who was practically naked but for a loin-cloth, which supported
a quiver, and a head fillet (cf. Fig. 100). Next came the more simply
equipped of the heavy-armed (cf. Fig. 101), who was clad in a coat of
mail reaching from the neck to the waist, beneath which was a fringed
tunic extending to the knees, while their feet were generally protected
by sandals, and the head covered by a pointed helmet. The principal
feature which differentiated the appearance of the most heavily armed
archers from that of the foregoing was the long deeply fringed tunic
(cf. Fig. 102), over which a coat of mail was worn similar to that worn
by the archers of the second class.
[Illustration: FIG. 100.]
[Illustration: FIG. 101.]
[Illustration: FIG. 102.]
The spearmen of the period are clad in much the same way as the
medium-armed archers, the most noticeable point about them being their
helmets, which are surmounted by a crest of one kind or another (cf.
Fig. 29), while another frequent peculiarity in their equipment is the
arrangement of their belts which cross each other on the chest and back.
Their feet are generally bare, though sometimes they are shod in
sandals, and occasionally in a low boot.[171]
Sargon’s son, Sennacherib, appears to have largely reorganized the
infantry and instituted fresh corps. The slingers seemingly make their
first appearance in this king’s reign, though the sling was known in
Babylonia even before the time of Shar-Gâni-sharri (cf. above, p. 341).
On the bas-reliefs of Sennacherib we see him fully armed with helmet,
coat of mail, tunic reaching to the knees, close-fitting hose and a
short boot, none of which can have added to the efficiency of his
services. There were four types of archer, two heavy-armed and two
light-armed. The most heavily armed (cf. Fig. 103) wore a tunic, a coat
of mail reaching to the waist, hose, short boots, and a conical helmet,
and are protected by long shields carried by a shield-bearer. The next
class have no shield protection, and their legs and feet are entirely
bare (cf. Fig. 104). The better equipped of the light-armed are clad in
a short tunic, wear a peculiar kind of fillet round their heads, and
sandals on their feet, while they carry short swords at their sides and
quivers on their backs. Last come the lightest equipped archers of all,
who wear a striped tunic[172] reaching down to the knees and somewhat
longer behind than in front (cf. Fig. 105). Their feet, arms and legs
are bare, and fillets form their sole head-gear, while they are seldom
armed with short swords like the preceding.
[Illustration: FIG. 103.]
[Illustration: FIG. 104.]
[Illustration: FIG. 105.]
There were apparently two classes of spearmen in Sennacherib’s army; the
better equipped wear a coat of mail over their tunics, a conical helmet,
hose on their legs, and boots on their feet, while they are generally
armed with a comparatively short spear, a rather large convex shield,
and the usual short sword. The second division are equipped in much the
same way as the light-armed spearmen of Sargon, and wear plain tunics,
cross belts, and crested helmets, but unlike the spearmen of Sargon they
usually have sleeves to their tunics, wear hose on their legs, boots on
their feet, and sometimes carry a long convex shield arched at the top
instead of a round one. Yet another class of foot-soldiers deserve a
mention; these are armed with double-headed axes which they use to cut
down trees and clear the road for the passage of troops. Their equipment
closely resembles that of the better-armed spearmen. The army in
Ashur-bani-pal’s time is much the same as it was in the time of
Sennacherib; it comprised bowmen, spearmen, mace-bearers, warriors armed
with battle-axes and slingers. In regard to the latter it is interesting
to note that the heavy armour of the slingers has been exchanged for a
lighter and more serviceable garb.[173]
The principal weapon of the cavalry in the early period was the bow,
though sword and shield both occur, but were apparently not much used.
It was customary for the mounted archers to be accompanied by another
mounted soldier whose office it was to hold the bridle of the archer’s
horse while the archer was aiming his arrow at the enemy. The attendant
wears a plain tunic and an ordinary cap, while the archer has a pointed
helmet, an embroidered tunic and a sword belt. Their legs and feet are
bare to enable them to sit their horses firmly—the latter being without
saddles. In the time of Sargon the cavalry consisted partly of spearmen,
partly of archers. Saddles or saddle-cloths somewhat resembling those
worn by European cavalry horses to-day were in regular use, while the
unarmed attendants were no longer required, both archers and spearmen
being able to manage their own steeds. The uniforms worn by the cavalry
were similarly much more elaborate than those worn by the mounted
archers of the earlier period. Their tunics are close-fitting, but
expand below the waist into a kind of fringed kilt, they wear hose on
their legs and long boots on their feet, which sometimes reached nearly
up to the knee; the principal weapons borne by the horsemen are bows and
spears, but they are frequently armed with a short sword as well, while
the spearmen occasionally carry a bow and quiver as well as a spear and
a sword (cf. Fig. 106).
[Illustration: FIG. 106.]
In Sennacherib’s time, the ordinary cavalry are equipped in much the
same way; some of the regiments however are heavily armed with a coat of
mail extending to the bottom of the back (cf. Fig. 107). In the
sculptures of Ashur-bani-pal, the horses of the cavalry are sometimes
covered with a large cloth similar to that carried by the chariot steeds
(cf. Fig. 108), over which the saddle-piece is placed, but the equipment
of the cavalry themselves shows little or no variation from that of
former times.
