which I wished to state to you when a little less under extreme
pressure than when Parliament is sitting. But my eyes have been very
poorly. I am now extremely hurried, but I will mention two or three
things as briefly as possible that I may not waste your time. First,
perhaps even yet you may not have happened to see an Order in Council
allowing, notwithstanding the War, an intercourse to subsist between
our West Indian Colonies and those of Spain, in which negro slaves are
the chief articles we are to supply. I know these commercial matters
are not within your department, and that therefore your assent is
asked, if at all, when your mind is full of other subjects. But let me
only remind you, for it would be foolish to write what will suggest
itself to your own mind, that the House of Commons did actually pass
the Bill for abolishing the foreign slave trade; and that if contracts
are made again for supplying Spain for a term of years, it may throw
obstacles in the way of a foreign slave-trade abolition. It would give
me more pleasure than I can express to find any further measures, or
even thoughts, on this to me painful subject, for many reasons, by
hearing the order was revoked. Second, I promised by compulsion (I
mean because I dislike to bore you) to state to you on the part of the
Deputy Receiver General for the North and East Ridings of Yorkshire
and Hull that it would tend materially both to facilitate and cheapen
the collection of the new assessed taxes to let them be collected at
the same time as the old ones. This will make the rounds four times
per annum instead of ten, and he says the expense of collecting, if
incurred six times per annum, will amount to full one-half of all the
present salaries of the Receivers General in the Kingdom. As he is a
most respectable man, I ought to say that he gives it as his opinion
that the Receivers General are not overpaid, all things considered.
But for my own opinion let me add that his principal really has none
of the labours of the office, and the deputy even finds his securities
for him. Third, surely there ought at the Bank to be a distinction
between what is paid for assessed taxes and what as free donation, when
the subscription includes both: your own and those of many others are
under that head. Fourth, I suppose you are now thinking of your taxes.
Do, I beseech you, let one of them be a tax on all public diversions
of every kind, including card-playing. I can't tell you how much their
not being taxed has been mentioned with censure, and I promised to
send you the enclosed letter from a very respectable man. I am sorry I
did, but now have no option. But my first great object in writing to
you is most earnestly to press on your attention a manuscript, which I
have been desired to lay before you, relative to Naval Discipline. You
must allow the writer to express himself with some perhaps unpleasant
idea of self-importance. But he clearly foresaw the late Mutiny, and
most strongly urged the adoption of preventive measures, which, had
they been taken, I verily believe the greatest misfortune this country
ever suffered would not have happened. That nothing was done is in my
mind--But I need not run on upon this to me most painful topic, because
it often suggests doubts whether I have not been myself to blame, who
perused the scheme two years ago. Let me earnestly entreat you, my dear
Pitt, to peruse it most seriously and impartially, and then let Dundas
read it. If you judge it proper, then either send it Lord Spencer or
to the writer, who is a good deal nettled at his former communications
to Lord Spencer not being attended to. I will send the manuscript by
to-morrow's mail.
"Yours ever sincerely,
"W. W.
"Every one is calling out for you to summon the nation to arm itself
in the common defence. You hear how nobly my Yorkshire men are acting.
I must have more discussion on that head, for they still wish you to
impose an equal rate on all property."
"BATH, _Easter Sunday_.
"MY DEAR PITT,--I am not unreasonable enough to ask you to read my
book: but as it is more likely that when you are extremely busy than at
any other time you may take it up for ten minutes, let me recommend it
to you in that case to open on the last section of the fourth chapter,
wherein you will see wherein the religion which I espouse differs
practically from the common orthodox system. Also the sixth chapter
has almost a right to a perusal, being the basis of all politics, and
particularly addressed to such as you. At the same time I know you will
scold me for introducing your name. May God bless you. This is the
frequent prayer of your affectionate and faithful.
"W. W."
[Postmarked 1797.]
Here ends the hitherto unpublished correspondence between Pitt and
Wilberforce. On the occasion of Pitt's death, his brother, Lord
Chatham, writes with regard to his funeral:
_Lord Chatham to Mr. Wilberforce._
"DOVER STREET,
"_February 15, 1806_.
"I have many thanks to offer you for your very kind letter which I
received this morning. Knowing, as I do, how truly the sentiments of
friendship and affection you express, were returned on the part of my
poor brother towards you, I can only assure you that it will afford me
a most sensible gratification that you should have, as an old, intimate
friend, some particular situation allotted to you in the last sad
tribute to be paid to his memory. Believe me, with sincere regard, my
dear sir,
"Yours very faithfully,
"CHATHAM."
