respective Provinces, upon the complaints relative to the proceeding
of the gentlemen, the Deputies of Amsterdam, their High Mightinesses,
not being able to see with indifference, that my Lord the Duke of
Brunswick, in quality of Field Marechal of this State, be publicly
accused in so enormous a manner, it may from this time be declared,
and it is declared by the present, that it is not manifest to their
High Mightinesses that there are any reasons, which could furnish any
ground for such accusations and suspicions of bad faith and of
corruption as have been alleged to the charge of my Lord the Duke, and
that have been circulated abroad in anonymous writings, defamatory
libels, and dishonorable reports; that, on the contrary, their High
Mightinesses regard them as false and injurious calumnies, spread with
design to disgrace and wound the honor and reputation of my Lord the
Duke; whilst that their High Mightinesses hold the said Lord the Duke
entirely innocent and exempt from the blame, with which the libels and
reports alleged endeavor to disgrace him.
"That in consequence, the gentlemen, the States of the respective
Provinces, should be required by writing, and that it should be
submitted to their consideration, if they could not find it good each
in their Provinces, conformably to the placards of the country, to
make the necessary regulations to restrain the authors, printers, and
distributors of such like defamatory libels and malicious and
calumnious writings, by which the said Lord the Duke is so sensibly
attacked and wounded in his honor and reputation."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, July 7th, 1781.
Sir,
Under the head of St Petersburg is the following article.
"On the 8th of June, the Minister of the Court of Versailles had a
conference with the Count Osterman, Vice Chancellor of the empire, and
remitted to him a memorial, containing representations upon the
continued proceedings of the English against the commerce and
navigation of neuters; upon the little activity of these last to
prevent these arbitrary proceedings, and supporting thereby the
principles of their declarations made to the belligerent powers, and
the convention of neutrality which has been agreed upon between them;
upon the prejudice which ought naturally to result from it to the
whole world, and upon the desire which the king his master has that it
should be remedied by the vigorous co-operation of her Imperial
Majesty, seeing that without that the said association of neutrality
would turn only to the advantage of the enemies of France, and that
the King, who to this moment has confined himself exactly to the
principle of the abovementioned declaration and convention of
neutrality, would see himself, although with regret, in the
indispensable necessity of changing in like manner the system which he
had hitherto followed, with respect to the commerce and navigation of
neuters, and of measuring and regulating it upon the conduct which the
English shall allow themselves, and which was so patiently borne by
the neuters. Objects, in regard to which his Majesty has nevertheless
judged it his duty to suspend his final resolution, until he can
concert upon this subject with her Imperial Majesty."
Mr Dana left Amsterdam this day, and is gone to Utrecht and from
thence he will proceed on his journey to Petersburg without delay. Mr
Jennings does not accompany him.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, July 10th, 1781.
Sir,
On Wednesday, the 4th of July, M. de Lynden Blitterswyk, presiding in
the Assembly, hath related and acquainted their High Mightinesses,
that the Duke of Brunswick had been with him that morning and given
him to understand,
"That he had been informed of the resolution, that their High
Mightinesses had taken the 2d of July upon the letter, that he had the
honor of remitting to them, the 21st of June last; that He was
extremely sensible of the marks of confidence and affection, that
their High Mightinesses had been pleased to give him on this occasion,
and that in an affair, to the subject of which he had not directly
carried his complaints to their High Mightinesses; that he was
nevertheless not less persuaded, that the intention of their High
Mightinesses could not be by that to let the affair rest
provisionally, much less that thereby they should have satisfied the
respectful demand and requisition contained in his said letter, by
which he had required an exact and vigorous examination, and demanded
for that purpose of their High Mightinesses such steps as had been
more amply mentioned in the said letter; and that then only he had
required such a justificatory resolution and satisfaction as had been
afterwards demanded by that letter; that he ought to insist upon that
so much the more, as by that provisional resolution, as taken without
previous inquiry, one could by no means think him cleared from the
blame and affront, which had been offered him, for which reason he had
conceived that he could and ought to implore the resolution of all the
High Confederates themselves, as he still continued to implore it with
earnestness;" praying M. de Lynden, as President of the Assembly of
their High Mightinesses, to be pleased to acquaint them therewith.
Which having been deliberated, it hath been resolved and concluded,
"To pray by the present, the gentlemen, the Deputies of the respective
Provinces, to be pleased to acquaint the gentlemen, the States, their
principals, with the above, to the end that in the deliberations upon
the letter of the Duke of Brunswick, such reflections may be made upon
the above as they shall judge proper."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, July 11th, 1781.
