the Count de Vergennes' son was gone to England with M. de Rayneval;
but he believed the Spaniards had not yet agreed, and the Dutch were
yet a great way off, and had agreed upon nothing. They had had several
conferences. At the first, he had informed Mr Fitzherbert, that their
High Mightinesses insisted upon the freedom of navigation as a
preliminary and a _sine qua non_. Mr Fitzherbert had communicated this
to his Court, but the answer received was, that his Court did not
approve of conceding this as a _sine qua non_, but chose to have all
the demands of their High Mightinesses stated together. M. Brantzen
answered, that his instructions were, not to enter into any
conferences upon other points, until this was agreed. That it was the
intention of the British Court to agree to this. That he could not
consider any changes in the Ministry as making any alteration. They
were all Ministers of the same King, and servants of the same nation.
That Mr Fox, when he was Secretary of State, by his letter to the
Russian Minister, had declared the intention of the King to consent to
the freedom of navigation, &c.
M. Brantzen said, however, that he had in his private capacity and
without compromising his ministerial character, entered into
explanations with Mr Fitzherbert, and had told him that he should
insist upon three points, the freedom of navigation, the restitution
of territories in the East and West Indies, and compensation for
damages. The two first points could not be disputed, and the third
ought not be; for the war against them had been unjust, the pretences
for it were groundless, their accession to the armed neutrality must
now be admitted, even by Britain's accession to it, to have been an
illegitimate cause of war, and the object of a treaty with America
could not be seriously pretended to be a just cause of war; and many
members of Parliament had in the time of it declared the war unjust,
and some of those members were now Ministers; even the prime Minister,
my Lord Shelburne himself, had freely declared the war unjust in the
House of Peers; and if the war was unjust, the damages and injustice
ought to be repaired.
Mr Fitzherbert said, that there was no precedent of compensation for
damages in a treaty of peace. M. Brantzen begged his pardon, and
thought there had been instances. One example in particular, which the
English themselves had set against the Dutch, which just then came
into his head. Cromwell had demanded compensation of them, and they
had agreed, as now appears by the treaty, to pay a hundred thousand
pounds sterling as a compensation.
M. Brantzen was not furnished with a full account of all the losses of
individuals, and therefore could not precisely say what the amount
would be. That perhaps they might not insist upon prompt payment, nor
upon a stated sum, but might leave both the sum and time of payment to
be ascertained by commissioners at their leisure after the peace.
I observed to him, that we intended to write to Mr Dana, and send him
a copy of our preliminaries, that he might commence his negotiations
with the neutral powers, and if he succeeded we could then make common
cause with Holland, and insist on an article to secure the freedom of
navigation. This idea he received with great pleasure, and said he
would write about it to the States. Upon this I asked him, with whom
he and the other Dutch Ministers abroad, held their correspondence? He
answered, that the Secretary Fagel was properly speaking the Minister
of Foreign Affairs. That their principal correspondence was with him;
but that they had a correspondence with the Grand Pensionary Bleiswick
too. That the letters received by the Secretary were laid before the
_Besogne Secrete_, or Committee of Secresy. This committee consisted
of so many members, one at least for each Province, that it was very
difficult to keep anything secret. Foreign Ministers were very
inquisitive, and the Duc de la Vauguyon would be likely to get at it.
So that if they had any to write, which they wished secret, they wrote
it to the Grand Pensionary, who is not obliged to lay before the
States letters entire. He selects such parts as he judges proper, and
prints them, to be taken _ad referendum_, and laid before the
Regencies of the cities. That they had sometimes a little diffidence
of this Court (_quelque mefiance_), for this Court was very fine
(_diablement fine_), and when this happened, they wrote to the Grand
Pensionary, that it might not be communicated to the French Minister,
and consequently to his Court. "These people are vastly profound, They
will not favor the Spaniards in obtaining the Floridas. They will play
England against Spain, and Spain against England. England against you,
and you against England, and all of you against us, and us against all
of you, according to their own schemes and interests. They are closely
buttoned up about Gibraltar, and as to Jamaica, they will not favor
Spain in that view. I expect they will get their own affairs arranged,
and then advise England to agree to the freedom of navigation and a
restitution of territory, and then advise us to be very easy about
compensation." Thus M. Brantzen.