Pitt was one of the few men whose lives have affected the destiny
of nations. The actions of such men are so far-reaching, and the
possibilities of the might-have-been so great, that history hardly
ever passes a final verdict upon them. Wilberforce had unexampled
opportunities of gauging the character and motives of Pitt, and
certainly had no strong partisan bias to warp his judgment. His matured
estimate of Pitt cannot fail therefore to be of peculiar interest. It
was written in 1821, sixteen years after Pitt's death, and is printed
exactly as Wilberforce left it. It will no doubt recall to the mind of
the reader Scott's well-known lines:
"With Palinure's undaunted mood,
Firm at his dangerous post he stood;
Each call for needful rest repelled
With dying hand the rudder held
Till, in his fall, with fateful sway
The steerage of the realm gave way!"[10]
_SKETCH OF PITT BY W. WILBERFORCE_
SKETCH OF PITT BY W. WILBERFORCE.
Considering the effect of party spirit in producing a distrust of all
that is said in favour of a public man by those who have supported
him, and the equal measure of incredulity as to all that is stated of
him by his opponents, it may not be without its use for the character
of Mr. Pitt to be delineated by one who, though personally attached
to him, was by no means one of his partisans; who even opposed him on
some most important occasions, but who, always preserving an intimacy
with him, had an opportunity of seeing him in all circumstances and
situations, and of judging as much as any one could of his principles,
dispositions, habits, and manners.
It seems indeed no more than the payment of a debt justly due to
that great man that the friend who occasionally differed from him
should prevent any mistake as to the grounds of those differences;
and that as he can do it consistently with truth, he should aver,
as in consistency with truth he can aver, that in every instance
(with perhaps one exception only) in which his conscience prompted
him to dissent from Mr. Pitt's _measures_, he nevertheless respected
Mr. Pitt's _principles_; the differences arose commonly from a
different view of facts, or a different estimate of contingencies and
probabilities. Where there was a difference of political principles, it
scarcely ever was such as arose from moral considerations; still less
such as was produced by any distrust of Mr. Pitt's main intention being
to promote the well-being and prosperity of his country.
Mr. Pitt from his early childhood had but an indifferent constitution;
the gouty habit of body which harassed him throughout his life, was
manifested by an actual fit of that disorder when he was still a boy.
As early as fourteen years of age he was placed at Pembroke Hall,
Cambridge; he had even then excited sanguine expectations of future
eminence. His father had manifested a peculiar regard for him; he had
never, I believe, been under any other than the paternal roof, where
his studies had been superintended by a private tutor; and besides
a considerable proficiency in the Greek and Latin languages, he had
written a play in English, which was spoken of in high terms by those
who had perused it. I am sorry to hear that this early fruit of genius
is not anywhere to be found.
While he was at the University his studies, I understand, were carried
on with steady diligence both in classics and mathematics, and though
as a nobleman he could not establish his superiority over the other
young men of his time by his place upon the tripos, I have been assured
that his proficiency in every branch of study was such as would have
placed him above almost all competitors. He continued at the University
till he was near one-and-twenty, and it was during the latter part of
that period that I became acquainted with him. I knew him, however,
very little till the winter of 1779-80, when he occupied chambers in
Lincoln's Inn, and I myself was a good deal in London. During that
winter we became more acquainted with each other; we used often to meet
in the Gallery of the House of Commons, and occasionally at Lady St.
John's and at other places, and it was impossible not to be sensible of
his extraordinary powers.