The charioteers form the last division of the Assyrian army to be
briefly considered. The chariot contained at least two persons—the
driver and a warrior; but when the king took the field in person he was
attended by a shield bearer, or sometimes two shield bearers, as well as
by a charioteer. The normal weapon used by the chariot soldier is the
bow, which he generally has full drawn, the arrow on the string; he is
however not infrequently girded with a sword, while a spear is often
lying at his side within easy reach. He is sometimes merely clad in a
tunic, sometimes in a long coat of mail reaching down at least as far
as the knees, but having short sleeves, doubtless with a view to
facilitating the manipulation of the bow. He either discharges his
shafts from the chariot itself, or else dismounts in order to take a
more certain aim; in the latter case the attendant protects the bowmen
by means of a shield which he holds in his left hand, while in his right
hand he holds a spear or sword wherewith to repel any close attack. The
warrior generally wears a helmet which is occasionally furnished with
side and front pieces made of metal scales, calculated to protect the
shoulders, the nape of the neck, and sometimes even the chin, but the
attendant as a rule has no covering for his head.
[Illustration: FIG. 107.]
The chariots were drawn by either two or three horses, but there was
apparently never more than one pole; accordingly when a third horse was
harnessed to the chariot, he must have been attached by a rope or thong,
and was probably taken as a relief-animal to fill the place of one of
the others in the event of either of them being shot through. The
trappings of the horses were often very elaborate, as may be seen in
Figs. 83, while the chariots were also sometimes very ornate. There are
two main types of war-chariot represented on the Assyrian bas-reliefs,
one being characteristic of the earlier period, when Calah (Nimrûd) was
the capital of the empire, the other of the later epoch when the seat of
the government was established at Nineveh. The chariots of the early
period are low and short, the wheels being comparatively small, and as a
rule only having six spokes, while the chariots portrayed on the later
reliefs are generally more capacious and also loftier, while the wheels,
which would appear to be about five feet in diameter, are normally
eight-spoked (cf. Fig. 108). A position in one of these later chariots
consequently gave the warrior a good vantage ground for aiming at the
enemy and also for viewing the situation. The poles of the chariots of
both periods frequently terminate in the head of an animal, an ox or a
horse as the case may be. Sometimes a cross-bar was fixed to the end of
the pole, which also occasionally terminated in the heads of animals,
the cross-bar being at times straight, at others curved.
[Illustration: FIG. 108.]
[Illustration: FIG. 109.]
From this brief description of the military equipment of the Assyrians,
it will be at once manifest how elaborate must have been the
organization of the army. Reference has frequently been made to the
conical-shaped helmets of the soldiers, and the similarly shaped tiaras
of the kings, but it must not be supposed that all Assyrian head-gears
were conical. Some idea of the diversity of head-coverings used in
Assyria may be gained from the selection reproduced in Fig. 109. The
most noteworthy of these is the horned crown in the centre (A), which
was worn by the colossal winged-bulls. The horns which are the symbol of
divinity, occupy a prominent position on the head-coverings of nearly
all Babylonian and Assyrian gods, and their presence on the head-gear of
a human-headed bull is indicative of the divine character with which
they endowed these colossi. The top of this massive crown or hat is
decorated with a row of feathers, while its face is adorned with the
familiar rosettes. In (B) we have a royal tiara, and (C), (D), (E) and
(F) illustrate the different kinds of fillets worn round the head, while
(G) to (M) exhibit the various types of helmets used in the Assyrian
army.
[Illustration: FIG. 110.]
The offensive and defensive weapons of the Assyrians, however, exhibit
even greater variations than their helmets. Few actual weapons have been
preserved, but thanks to the vast quantity of bas-reliefs which Botta
and Layard have rescued from the ruined mounds of Assyria, we are able
to form some idea of the extensiveness of an Assyrian armoury. The
weapons of the ordinary soldier are sufficiently simple in character,
but those which kings, demigods, or viziers wear are often most ornate.
In Fig. 110 we have a selection of the more striking weapons represented
on the bas-reliefs. (A), (B), (C) and (D) show us four different kinds
of pike wielded by the warriors of Ashur; they vary in length and their
handles differ, but they all have a more or less diamond-shaped blade,
while the arrow-heads (E) are shaped in the same manner. The two
extremities of the bow from which the king despatches his unerring
shafts into the heart of the enemy, the lion, or the wild bull, and for
which he also finds use in the performance of religious ceremonies,
often find their termination in the head of a bird (F). But though the
arrows themselves are severely practical in their appearance, the
quivers in which they reposed when “off duty” are more elaborate (cf.
(G)-(L)). The largest of these quivers could accommodate as many as five
arrows (cf. (L)), but the normal number seems to have been four. The
quiver was slung over the back by means of cords (cf. (G), (J) and (L)).