Sir,
I have only time by Major Jackson, to inform Congress, that upon
information from the Count de Vergennes, that questions concerning
peace under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts were in
agitation, that required my presence here, I undertook the journey,
and arrived here last Friday night, the 6th of the month, and have
twice waited on the Count de Vergennes at Versailles, who this day
communicated to me the enclosed propositions.
These propositions are made to all the belligerent powers, by the
Courts of Petersburg and Vienna, in consequence of some wild
propositions made to them by the Court of London, "that they would
undertake the office of mediators upon condition, that the league as
they call it, between France and their rebel subjects in America
should be dissolved, and these left to make their terms with Great
Britain, after having returned to their allegiance and obedience."
France and Spain have prepared their answers to these propositions of
the Empress and Emperor, and I am desired to give my answer to the
articles enclosed. It is not in my power at this time to enclose to
Congress my answer, because I have not made it, nor written it, but
Congress must see, that nothing can come of this manoeuvre, at least
for a long time. Thus much I may say to Congress, that I have no
objection to the proposition of treating with the English separately
in the manner proposed, upon a peace, and a Treaty of Commerce with
them, consistent with our engagements with France and Spain; but that
the armistice never can be agreed to by me. The objections against it
are as numerous as they are momentous and decisive. I may say further,
that as there is no judge upon earth, of a Sovereign Power, but the
nation that composes it, I can never agree to the mediation of any
powers, however respectable, until they have acknowledged our
sovereignty, so far at least as to admit a Minister Plenipotentiary
from the United States, as the representative of a free and
independent power. After this, we might discuss questions of peace or
truce with Great Britain, without her acknowledging our sovereignty,
but not before.
I fancy, however, that Congress will be applied to for their
sentiments, and I shall be ever ready and happy to obey their
instructions, because I have a full confidence, that nothing will be
decided by them, but what will be consistent with their character and
dignity. Peace will only be retarded by relaxations and concessions,
whereas firmness, patience, and perseverance will ensure us a good and
lasting one in the end. The English are obliged to keep up the talk of
peace, to lull their enemies, and to sustain their credit. But I hope
the people of America will not be deceived. Nothing will obtain them
real peace but skilful and successful war.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
ARTICLES
_To serve as a Basis to the Negotiation for the
Re-establishment of Peace._
Translation.
ARTICLE I.
The re-establishment of peace in America shall be negotiated between
Great Britain and the American Colonies, but without the intervention
of any of the other belligerent parties, nor even with that of the two
Imperial Courts, unless their mediation should be formally asked and
granted upon this object.
ARTICLE II.
This separate peace cannot, however, be signed, but conjointly, and at
the same time with that of those powers whose interests shall have
been negotiated by the mediating Courts, for this reason, although
each peace may be separately treated, yet they cannot be concluded
without each other. Care shall be taken to inform the mediators with
certainty of the measures and state of that, which regards Great
Britain and the Colonies, to the end, that the mediation may be able
to regulate the measures intrusted to it, by the state of the
negotiation relating to the colonies, and both of the pacifications,
which shall have been concluded at the same time, although separately,
shall be solemnly guarantied by the mediating Courts, and every other
neutral power, whose guarantee the belligerent parties may think
proper to claim.
ARTICLE III.
To render the negotiations for peace independent of the events of war,
always uncertain, which may put a stop to, or at least retard their
progress, there shall be a general armistice between all parties
during the term of a year, reckoning from ---- of the month of ---- of
the present year, or of ---- years, reckoning from ---- of the month
of ---- of the year 1782, should it happen that peace should not be
re-established in the first period, and whilst the duration of either
of these periods continue, everything shall remain in the state in
which they shall be found at signing the present preliminary
articles.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, July 13th, 1781.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency some remarks upon the
articles, to serve as a basis of the negotiation for the
re-establishment of peace, which you did me the honor to communicate
to me.
As I am unacquainted, whether you desired my sentiments upon these
articles merely for your own government, or with a design to
communicate them to the Imperial Courts, I should be glad of your
Excellency's advice concerning them. If your Excellency is of opinion
there is anything exceptionable, or which ought to be altered, I
should be glad to correct it; or if I have not perceived the points,
or questions, upon which you desired my opinion, I shall be ready to
give any further answers.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
ANSWER
_Of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to
the Articles to serve as a Basis to the Negotiation for the
Re-establishment of Peace._
ARTICLE I. The United States of America have no objection, provided
their allies have none, to a treaty with Great Britain, concerning the
re-establishment of peace in America, or to another concerning the
re-establishment of commerce between the two nations, consistent with
their obligations to France and Spain, without the intervention of any
of the other belligerent parties, and even without that of the two
Imperial Courts, at least, unless their mediation should be formally
demanded and granted upon this object, according to the first article
communicated to me.