On the calling of a new Parliament in the beginning of September,
1780, I was elected one of the Members for Hull. Mr. Pitt, if I
mistake not, was an unsuccessful candidate for the University of
Cambridge; but about Christmas 1780-81, through the intervention of
some common friends (more than one have claimed the honour of the
first suggestion, Governor Johnston, the Duke of Rutland, &c.), he
received and accepted an offer of a seat in Parliament made to him in
the most handsome terms by Sir James Lowther. From the time of his
taking his seat he became a constant attendant, and a club was formed
of a considerable number of young men who had about the same time left
the University and most of them entered into public life. The chief
members were Mr. Pitt, Lord Euston, now Duke of Grafton, Lord Chatham,
the Marquis of Graham, now Duke of Montrose, the Hon. Mr. Pratt, now
Marquis of Camden, the Hon. St. Andrew St. John, Henry Bankes, Esq.,
the Hon. Maurice Robinson, now Lord Rokeby, Lord Duncannon, now Lord
Besborough, Lord Herbert, postea Earl of Pembroke, Lord Althorp, now
Lord Spencer, Robert Smith, Esq., now Lord Carrington, Mr. Bridgeman,
Mr. Steele, several others, and myself. To these were soon afterwards
added Lord Apsley, Mr. Grenville, now Lord Grenville, Pepper Arden,
afterwards Lord Alvanley, Charles Long, afterwards Lord Farnborough,
Sir William Molesworth, &c. &c. Of the whole number Mr. Pitt was
perhaps the most constant attendant, and as we frequently dined,
and still more frequently supped together, and as our Parliamentary
attendance gave us so many occasions for mutual conference and
discussion, our acquaintance grew into great intimacy. Mr. Bankes
and I (Lord Westmoreland only excepted, with whom, on account of his
politics, Mr. Pitt had little connection) were the only members of
the society who had houses of their own, Mr. Bankes in London, and I
at Wimbolton[11] in Surrey. Mr. Bankes often received his friends to
dinner at his own house, and they frequently visited me in the country,
but more in the following Parliamentary session or two. In the spring
of one of these years Mr. Pitt, who was remarkably fond of sleeping in
the country, and would often go out of town for that purpose as late as
eleven or twelve o'clock at night, slept at Wimbolton for two or three
months together. It was, I believe, rather at a later period that he
often used to sleep also at Mr. Robert Smith's house at Hamstead.[12]
Mr. Pitt was not long in the House of Commons before he took a part
in the debates: I was present the first time he spoke, and I well
recollect the effect produced on the whole House; his friends had
expected much from him, but he surpassed all their expectations,
and Mr. Hatsell, the chief clerk and a few of the older members who
recollected his father, declared that Mr. Pitt gave indications of
being his superior. I remember to this day the great pain I suffered
from finding myself compelled by my judgment to vote against him on
the _second_ occasion of his coming forward, when the question was
whether some Commissioners of public accounts should, or should not,
be members of Parliament: indeed I never can forget the mixed emotions
I experienced when my feelings had all the warmth and freshness of
early youth, between my admiration of his powers, my sympathy with his
rising reputation, and hopes of his anticipated greatness, while I
nevertheless deemed it my duty in this instance to deny him my support.
Mr. Pitt was a decided and warm opponent of Lord North's
administration; so indeed were most of our society, though I
occasionally supported him. From the first, however, I concurred with
Mr. Pitt in opposing the American War, and we rejoiced together in
putting an end to it in about March, 1782, when Lord North's ministry
terminated; and after a painful, and I think considerable, interval,
during which it was said the King had even talked of going over to
Hanover, and was supposed at last to yield to the counsels of the
Earl of Mansfield, a new administration was formed consisting of the
Rockingham and Shelburne parties, the Marquis of Rockingham being
First Lord of the Treasury, and Lord Shelburne and Mr. Fox the two
Secretaries of State. But though the parties had combined together
against their common enemy, no sooner had he been removed than mutual
jealousies immediately began to show themselves between the Rockingham
and Shelburne parties. I well remember attending by invitation at Mr.
Thomas Townshend's, since Lord Sydney, with Mr. Pitt and most of the
young members who had voted with the Opposition, when Mr. Fox with
apparent reluctance stated that Lord Rockingham had not then been
admitted into the King's presence, but had only received communications
through Lord Shelburne; and little circumstances soon afterwards arose
which plainly indicated the mutual distrust of the two parties. Lord
Rockingham's constitution was much shaken, and after a short illness
his death took place before the end of the session of Parliament, about
the middle of June, 1782.[13] Mr. Pitt had taken occasion to declare
in the House of Commons that he would accept no subordinate situation,
otherwise there is no doubt he would have been offered a seat at the
Treasury Board, or indeed any office out of the Cabinet; but on Lord
Rockingham's death, notwithstanding Mr. Fox's endeavour to prevent a
rupture by declaring that _no disunion existed_,[14] the disagreement
between the parties, of which so many symptoms had before manifested
themselves, became complete and notorious. Lord Shelburne being invited
by the King to supply Lord Rockingham's place, Mr. Fox with most of the
Rockingham's party retired from office, and Mr. Pitt accepted the offer
made him by Lord Shelburne of becoming Chancellor of the Exchequer: he
had completed his twenty-third year the 28th of May preceding.