I next visited Mr Jay, to talk about writing to Mr Dana, and
communicating to the neutral powers the preliminary articles. Mr Jay
says, that Mr Oswald is very anxious that his Court should do that,
and he has been writing to the ministry to persuade them to it. Had a
long conversation with Mr Jay about the manner of settling the western
lands. This I cannot now detail.
Went next to Mr Laurens, upon the subject of writing to Mr Dana, and
found him full in my sentiments, and at my return found answers from
Dr Franklin and Mr Laurens to the letters I wrote them, both agreeing
that this is the critical moment for Mr Dana to commence his
negotiations. Doctor Franklin promises to have an authentic copy made
to send to Mr Dana.
In the evening many gentlemen came in, among the rest Mr Bourse, the
agent of the Dutch East India company, Who expressed a good deal of
anxiety about their negotiations, and feared they should not have
justice in the East Indies.
_Wednesday, December 4th._--It is proper that I should note here, that
in the beginning of the year 1780, soon after my arrival at Paris, Mr
Galloway's pamphlets fell into my hands. I wrote a long series of
letters to a friend, in answer to them. That friend sent them to
England, but the printers dared not publish them. They remained there
until last summer, when they were begun to be printed, and are
continued to this day, (not being yet quite finished,) in Parker's
General Advertiser, but with false dates, being dated in the months of
January and February last, under the title of "Letters from a
distinguished American." They appear to have been well received, and
to have contributed somewhat to unite the nation in accelerating the
acknowledgment of American independence, and to convince the nation of
the necessity of respecting our alliances, and making peace.
I hope it will be permitted to me, or to some other who can do it
better, some ten or fifteen years hence, to collect together in one
view, my little negotiations in Europe. Fifty years hence it may be
published, perhaps twenty. I will venture to say, however feebly I may
have acted my part, or whatever mistakes I may have committed, yet the
situations I have been in, between angry nations and more angry
factions, have been some of the most singular and interesting, that
ever happened to any man. The fury of enemies, as well as of elements,
the subtlety and arrogance of allies, and, what has been worse than
all, the jealousy, envy, and little pranks of friends and copatriots,
would form one of the most instructive lessons in morals and
politics, that ever was committed to paper.
_Monday, December 9th._--Visited Mr Jay. Mr Oswald came in. We slided
from one thing to another, into a very lively conversation upon
politics. He asked me what the conduct of his Court and nation ought
to be in relation to America. I answered, the alpha and omega of
British policy towards America was summed up in this one maxim, see
that American independence is independent,--independent of all the
world,--independent of yourselves, as well as of France,--and
independent of both, as well as the rest of Europe. Depend upon it,
you have no chance for salvation, but by setting up America very high;
take care to remove from the American mind all cause of fear of you;
no other motive but fear of you will ever produce in the Americans any
unreasonable attachment to the House of Bourbon. "Is it possible,"
says he, "that the people of America should be afraid of us, or hate
us?" "One would think, Mr Oswald," said I, "that you had been out of
the world for these twenty years past; yes, there are three millions
of people in America, who hate and dread you more than anything in the
world." "What," said he, "now we have come to our senses?" "Your
change of system is not yet known in America," said I. "Well," said
he, "what shall we do to remove those fears and jealousies?" "In one
word," said I, "favor and promote the interest, reputation, and
dignity of the United States, in everything that is consistent with
your own. If you pursue the plan of cramping, clipping, and weakening
America, on the supposition, that she will be a rival to you, you will
make her really so; you will make her the natural and perpetual ally
of your natural and perpetual enemies." "But in what instance," said
he, "have we discovered such a disposition?" "In the three leagues
from your shores, and the fifteen leagues from Cape Breton," said I,
"to which your Ministry insisted so earnestly to exclude our
fishermen. Here was a point, that would have done us great harm, and
you no good; on the contrary, harm; so that you would have hurt
yourselves to hurt us; this disposition must be guarded against." "I
am fully of your mind, about that," said he, "but what else can we
do?" "Send a Minister to Congress," said I, "at the peace, a clever
fellow, who understands himself, and will neither set us bad examples,
nor intermeddle in our parties. This will show, that you are
consistent with yourselves; that you are sincere in your
acknowledgment of American independence; and that you do not entertain
hopes and designs of overturning it. Such a Minister will dissipate
many fears, and will be of more service to the least obnoxious
refugees, than any other measure could be. Let the King send a
Minister to Congress, and receive one from that body. This will be
acting consistently, and with dignity, in the face of the universe."