ART. II. The United States have nothing to say, provided their allies
have not, against the second article.
ART. III. To the armistice, and the _statu quo_, in the third article,
the United States have very great objections, which indeed are so
numerous and decisive, and at the same time so obvious, as to make it
unnecessary to state them in detail.
The idea of a truce is not suggested in these articles; but as it is
mentioned in some observations shown me by his Excellency, the Count
de Vergennes, it may be necessary for me to add, that the United
States are so deeply impressed with an apprehension, that any truce
whatsoever would not fail to be productive of another long and bloody
war at the termination of it, and that a short truce would be in many
ways highly dangerous to them, that it would be with great reluctance
that they should enter into any discussion at all upon such a subject.
Two express conditions would be indispensable preliminaries to their
taking into consideration the subject of a truce at all. The first is,
that their allies agree, that the treaties now subsisting remain in
full force during and after the truce, until the final acknowledgment
of their independence by Great Britain. The second is, the antecedent
removal of the British land and naval armaments from every part of the
United States. Upon these two express conditions as preliminaries, if
a truce should be proposed for so long a period, or for an indefinite
period, requiring so long notice, previous to a renewal of
hostilities, as to evince that it is on the part of Great Britain a
virtual relinquishment of the object of the war, and an expedient
only to avoid the mortification of an express acknowledgment of the
independence and sovereignty of the United States, they, with the
concurrence of their allies, might accede to it.
It is requisite, however, to add; first, that the United States cannot
consider themselves bound by this declaration, unless it should be
agreed to before the opening of another campaign. Secondly, that it is
not in the power of the Crown of Great Britain, by the constitution of
that kingdom, to establish any truce, or even armistice with the
United States, which would not be illusory without the intervention of
an act of Parliament, repealing or suspending all their statutes,
which have any relation to the United States, or any of them. Without
this, every officer of the navy would be bound by the laws, according
to the maxims of their constitution, to seize every American vessel
that he should find, whose papers and distinction should not be found
conformable to those statutes, and every French, Spanish, Dutch, or
other foreign vessel, which he should find going to, or coming from
America; notwithstanding any convention that is in the power of the
Crown to make.
After all, the greatest difficulty does not lie in anything as yet
mentioned. The great question is, in what character are the United
States to be considered? They know themselves to be a free, sovereign,
and independent State, of right and in fact.
They are considered and acknowledged as such by France. They cannot be
represented in a Congress of Ministers from the several powers of
Europe, whether their representative is called Ambassador, Minister,
or Agent, without an acknowledgment of their independence, of which
the very admission of a representative from them is an avowal. Great
Britain cannot agree with their representative upon a truce, or even
an armistice, without admitting their freedom and independence.
As there is upon earth no judge of a sovereign State, but the nation
that composes it, the United States can never consent, that their
independence shall be discussed or called in question by any sovereign
or sovereigns, however respectable, nor can their interests be made a
question in any Congress, in which their character is not
acknowledged, and their Minister admitted. If, therefore, the two
Imperial Courts would acknowledge and lay down as a preliminary, the
sovereignty of the United States, and admit their Minister to a
Congress, after this, a treaty might be commenced between the Minister
of Great Britain and the Minister of the United States, relative to a
truce, or peace and commerce, in the manner proposed, without any
express acknowledgment of their sovereignty by Great Britain, until
the treaty should be concluded.
The sovereigns of Europe have a right to negotiate concerning their
own interests, and to deliberate concerning the question, whether it
is consistent with their dignity and interests, to acknowledge
expressly the sovereignty of the United States, and to make treaties
with them, by their Ministers in a Congress, or otherwise; and America
could make no objection to it; but neither the United States nor
France can ever consent, that the existence of their sovereignty shall
be made a question in such Congress; because, let that Congress
determine as it might, their sovereignty, with submission only to
Divine Providence, never can, and never will be given up.