There was more than one day of debate even during that session, in
which Mr. Pitt indicated that gravity and dignity which became the high
station which he had assumed at so early an age. He continued in office
till the ensuing winter, when, after peace had been made both with
America and her continental allies France and Spain, Lord Shelburne's
administration was removed through the unprincipled coalition between
Lord North and Mr. Fox and their respective parties. It was supposed to
have been brought about in a great degree through the influence of Lord
North's eldest son, who had maintained a friendly acquaintance with
Mr. Fox, a man the fascination of whose manners and temper was such as
to render it impossible for any one to maintain a personal intercourse
with him without conceiving for him sincere and even affectionate
attachment. I seconded the motion for the address on the peace, and I
well remember a little before the business began writing a note in my
place with a pencil to Bankes, who was, I saw, at a little distance,
inquiring of him whether a union between North and Fox was really
formed, and whether I might publicly notice it; "Yes," he replied, "the
more strongly the better." Mr. Pitt on that night was very unwell; he
was obliged to retire from the House into Solomon's Porch by a violent
sickness at the very moment when Mr. Fox was speaking. He himself
afterwards replied in a speech of some hours' length, but he certainly
on that night fell short of our expectations; a second discussion,
however, took place a few days after, and his speech on that occasion
was one of the finest that was ever made in Parliament, both in point
of argument and power of oratory. I never shall forget the impression
produced by that part of it in which he spoke of his own retirement,
closing with that passage out of Horace, "Laudo manentem," &c., though
I must add that I retain no recollection whatever of the circumstance
mentioned by Sir N. Wraxall; indeed I cannot but be strongly persuaded
that he must have been misinformed. Well also do I remember our all
going to Mr. Pitt's from the House of Commons after our defeat about
eight in the morning, where a dinner had been waiting for us from
eleven or twelve the preceding night, and where we all laughed heartily
at some characteristic traits exhibited by Lord Stanhope,[15] then
Lord Mahon. An administration was then formed of which the Duke of
Portland was at the head, and Lord North and Mr. Fox joint Secretaries
of State. It was in the autumn of this year, 1783, during the recess of
Parliament, that I accompanied Mr. Pitt and Mr. Eliot, who afterwards
became his brother-in-law, to France: our plan was to spend a few weeks
in a provincial town, there to acquire something of the language,
and afterwards to make a short stay at Paris. Accordingly we went to
Rheims, where we continued for about six weeks. It was not until we
were on the point of going abroad (when Mr. Eliot came out of Cornwall,
Mr. Pitt from seeing his mother in Somersetshire, and I met them
both at Sittingbourne) that we recollected that we were unprovided
with letters of recommendation, which each of the party had perhaps
trusted to the other for obtaining. Accordingly we requested Mr. Smith
to obtain them for us of Mr. Thellusson, afterwards Lord Rendlesham,
who, we knew, had correspondencies all over France. Thellusson replied
that he would gladly do his best for us, but that he rather conceived
from circumstances that his correspondent at Rheims was not a person
of any commercial distinction. We, however, abided by our decision
in favour of Rheims. The day after we arrived there, having sent our
letter of recommendation the preceding evening to the person to whom
it was addressed, we were waited upon by a very well-behaved man with
a velvet coat, a bag, and sword, who conversed with us for a short
time. The next day we repaid his visit, and were a good deal surprised
to find that he was a very little grocer, his very small shop being
separated by a partition from his very small room. But he was an
unaffected, well-behaved man, and he offered to render us every service
in his power, but stated distinctly that he was not acquainted with
the higher people of the place and neighbourhood. For a few days we
lived very comfortably together, but no French was learned except from
the grammar, we not having a single French acquaintance. At length we
desired our friend the _épicier_ to mention us to the Lieutenant of
Police, who, I think we had made out, had been employed to collect
evidence in the great Douglas cause, and was therefore likely to
know something of our country and its inhabitants. This expedient
answered its intended purpose, though somewhat slowly and by degrees.