The swords would appear to have been generally straight ((M) (N)),
though sometimes curved (O). The sword-hilt was frequently adorned with
several lions’ heads, while the scabbard itself was often decorated with
lions, the result of which is highly ornamental and effective. The
sceptre was a ceremonial weapon—inoffensive without doubt, but
eloquently symbolic of royalty (cf. (P)), while the dirk (Q) on the
other hand is brandished in a most alarming manner by the composite
monstrosities portrayed on the palace walls of Ashur-naṣir-pal.
[Illustration: FIG. 111.]
But by far the most formidable military invention of the warlike
Assyrians was the battering-ram; the ram was brought to bear upon the
wall of the besieged city by a movable tower, in the shelter of which
the ram could be effectively and safely worked, the tower and the
battering-ram thus forming together a most potent factor in both
offensive and defensive operations. These movable towers were by no
means uniform, but varied both in size and height, sometimes they were
surmounted by towers (cf. Fig. 111 (A)) from which the attacking forces
could shower their arrows upon the beleaguered army with impunity, at
other times they were quite low and shaped liked a torpedo, the larger
ones resting on six wheels (cf. Fig. 44), and the smaller on four (Q).
The ram itself also varied—sometimes it was set at an angle slanting
upwards (A), its projecting extremity being at the same time heavier and
thicker than the shaft, but more usually the ram was fixed horizontally
and pointed like a spear (B), the tower sometimes being armed with two
of these rams (C). The most noticeable of the shields here represented
are the large shields, from behind the shelter of which the bowman could
aim and shoot at his ease, the shield of course being held in position
by a shield-bearer (cf. (D), (E), (F)). These large shields were
generally upright (F), but were often curved at the top to protect the
head of the archer from the missiles of the enemy (D), while sometimes
the whole shield was curved (E). But the lancers required no such
protection, a small hand-shield which they could carry themselves being
the only type of defence which would not completely nullify their
usefulness in the field. These shields varied in shape and size; they
were generally round (cf. (G)-(K)), but sometimes curved and oblong (L),
while at other times they were concave in the body, oval at the top,
straight at the bottom, and decorated with a boss in the centre and an
engraved design round the edge (cf. (N)). Another type of shield was
shaped somewhat like a lozenge (O), but they all alike have their
handles in the centre. They were often most elaborately engraved, the
designs being formed by an arrangement of straight lines ((G) and (P)),
geometrical figures ((H) and (L)), or circles of rosettes ((I) and (J)).
One of the shields illustrated here differs from the rest in having its
outer face notched like the edge of a saw, and must have served
offensive as well as defensive purposes (cf. (M)).
[Illustration: FIG. 112.]
But the Assyrians waged war “terra marique,”—on the sea as well as on
dry land, and in Fig. 112 (A) we have an example of one of the
war-galleys used by Sennacherib in his pursuit of the Babylonian rebels
across the mouth of the Persian Gulf. It is a bireme, i.e. a boat with
two banks of oars; below are the oarsmen, while the warriors are
stationed on an upper deck. The boat is shaped rather like a cutter in
front, but the stern ends off in a sweeping upward curve, and there is a
mast and cross-beam secured by yards in the fore-part of the galley. The
course of the boat is steered by means of two oars worked from behind,
which differ in shape from those used to propel the boat. In (B) we have
another variety of this type of craft: here both ends of the boat are
curved, the extremities being squared off instead of pointed as in (A),
and there is moreover no mast, but in (C) we have a different kind of
boat altogether; it is an open boat with only one bank of oars and there
are no warriors aboard. There are only four rowers and their oars are
totally different from those used in the war-galleys, the oars of the
galleys resembling long shafted spades, while those here are not unlike
hockey sticks. Both prow and stern are curved, the latter terminating in
a horse’s head, and in the centre of the boat there is a mast. The
custom of decorating the ends of a boat with an animal’s head, no doubt
originated among the Phœnicians, who were the maritime people of the
Oriental world. In one of the scenes on the bronze gates from Balâwât we
see Shalmaneser II receiving the tribute of the ships of Tyre and Sidon
(D); these ships, or rather boats, are curved at either end, while both
prow and stern are figured with the heads of camels. Only two men are
required to manipulate the heavily laden craft, one of whom is
apparently steering, while the other is pulling the boat along with the
aid of a very heavy and clumsy-looking oar. But war-galleys were not the
only boats in use in the time of Sennacherib; a lighter and far smaller
boat was employed for the transport of goods (E). The cargo occupies the
centre of this odd little vessel, on either side of which two oarsmen
are busily plying their oars. Strange to say, they appear to be pulling
in opposite directions, but we must possibly attribute this anomaly to
the sculptor’s ignorance of nautical affairs; the oars are quite
different from those employed in the battleships, but they are exactly
the same as those used on the cargo raft above (F); the raft seems to be
loaded with large blocks of stone; the wooden raft by itself is clearly
incapable of sustaining so heavy a weight, and the requisite buoyancy is
attained by fastening inflated skins to the nether part of the raft. A
kind of reed raft seems to have been used for traversing the marshy
districts of Lower Mesopotamia (H), the reeds being tied together by
means of osiers, and the water excluded by a covering of leather or a
thick coating of bitumen. These reed crafts sometimes assume the form of
flat rafts, while at other times they resemble canoes.