"Well, what else shall we do?" said he. "I have more than once
already," said I, "advised you to put your Ministers upon negotiating
the acknowledgment of our independence by the neutral powers." "True,"
said he, "and I have written, about it, and in my answers," said he,
laughing, "I am charged with speculation; but I do not care, I will
write them my sentiments. I will not take any of their money. I have
spent already twelve or thirteen hundred pounds, and all the reward I
will have for it shall be the pleasure of writing as I think. My
opinion is, that our Court should sign the armed neutrality, and
announce to them what they have done with you, and negotiate to have
you admitted to sign too. But I want to write more fully on the
subject, I want you to give me your thoughts upon it, for I do not
understand it so fully as I wish. What motives can be thrown out to
the Empress of Russia? Or what motives can she be supposed to have to
acknowledge your independence? And what motives can our Court have to
interfere, or intercede with the neutral powers, to receive you into
their confederation?"
"I will answer all these questions," said I, "to the best of my
knowledge, and with the utmost candor. In the first place, there has
been, with very little interruption, a jealousy between the Court of
Petersburg and Versailles for many years. France is the old friend and
ally of the Sublime Porte, the natural enemy of Russia. France, not
long since, negotiated a peace between Russia and the Turks; but upon
the Empress' late offers of mediation, and especially her endeavors to
negotiate Holland out of the war, France appears to have been piqued,
and, as the last revolution in the Crimea happened soon after, there
is reason to suspect that French emissaries excited the revolt against
the new independent government, which the Empress had taken so much
pains to establish. Poland has been long a scene of competition
between Russian and French politics, both parties having spent great
sums in pensions to partisans, until they have laid all virtue and
public spirit prostrate in that country. Sweden is another region of
rivalry between France and Russia, where both parties spent such sums
in pensions, as to destroy the principles of liberty, and prepare the
way for that revolution, which France favored from a principle of
economy, rather than any other. These hints are sufficient to show
the opposition of views and interests between France and Russia, and
we see the consequence of it, that England has more influence at
Petersburg than France. The Empress, therefore, would have two
motives, one, to oblige England, if they should intercede for an
acknowledgment of American independence, and another, to render
America less dependent upon France. The Empress, moreover loves
reputation, and it would be no small addition to her glory to
undertake a negotiation with all the neutral Courts, to induce them to
admit America into their confederacy. The Empress might be further
tempted; she was bent upon extending her commerce, and the commerce of
America, if it were only in duck and hemp, would be no small object to
her. As to the motives of your Court, Princes often think themselves
warranted, if not bound, to fight for their glory; surely they may
lawfully negotiate for reputation. If the neutral powers should
acknowledge our independence now, France will have the reputation,
very unjustly, of having negotiated it; but if your Court now takes a
decided part in favor of it, your Court will have the glory of it, in
Europe and in America, and this will have a good effect upon American
gratitude." "But," said he, "this would be negotiating for the honor
and interest of France, for no doubt France wishes all the world to
acknowledge your independence." "Give me leave to tell you, Sir," said
I, "you are mistaken. If I have not been mistaken in the policy of
France, from my first observation of it to this hour, they have been
as averse to other powers acknowledging our independence as you have
been." Mr Jay joined me in the same declaration. "I understand it
now," said he; "there is a gentleman going to London this day, I will
go home and write upon the subject by him."