The Lieutenant of Police, Du Chatel, an intelligent and apparently
a respectable family man, came to visit us, and he having stated to
the Archbishop of Rheims, the present Cardinal de Perigord, whose
palace was about a mile from the city, that three English Members of
Parliament were then residing in it, one of whom was Mr. Pitt, who had
recently been Chancellor of the Exchequer, his Grace sent his Grand
Vicaire, the Abbé de la Garde, to ascertain the truth or falsehood of
this statement. The Abbé executed his commission with great address,
and reporting in our favour, we soon received an invitation to the
Archbishop's table, followed by the expression of a wish that during
the remainder of our stay at Rheims we would take up our residence in
his palace. This we declined, but we occasionally dined with him, and
from the time of our having been noticed by the Lieutenant we received
continual invitations, chiefly to supper, from the gentry in and about
the place. They were chiefly persons whose land produced the wine of
the country, which, without scruple, they sold on their own account.
And I remember the widow of the former Marshal Detrée intimating a wish
that Mr. Pitt would become her customer.
Thence we went to Paris, having an opportunity during that time of
spending four or five days at Fontainebleau, where the whole Court
was assembled. There we were every evening at the parties of one or
other of the French Ministers, in whose apartments we also dined--the
Queen being always among the company present in the evening, and
mixing in conversation with the greatest affability; there were also
Madame la Princesse de Lamballe, M. Segur, M. de Castres, &c. Mr.
George Ellis, who spoke French admirably, was in high favour for the
elegance of his manners and the ease and brilliancy of his wit; and
Mr. Pitt, though his imperfect knowledge of French prevented his doing
justice to his sentiments, was yet able to give some impression of
his superior powers--his language, so far as it did extend, being
remarkable, I was assured, for its propriety and purity. There M. le
Marquis de la Fayette appeared with a somewhat affected simplicity of
manner, and I remember the fine ladies on one occasion dragging him
to the card-table, while he shrugged up his shoulders and apparently
resisted their importunities that he would join their party: very few,
however, played at cards, the Queen, I think, never. During our stay
at Paris we dined one day with M. le Marquis de la Fayette with a very
small party, one of whom was Dr. Franklin; and it is due to M. le
Marquis de la Fayette to declare that the opinion which we all formed
of his principles and sentiments, so far as such a slight acquaintance
could enable us to form a judgment, was certainly favourable, and his
family appeared to be conducted more in the style of an English house
than any other French family which we visited. We commonly supped in
different parties, and I recollect one night when we English manifested
our too common indisposition to conform ourselves to foreign customs,
or rather to put ourselves out of our own way, by all going together
to one table, to the number of twelve or fourteen of us, and admitting
only one Frenchman, the Marquis de Noailles, M. de la Fayette's
brother-in-law, who spoke our own language like an Englishman, and
appeared more than any of the other French to be one of ourselves.
We, however, who were all young men, were more excusable than our
Ambassador at the Court of France, who, I remember, joined our party.
It was at Paris, in October, that Mr. Pitt first became acquainted
with Mr. Rose, who was introduced to him by Lord Thurlow, whose
fellow-traveller he was on the Continent; and it was then, or
immediately afterwards, that it was suggested to the late Lord Camden
by Mr. Walpole, a particular friend of M. Necker's, that if Mr. Pitt
should be disposed to offer his hand to Mademoiselle N., afterwards
Madame de Staël, such was the respect entertained for him by M. and
Madame Necker, that he had no doubt the proposal would be accepted.
We returned from France about November. Circumstances then soon
commenced which issued in the turning out of the Fox administration,
the King resenting grievously, as was said, the treatment he
experienced from them, especially in what regarded the settlement
of the Prince of Wales. I need only allude to the long course of
political contention which took place in the winter of 1783-84, when
at length Mr. Pitt became First Lord of the Treasury; and after a
violent struggle, the King dissolved the Parliament about March, and
in the new House of Commons a decisive majority attested the truth of
Mr. Pitt's assertion that he possessed the confidence of his country.
In many counties and cities the friends of Mr. Fox were turned out,
thence denominated Fox's Martyrs.[16] I myself became member for
Yorkshire in the place of Mr. Foljambe, Sir George Savile's nephew, who
had succeeded that excellent public man in the representation of the
county not many weeks before. I may be allowed to take this occasion of
mentioning a circumstance honourable to myself, since it is much more
honourable to him, that some years after he came to York on purpose to
support me in my contest for the county. It is remarkable that Lord
Stanhope first foresaw the necessity there would be for Mr. Pitt's
continuing in office notwithstanding his being out-voted in the House
of Commons, maintaining that the Opposition would not venture to refuse
the supplies, and that at the proper moment he should dissolve the
Parliament.[17]