As the British Court, in first suggesting the idea of a Congress to
the Imperial Courts, insisted upon the annihilation of the league, as
they were pleased to call it, between France and their rebel subjects,
as they were pleased again to phrase it, and upon the return of these
to their allegiance and obedience, as preliminaries to any Congress or
mediation; there is too much reason to fear, that the British Ministry
have no serious intentions or sincere dispositions for peace, and that
they mean nothing but amusement. Because, the support of the
sovereignty of the United States was the primary object of the war, on
the part of France and America; the destruction of it, that of Great
Britain. If, therefore, the treaty between France and America were
annulled, and the Americans returned to the domination and monopoly of
Great Britain, there would be no need of troubling all Europe with a
Congress to make peace. All points between France, Spain, and Great
Britain, might be easily adjusted among themselves. Surely the affairs
of Great Britain are, in no part of the world so triumphant, nor those
of any of their enemies so adverse, as to give this Ministry any
serious hopes, that France and America will renounce the object of the
war. There must, therefore, be some other view.
It is not difficult to penetrate the design of the British Ministry
upon this, any more than upon many former occasions. They think that a
distrust of them, and a jealousy that they would not adhere with good
faith to the propositions of reconciliation, which they have made from
time to time, were, in the minds of the Americans, the true cause why
these propositions were not accepted. They now think, that by
prevailing on the two Imperial Courts, and other Courts, to warranty
to the Americans any similar terms they may propose to them, they
shall remove this obstacle; and by this means, although they know that
no public authority in America will agree to such terms, they think
they shall be able to represent things in such a light, as to induce
many desertions from the American army, and many apostates from the
American independence and alliance. In this way, they pursue their
long practised arts of seduction, deception, and division. In these
again, as in so many former attempts, they would find themselves
disappointed, and would make very few deserters or apostates. But it
is to be hoped, that the powers of Europe will not give to these
superficial artifices, with which that Ministry have so long destroyed
the repose of the United States, and of the British dominions at home
and abroad, and disturbed the tranquillity of Europe, so much
attention as to enable them to continue much longer such evils to
mankind.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, July 15th, 1781.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose a copy of a letter to the Count de
Vergennes, and of certain articles and their answers. The British
Court proposed to the Imperial Courts, a Congress, upon two
preliminary conditions, the rupture of the treaty with France, and the
return of America to their obedience. The two Imperial Courts have
since proposed the enclosed articles. Spain and France have prepared
their answers. England has not answered yet, and no Ministers are yet
commissioned or appointed by any power. If she accepts the terms, I
should not scruple to accept them too, excepting the armistice and the
_statu quo_. I mean I should not insist upon a previous explicit
acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States, before I went
to Vienna. I see nothing inconsistent with the character or dignity of
the United States, in their Minister going to Vienna, at the same time
when Ministers from the other powers are there, and entering into
treaty with a British Minister without any explicit acknowledgment of
our independence, before the conclusion of the treaty. The very
existence of such a Congress would be of use to our reputation.
But I cannot yet believe that Britain will wave her preliminaries. She
will still insist upon the dissolution of the treaty, and upon the
return of the Americans under her government. This, however, will do
no honor to her moderation or pacific sentiments, in the opinion of
the powers of Europe.
Something may grow out of these negotiations in time, but it will
probably be several years before anything can be done. Americans can
only quicken these negotiations by decisive strokes. No depredations
upon their trade, no conquests of their possessions in the East or
West Indies will have any effect upon the English to induce them to
make peace, while they see they have an army in the United States, and
can flatter themselves with the hope of conquering or regaining
America; because they think that with America under their government,
they can easily regain whatever they may lose now in any part of the
world. Whereas, the total expulsion of their forces in the United
States would extinguish their hopes, and persuade them to peace,
sooner than the loss of everything less. The belligerent powers and
the neutral powers may flatter themselves with the hopes of a
restoration of peace, but they will all be disappointed while the
English have a soldier in America. It is amazing to me that France and
Spain do not see it, and direct their forces accordingly.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, July 16th, 1781.
Sir,
Since my letter of the 13th, upon further reflection, I have thought
it necessary to explain myself a little more, particularly in some
points, to your Excellency. If I comprehend the facts, the British
Court first proposed to the Imperial Courts a Congress and a
mediation, upon two conditions. 1st. The dissolution of the treaties
between France and the United States. 2d. The return of the Americans
under the British government.
In consequence of this proposal from the Court of St James, the two
Imperial Courts have made the proposition of the articles, which were
shown to me, to the Courts of France, Spain, and England, neither of
which has yet given its answer. Their Imperial Majesties have omitted
the two conditions, which the British Court insisted on as
preliminaries, and mean to admit a representative of the United States
to the Congress, to negotiate separately with the British Minister,
without ascertaining the title or character of the American
representative, until the two pacifications shall be accomplished.