_Tuesday, December 10th._--Visited Mr Oswald, to inquire the news from
England. He had the _Courier de l'Europe_, in which is Mr Secretary
Townshend's letter to the Lord Mayor of London, dated the 3d instant,
in which he announces the signature of the preliminaries, on the 30th
of November, between the Commissioners of his Majesty, and the
Commissioners of the United States of America. He had also the King's
speech, announcing the same thing.
Mr Oswald said, that France would not separate her affairs from Spain;
that he had hoped that America would have assisted them somewhat, in
compromising affairs with France; and Dr Franklin, who was present,
said he did not know anything of the other negotiations. He said that
neither Mr Fitzherbert, nor the Count de Vergennes, nor the Count
d'Aranda, communicated anything to him, that he understood the Dutch
were farthest from an agreement. Upon this, I said, "Mr Oswald, Mr
Fitzherbert cannot, I think, have any difficulty to agree with M.
Brantzen. There are three points, viz. the liberty of navigation;
restitution of possessions; and compensation for damages. The liberty
of navigation, I suppose, is the point that sticks. But why should it
stick? When all nations are agreed in the principle, why should
England stand out? England must agree to it, she has already in effect
agreed to it; as it affects all nations but Holland and America, and,
if she were disposed, she could not prevent them from having the
benefit." Upon this, Dr Franklin said, "the Dutch would be able in any
future war, to carry on their commerce, even of naval stores, in the
bottoms of other neutral powers." "Yes," said Mr Oswald, "and I am of
opinion, that England ought to subscribe the armed neutrality." "Very
well," said I, "then let Mr Fitzherbert agree to this point with M.
Brantzen, and let Mr Harris, at Petersburg, take Mr Dana in his hand,
and go to the Prince Potemkin, or the Count d'Ostermann, and say, the
king, my master, has authorised me to subscribe the principles of the
armed neutrality, and instructed me to introduce to you, Mr Dana,
Minister from the United States of America, to do the same. Let him
subscribe his name under mine."
At this, they all laughed very heartily. Mr Oswald, however,
recollecting himself, and the conversation between him and me,
yesterday, on the same subject, very gravely turned it off, by saying,
"he did not see a necessity to be in a hurry about that, America was
well enough." I said, "as to restitution of the Dutch territories, I
suppose your Court will not make much difficulty about that, if this
Court does not, as it is not probable they will, and as to
compensation for damages, the Dutch will probably be as easy as they
can about that."
Dr Franklin said, he was for beginning early to think about the
articles of the definitive treaty. We had been so happy as to be the
first in the preliminaries, and he wished to be so in the definitive
articles. Thus we parted.
_Thursday, December 12th._--Met at Mr Laurens', and signed the letter
I had drawn up to Mr Dana, which I sent off, enclosed with a copy of
the preliminaries, and consulted about articles to be inserted in the
definitive treaty. Agreed that Mr Jay and I should prepare a joint
letter to Congress. At seven o'clock, I met Mr Jay at his house, and
we drew up a letter.
_Friday, December 13th._--I went first to Mr Jay, and made some
addition to the joint letter, which I carried first to Mr Laurens,
who made some corrections and additions, and then to Passy, to Dr
Franklin, who proposed a few other corrections, and showed me an
article he had drawn up for the definitive treaty, to exempt
fishermen, husbandmen, and merchants, as much as possible, from the
evils of future wars. This is a good lesson to mankind, at least. All
agreed to meet at my house, at eleven o'clock tomorrow, to finish the
joint letter.
FOOTNOTE:
[15] For some account of the part taken by Dr Franklin, in regard to
the Treaty, before the arrival of Mr Jay and Mr Adams in Paris, see
the North American Review, for January, 1830, No. 66, p. 15.
END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.
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